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                    <text>1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo

Mentor Feedback for the Professionalism of the Teacher Candidate
Dr. Ilknur PEKKANLI
Uludag University
Faculty of Eucation
ELT Department
ilknurp@uludag.edu.tr
Abstract: In Turkey, foreign language teacher candidates, registered at a faculty of
education, have compulsory teaching experience courses which are conducted under
the guidance and supervision of mentors- namely the practicing school teachers and
faculty field supervisors. These experiences are important collaborative processes
between the teacher candidates and their mentors because the constructive feedback
received from the mentors are vital for the teacher candidates‘ professional growth
and success. However, at times the teacher mentor may not be skillful in giving
feedback pertaining to various reasons such as refraining to give knowledge to the
candidate due to avoiding conflict or perhaps even lack of pedagogical knowledge.
Within the framework of such concerns, the aim of the present study is to become
familiar with the types of feedback that the teacher candidates receive from the
teacher mentors during or after the candidates teaching experience performances. In
order to investigate this situation, data collection for the study is comprised of a
questionnaire administered to 70 final year students at a faculty of education English
language teaching department. The questionnaire consisting of 20 items was
originally designed and published by the author.
The results of the study display that the feedbacks are mainly based on the following
dimensions; the ensuring of learner participation and interaction, the development of
communicative competence in learners, the improvising of teaching methodology,
and current trends in language teaching.
Key Words: feedback, mentoring, teacher candidate.

Background to the study
In Turkey, English Language Teaching undergraduate programs conducted at a Faculty of Education
are composed of both theoretical language teaching courses and also practicum courses such as the ―School
Experience II‖ and ―Teaching Practice.‖ These two compulsory courses are conducted in the fourth/final year of
the program and are important prerequisites for graduation. Both courses are conducted theoretically at the
university and the practicum is carried out in the participating school which is in partnership with the university.
The practicum, under the supervision and assistance of mentors, provide field experiences offering teacher
candidates the chance to practice their teaching and to reflect on their experiences with their mentors.
At these schools which are in partnership with a state university, the classroom teachers who are
assigned for the mentoring of the teacher candidates are monetarily compensated. This application has been
adopted because the role of the mentor is crucial in the assistance of the inexperienced teacher candidate and it is
assumed that the duty of mentoring can be made more attractive by awarding the mentor teachers financially. In
addition, another major reason for the provision of the compensation is due to the fact that in a majority of state
schools, the classrooms are already overcrowded and the teachers working hours are overloaded. Therefore,
under these competing pressures it is difficult to find mentor teachers who are not only willing to share their own
classrooms but also to able to deal with each of the teacher candidates individually. ―Many experienced and
highly skilled practitioners also do not volunteer or reject offers to act as mentors as they perceive that it is time
consuming, takes them away from their prime job of teaching, offers few benefits or incentives to participate and
may become an enduring commitment from which they cannot escape (Long, 1997).‖
In a situation as stated above, where there are authoritative policies offering incentives and support for
mentor teachers in order that they can prepare teacher candidates more effectively for the profession, it is the
duty of educational researchers to investigate more than surface knowledge on this major component constituting
teacher programs. Although explorations in educative mentoring are ―grounded in Dewey‘s (1938) model of
educative experience and influenced by theories of socially constructed cognition (Tharp &amp; Gallimore, 1988;
Vygotsky, 1978), the learning of the mentors and mentees occurs through meaningful social communication,
interactions and practice in reaching co-constructed goals (He, 2009; 269).‖ To date, within this educational
experience in order ‗to provide the best opportunities for pre-service and in-service teachers to become reflective
practitioners, we as TESOL professionals must first gain a better understanding of how the teacher-supervisor
relationship can enhance, or hinder, professional development (Chamberlin, 2000; 654).‘

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�1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
In the article titled ―The state of mentoring research: A qualitative review of current research methods
and future research implications,‖ the researchers‘ Allen et. al. (2008) state the importance of focusing on
methodology within the mentoring literature is critical because methodological choices influence both the
breadth and depth of what we know about these important organizational relationships. Therefore, within this
perspective the present study was undertaken in an attempt to increase awareness on the importance of
mentoring in the development of the professionalism of the teacher candidate by providing a grounded picture of
the personal and professional support constituted by the mentor‘s verbal feedback.
Allen et. al. (2008) also stress that as within any area of research, the failure to use content and
construct valid measures leads to serious threats of validity and interpretive problems. Along these lines, it must
be noted that the present study is the second stage of a former research which was built on the author‘s first
investigation of designing a reliable and valid questionnaire on mentor feedback. This questionnaire can be
found in the article titled ―Designing a questionnaire attempting to discover mentors‘ feedback in the
professionalism of the foreign language teacher candidate (Pekkanli, 2011).‖ The present study is the second
stage in which the questionnaire is implemented and the findings are evaluated. This stage also aims to stress the
point that teacher candidates, provided that the feedback is both objective and constructive, must be able to not
only monitor the feedback but also be able to evaluate the value and objectives of the feedback in order to
enhance and refine their teaching skills.

Mentoring and Feedback
According to Feiman-Nemser (1993) since the early 1980‘s mentoring had burst into the educational
scene as part of a broad movement aiming to improve education and as a result, policy makers and educational
leaders pinned high hopes on mentoring as a vehicle for reforming teaching and teacher education. Therefore,
for years the issue of mentoring in pre-service and in-service teacher training has been investigated in detail.
Research based on mentor teacher investigations in teacher training contexts range from mentor preparation to
roles and functions (for eg. Penny et. al., 1996; Arnold, 2006; Allen et. al., 2008; Hobson et. al., 2009).

Within the range of investigations, it is possible to observe that various studies have reached consensus
on the point that being a teacher does not mean that one can also be a teacher mentor. For example, according to
Brooks and Sikes (1997) ―not everyone can, or should be, a mentor. Simply being a good teacher is not enough,
for mentoring is not a straightforward extension of being a school-teacher. Different perspectives, abilities,
aptitudes, attitudes and skills are necessary (p. 66).‖ Mentoring requires preparation to fulfill the tasks of
supporting the teacher candidate in ―classroom management, basic lesson design and delivery, evaluating student
progress (Little &amp; Nelson, 1990; 2).‖
According to Little &amp; Nelson (1990) mentors must be able to not only "describe and demonstrate
underlying principles of teaching and learning but also need to learn how to "talk clearly and straightforwardly
about teaching without offending the teacher (p. 4).‖ Mentors feedback comprised of a flux of shortcomings and
negative criticisms relating to the observed lesson can demoralize the teacher candidate and have a negative
impact on his teaching behavior. Whereas, between the mentor and the teacher candidate ―the opportunity to
exchange insights is embraced as a chance to develop skill and experience with feedback, participants can gain
heightened awareness of the power of their positive and negative comments, finding optimal ways to offer
guidance that inspires rather than disheartens (Stillwell, 2009; 354).‖

Methodology
Participants and Procedure
In the academic year of 2009-2010, there were approximately more than 220 fourth/final year students
enrolled at Uludag University, Faculty of Education, ELT Department. In order to assist internal validity of the
study, a total of 70 students/teacher candidates achieving to pass the ―school experience II‖ and ―teaching
practice‖ courses with high scores (BA and AA) participated in the present study.
Teacher candidates were administered a structured questionnaire eliciting data on constructive feedback
(see Pekkanli, 2011). The teacher candidates answered the questionnaire according to the feedback they gained
from their mentors at the secondary schools where their practicum courses were conducted.
The questionnaire consists of three dimensions covering 20 items which are designed on a five-point
Likert scale. The five points range from the end points being labeled as ‗1= strongly disagree‘ and ‗5=strongly

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�1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
agree‘. The three dimensions; I-mentor effectiveness, II- mentor openness, and III- mentor support, are
individually examined so as to shed light on which dimensions displayed marginal differences in the total
percentages. In order to determine the types of feedbacks gained, percentages of the options marked were
calculated (see Table 1, Table 2, and Table 3). However, since the questionnaire aims to determine constructive
feedback, in the comparison of the three dimensions (see Table 4) the negatively stated items 7, 13, 19 and 20
were reversely scored.

Data Analysis and Results
Dimension I of the questionnaire has the following eight items (see Table 1) concerning statements
based on feedback that are associated with the mentor‘s effectiveness in terms of meaningful social interaction,
enhancement of teacher candidate‘s self-assessment, and supporting the teacher candidate‘s professional
development.
Table 1. Dimension I – Mentor Effectiveness

Item Number

2- My mentor acknowledges and works through
conflicts openly with me.
6- My mentor checks for my comprehension of the
verbal messages.
8- My mentor evaluates the effectiveness of the
task and processes that I perform.
9- My mentor assists me in developing my personal
skills in planning.
10- When giving me feedback my teacher first
praises me.
12- Before giving feedback my mentor asks me to
self-assess first.
15- My mentor limits what s/he is covering when
giving feedback.
16- My mentor concentrates on what I can change
for the better in the teaching practice.

Strongly
Disagree
N=70
%
0.0

Mildly
Disagree
N=70
%
18.6

Neutral
N=70
%
40.0

Mildly
Agree
N=70
%
31.4

Strongly
Agree
N=70
%
10.0

0.0

37.1

48.6

14.3

0.0

0.0

8.6

37.1

54.2

0.0

0.0

31.4

31.4

37.1

0.0

0.0

18.6

37.1

37.1

7.1

0.0

31.4

42.9

12.8

12.8

0.0

42.9

37.1

12.8

7.1

0.0

20.0

37.1

42.9

0.0

As can be seen in Table 1, the highest percentages gained for mildly agree was 54.2 for item number
eight. This finding shows that slightly more than half of the teacher candidates perceive their mentor to be able
to effectively evaluate their performances. The highest percentage gained for ‗mildly disagree‘ was 42.9 for item
number fifteen. This item also gained 37.1 for ‗neutral,‘ these percentages display the point that the mentors lack
the skill of limiting what they are covering when giving feedback. Another notable finding is that before the
feedback, a third of the teacher candidates are not asked to self -assess first.
The second dimension of the questionnaire (see Table 2) named as ‗mentor openness‘ aims to identify
whether the mentor provides feedback relating to teacher candidates‘ experiences on classroom management,
and the familiarization of classroom tools and material.
Table 2. Dimension II - Mentor Openness

Item Number

1- My mentor respects and is tolerant of the
individual differences of the teacher trainees.
3- My teacher works for consensus on decisions
with me.
5- My mentor trusts, supports and has genuine

Strongly
Disagree
N=70
%
0.0

Mildly
Disagree
N=70
%
7.1

Neutral
N=70
%
48.6

Mildly
Agree
N=70
%
31.4

Strongly
Agree
N=70
%
12.8

0.0

48.6

25.7

25.7

0.0

0.0

31.4

48.6

20.0

0.0

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�1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
concern for my development.
11- My mentor encourages my usage of various
classroom tools and materials.
14- When there is conflict between the students and
myself, my mentor handles the situation.
17- My mentor develops my awareness of the tools
and material which can be used in the activities.
18- When giving feedback my mentor comments
on specific behaviors and achievements.
19- When giving feedback my mentor gives me
general comments.

12.8

12.8

42.9

31.4

0.0

0.0

31.4

42.9

12.8

12.8

0.0

31.4

54.2

14.3

0.0

0.0

25.7

65.7

8.6

0.0

0.0

18.6

31.4

37.1

12.8

Table 2 displays the results of the teacher candidates‘ tendencies towards the aspect of being ‗neutral‘ for six of
the eight statements. This distinctive finding sheds light on the point that the teacher candidates were not able to
identify their mentor‘s strengths of providing feedback for the two separate constructs of classroom management
and strategies of implementing instructional tools.
Dimension III, under the heading of ‗mentor support‘ has only four statements dwelling on the issue of
the mentor‘s understanding and support of the teacher candidate‘s emotional satisfaction with the experience and
the mentor‘s ability of positively questioning of the experience.
Table 3. Dimension III – Mentor Support

Item Number

4- My mentor shares openly my personal feelings
and opinions about the teaching situation.
7- The tone of voice of my mentor makes me feel
inferior.
13- When giving me feedback my mentor criticizes
my teaching.
20- While I am getting feedback from my mentor, I
feel accused of my teaching practice.

Strongly Mildly Neutral
Disagree Disagree
N=70
N=70
N=70
%
%
%
0.0
48.6
25.7

Mildly
Agree
N=70
%
25.7

Strongly
Agree
N=70
%
0.0

7.1

37.1

24.3

31.4

0.0

7.1

24.3

24.3

44.3

0.0

7.1

14.3

35.7

35.7

7.1

Table 3 highlights the general view of the teacher candidates‘ total scores in this dimension to be the highest for
item thirteen. The teacher candidates, when getting feedback are criticized for their teaching. The mentor‘s act of
criticizing, whether positive or negative, can be interpreted as the mentor‘s behavior to be authoritative rather
than collaborative.

Table 4. Comparisons of Dimension I, II, and III

Dimension
I
Mentor Effectiveness
II
Mentor Openness
III
Mentor Support

Disagree (-)
%
26.07

Neutral (0)
%
38.92

Agree (+)
%
35.00

31.42

45.00

23.57

36.42

27.50

36.07

The feedback questionnaire responses highlighting the degrees of mentor feedback in terms of mentor
effectiveness, mentor openness, and mentor support are presented in Table 4. For this comparison the options
‗strongly disagree‘ and ‗mildly disagree‘ were grouped as ‗disagree‘. Likewise, ‗mildly agree‘ and ‗strongly
agree‘ were grouped as ‗agree‘. As can be observed from Table 4, teacher candidates are mostly ‗neutral‘ for

1324

�1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
mentor effectiveness and mentor openness. However, mentor support is a dimension which displays opposing
views between more a third of the teacher candidates ‗disagreeing‘ and ‗agreeing‘.

Discussion and Conclusion
Though mentoring is viewed as essential in the teacher candidates‘ professional development, the
mentors addressed in the present study were not formally trained for the process of mentoring. These mentors
were either assigned by the school principal or the principal had called for them amongst the volunteering staff.
Therefore, for these mentors there is no such aspect of the ―guarantee that the mentoring role is clearly
delineated with the necessary tasks and skills mapped against a formalized program of mentee development
(Gagen &amp; Bowie, 2005, as cited in Long, 2009). Consideration of such a background and the findings of the
present study, it can be stressed that the mentor teachers assigned in supervising the teacher candidates during
the practicum or pre-service period require mentor training notably in the area of assistance skills for providing
constructive feedback to the teacher candidates.
The concept ―assistance skills‖ formerly mentioned in the recommendation above refers to the concept
defined by Stroble and Cooper (1982). These researchers had proposed for training programs for supervising
teachers and mentor teachers where they will be taught and trained on assistance skills, ―that is, clinical
supervision skills of observation, analysis of teaching, interpersonal communication, and support (p.236).‖ With
these skills the mentors who are able to ―concentrate on helping others to reflect and come to conclusions for
themselves will likely have more fulfilling post-conference discussions, as they can more candidly explore the
successes and failures of the various techniques employed (Stillwell, 2008; 359).‖

Teaching is a challenge and in the preparation of the teacher candidate for this challenge, the mentor
feedback generating negative memories and developing a feeling of inferiority within the teacher candidate can
only hinder the teacher candidate‘s motivation and passion for this challenge. To sum up, being a teacher is not a
sufficient criteria or standard for taking on the role of mentoring because not all teachers are equipped of being
able to effectively communicate and provide constructive feedback to the teacher candidate. Therefore, before
the commencement of the ‗school experience II‘ and ‗teaching practice‘ courses, it is essential for Uludag
University to provide a mentoring program or even establishing a short training course for the school teachers
who are assigned or volunteering to act as mentoring teachers.

References

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�1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
Allen, T. D., Eby, L. T., O‘Brien, K. E., &amp; Lentz, E. (2008). The state of mentoring research: A qualitative
review of current research methods and future research implications. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 73,
pp. 343-357.
Arnold, E. (2006). Assessing the Quality of Mentoring: Sinking or Learning to Swim? ELT Journal. Vol. 60/2
pp. April, pp.117-124.
Brooks, V. and P. Sikes (eds.) (1997). The Good Mentor Guide: Initial Teacher Education in Secondary Schools.
Buckingham: Open Uni. Press.
Chamberlin, C. R. (2000). TESL Degree Candidates‘ Perceptions of Trust in Supervisors. TESOL Quarterly, 34,
pp. 653-673.
Feiman-Nemser, S., Parker, M. B., &amp; Zeichner, K. (1993). Are mentor teachers teacher educators? In D.
McIntyre, H. Hagger, &amp; M. Wilkin (Eds), Mentoring: Perspectives on school-based teacher education (pp.
147-165). London: Kogan Page
He, Y. (2009). Strength-based mentoring in pre-service teacher education: a literature review. Mentoring &amp;
Tutoring: Partnership in Learning. Vol. 17, No. 3, Aug. 2009, pp. 263-275.
Hobson, A. J., Ashby, P., Malderez, A. and Tomlinson, P.D. (2009). Mentoring beginning teachers: what we
know and what we don't. Teaching and Teacher Education: An International Journal of Research and
Studies, 25(1), pp. 207-216
Leung, K., S. Su &amp; M. W. Morris. (2001). When Is Criticism Not Constructive? The roles of fairness
perceptions and dispositional attributions in employee acceptance of critical supervisory feedback. Human
Relations, Vol. 54 (9) ps. 1155-1187. Sage Pub. New Delhi.
Little, J. W., &amp; Nelson, L. (Eds.). (1990). A leader's guide to mentor training. San Francisco: Far West
Laboratory for Educational Research and Development.
Long, J. (2007). The dark side of mentoring. Australian Educational Researcher, 24 (2), pp.115-133.
Long, J. (2009). Assisting beginning teachers and school communities to grow through extended and
collaborative mentoring experiences. Mentoring &amp; Tutoring: Partnership in Learning. Vol. 17, No. 4, Nov.
2009, pp. 317-327.
Pekkanli, I. (2011). ―Designing a questionnaire attempting to discover mentors‘ feedback in the professionalism
of the foreign language teacher candidate,‖ Journal of Language Teaching and Research. (Due for
publication in Issue 3, May 2011).
Penny, A. J. , Harley, K. L. and Jessop, T. S. (1996). Towards a language of possibility: critical reflection and
mentorship in initial teacher education. Teachers and Teaching: theory and practice 2, pp. 57-69.
Stillwell, C. (2002). The Collaborative Development of Teacher Training Skills. ELT Journal. Vol. 63/4
October, pp. 353-362.
Stroble E. and M. Cooper. (1988). Mentor Teachers: Coaches or Referees? Theory into Practice . Vol. XXVII,
No. 3, pp. 231-236.
Zeichner, K., Liston, D., Mahlios, M., &amp; Gomez, M. (1987). The structure and goals of a student teaching
program and the character and quality of supervisory discourse. Teaching and Teacher Education, 4,
pp.349-362.

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                    <text>1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo

Do we need a specific grammar for non-canonical expressions? A
description and analysis of definitions of some NC constituents
José M. Oro Cabanas
Departmento de inglés y alemán.
Universidade de Santiago de Compostela
e-mail: josemanuel.oro@usc.es
Abstract: Needless to say that from a linguistic point of view a clear and cut distinction
between canonical and non-canonical expressions is to be made for language explanations
but especially for translation analyses, due to the fact that a good number of realizations
belonging to the Gray Areas (GA) of language may arise from recurrent combinations of
specific types of combined lexical items. The resultant lack of interaction between L1
propositions and L2 representations, identical or not, is often explainable and clarified by
the Error Analysis (EA) method. Data collected and analysed here for this presentation
have been chosen at hazard from different sources.
Key words: error analysis, canonical expressions, non-canonical expressions,
collocations, idiomatic expressions, identity, equivalence, adequacy, diversity, linguistic,
socio-cultural, world referents, linking, cohesion.

Introduction
As the title of this theoretical and analytical proposal indicates, it is our intention to clarify some
controversial aspects of linguistic behaviour within the field of the gray areas of language, to give light both to
understand theoretical proposals and to contribute and correct practical deviations in his type of language
realisations.
This study is based upon a corpus of present day English. We have analysed the general and more
specific behaviour of idiomatic expressions, considering either their semantic or formal different linguistic
nature.
All data have been taken at random, from the Sunday Times and Internet sources. Some oral
productions which I have heard at some time or other while in England, have been included but they are not
representative, since not all data included in the corpus have not been recorded.
It is our intention to provide linguistic explanations of Non-canonical Phrases and illustrations of their
formal, functional and semantic behaviour.

State of the art
For the purpose of this study we need to clarify what do we understand by canonical and non-canonical
expressions.
In English, for example, lame is a simple word or a simple lexical unit of adjectival nature which begins
with a different sound than fame or with a different second sound than lane but which rhymes with them and it
means someone having a deformed leg and duck contains the same final consonantal sound as pack and as park,
but they differ on their vowel phonemes and their initial consonantal segments, and means a type of swimming bird
lamed in one leg, but when we say that Bill Clinton behaved as a LAME DUCK in his affair with M. L., it seems a bit
difficult for natives and especially for non-native to predict the meaning of the whole out of the meaning of the parts,
as what it means is [ineffectual person, one who has no power to bring about change]. This kind of knowledge of the
vocabulary belongs to the study of the mental lexicon, an area which has, over the years gradually emerged from
obscurity to occupy a central stage in the study of language.
The expressions of all levels which show some kind of formal or semantic atypical deviation might be
considered non-canonical. This items can be organized in groups forming new lexical items by extension and
movement far from canonicity at least from a semantic point of view.
In English grammars, these expressions are often referred to, among other labels, as: idiomatic expressions
and figures of speech. They are usually the very last result of linguistic involution with cognition and they represent
the most advanced linguistic representations elaborated by mental processes, resulting in realisations of the type a),
and resulting from processes such as those in b)
2
a) Idioms, collocations, figures of speech (metaphors, etc.) Some are far from formal canonical representations and
others, though formally canonical, are far from the basic meaning of the words composing the resulting lexical unit.

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b) and also the misuse of the language, expansion, movement &amp; enlargement of basic meanings, the tendency to
economise, etc.
They include a great variety of linguistic realisations, showing both typical and atypical behavior as far as word order
and meaning are concerned, such as: idioms, proverbs, sayings, collocations, inner terms, etc. Some scholars
distinguish between canonical expressions or free combinations, and non-canonical expressions (including in the latter
are collocations or in Chomsky's terminology loose associations between words and also those items characterised by
showing some sort of either formal or/and semantic idiomacity). Besides, terminology varies according to the different
linguistic levels under which language was/ is and will be analysed.
Thus, canonical expressions refer to regularity of behaviour and non-canonical expressions to irregularity and
in most situations to idiomacity. Besides there is a formal view and a semantic view of language which is to intervene
in their analysis.
It is a general idea that description of language and linguistics is a technical activity consisting in a system for
choosing, realising and signalling meanings as result of linguistic behavior, through formal realisations, following
either canonical patterns or belonging to the gray areas of language.
Due to several aspects that will be analysed all along this paper, a rule-based description of the facts is very
difficult as cause-time effects change the language. The evolution and reactions of the individuals conforming the
society itself have a lot to do with it as well.
As is well-known, the English language, as well as many other languages, varies in space (USA, Australian,
African and other Englishes of the world). Besides, variation in situation has to be taken into account as different rolls
change linguistic realisations in the home, office, police station, park, etc. given rise to hurried, unhurried and formal
spoken realizations and also to written counterparts in certain situations.
Lexical variation [Morphological, Syntactical and Semantic variation], according to style or even location
seems to be normal though sometimes unnatural. In this sense you can buy a condom, French letter - prophylactic rubber - sheath - condom - Durex in Britain and other English spoken places but you might buy a frenchie1 using
colloquial Australian English, a hypochoristic form from French which makes the word condom be considered of the
nature of a pet name. This way of showing pejorative connotations denote an irregular behaviour, very often capricious
of the community to express situations through language data and this type of actuation is what is provided by concrete
manifestations of language as far as arbitrariness and unsystematic procedures are concerned. Besides, all this deserves
a specific treatment that would make a theory of lexicon meeting levels of adequacy more and more complex.
Thus, we will be immersed within the concept of appropriateness rather than correctness considering that
languages vary in time, space and situation, analysing inherent properties in English and specific difficulties which
arise during the process of translation to other languages.
Research shows, on the one hand, that language expressions which follow canonical patterns, morphologic general
patterns to form the items which composed them, cover a wide variety of meanings within the same pattern through
common syntactic processes such us substitution, addition, deletion, elision, combination andtransformation. NonCanonical expressions, on the other hand, do usually show a much more restricted behaviour from a lexical point of
view. In the tradition, NCs are conditioned by their idiomatic nature and they are treated as irregular items. In some
cases they cannot be altered; in other cases their meaning cannot be deduced adding together the meaning of the items
that compose that piece of language. Non-canonicity moves from word-level to phrase and clause level; some of the
latter labels have to be treated as proper lexical items, at least from a semantic point of view. They often show formal
irregularities of specific performances which block the general behaviour of similar canonical patterns. A great many of
them do not usually affect the use of normal language (written and spoken); they are most often used for literary
purposes and they are often included under the general term: figures of speech.
1 Frenchie (plural Frenchies)
1.Alternative spelling of Frenchy.
2. (Dated) (Australian) a condom, abbreviated form of French letter. Retrieved from
"http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/Frenchie"
3
And the question is, are these expressions so abundant and complex in the English language to deserve a specific
treatment at least for advanced native and non-native students of English?
Do we really need specific grammar books, essays or a thorough research on opaque idiomatic expressions? Should
grammars be categorised as canonical and non-canonical, assigning the former for elementary levels and the latter
for advanced students? In the last decade some scholars have intended to grammaticalise differently the spoken
medium from the written medium; others have suggested the need of specific grammars for different standard
representations. In general, we can say that non-canonical expressions are structure dependent on fixed canonical
patterns from a formal point of view and that the same canonical structure can be subject to various formal
modifications and to semantic expansion. Canonical expressions, however, are used as units of form and meaning
showing certain limitations at some or all lexical levels,

Method of the Study
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The central core of research for this descriptive study is the morphological, syntactic and semantic blocking of
general principles applied to canonical expressions in English, or as it might be called in traditional references
focusing on grammar behaviour, especially in relation to 'the breaking off the rules‘ concerning a good number of
realisations and the specific behavior of non-canonical lexical items. The fact that languages can be considered of
unlimited linguistic production leads us to distinguish noncanonical expressions from regular expressions. A regular
expression is a pattern that describes a set of strings. In concrete manifestations of language regular expressions are
constructed in a similar way to arithmetic expressions, by using various operators to combine smaller expressions.
For example, a sentence is said to be canonical if it follows the normal patterns that a language follows; thus, it
might consist of a predicate (the essential constituent), and the sometimes optional ones, the subject and
complement. At the level of phrase that constituent which contains or is not restricted to include the normal
constituents the various types of phrases do accept. At the level of word, those realisations following the
conventional rules of formation.
Lexical items at any of the levels above, which do not follow formal or semantic conventional parameters, are
considered to belong to the gray areas of language and to be non-canonical from either a formal or a semantic point
of view. Though they can be considered to be of irregular nature, they do not belong to the field of irregularities
already incorporated into the language. From the point of view of teaching, this field in general, has not been
exhaustively analysed since it has been maintained as something that has to be learnt by heart. This is probably true,
due to the fact that attention has been paid to form, and to internal meaning deciphering, but not to internal
grammatical understanding. It is our purpose to provide new ways of focusing the treatment of these structures in
combination. To prepare this study the following steps have been followed:
-to-date data in Mass Media (written and oral data) and other sources, such as recording
spontaneous oral data, lectures, and TV material.
linguistic levels
and some of the main ways of focusing them.
order to have information about
the number of occurrences.
g them into general or specific principles

State of the art
Until now, formal canonical expressions, with the exception of a great number of atypical semantic deviations,
would depend on grammar centrality as interpreted during the classical and Chomsky‘s earlier period. Ross (1967),
for example, proposed several syntactic constraints on the operation of grammatical rules. Constraints 4 on canonical
expressions have been stated either in purely syntactic terms, which reflect organising principles apparently unique
to grammar that are assumed to be universal or applying in semantic concepts, especially those concerned with
meaning interpretation. Within the GAs of language, constituents that form lexical modules proper in their own
right, at least from a semantic scope, do often range from a transparent or semi-transparent interpretability to the
totally opaque one. Especially the latter, are formed by units which very often present problems for internal
interpretation, due to the fact that they are normally fixed expressions, which are not frequently used, that refer to
very specific and concrete actuation of a community or of individuals in a community. Canonical expressions are
regular expressions. A regular expression is a pattern that describes a set of strings. Regular expressions are
constructed analogously to arithmetic expressions, by using various operators to combine smaller expressions. These
expressions –from a lower to a higher rank- follow general formation, realisation and functional patterns, either
alone or in combination. In general, they do not present problems neither for the native users at any linguistic level
nor for foreigners understanding of most constructions during the learning process. They normally range from basic
and transparent communicative messages to semi-transparent interpretable realisations. They constitute essential
basic communicative constructions for all or most communities, as shown in
table 1
SUBJECT Verb Indirect Object Direct Object
ENGLISH I BROUGHT YOU [FOR YOU ------THIS MATERIAL
SPANISH

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ESTE MATERIAL
(YO) TRAJE [OS ]PARA VOSOTROS--GALICIAN (EU)
TROUXENVOS
ESTE MATERIAL
RUMANIAN TI-AM
ADUS
TI-¿
ACEST MATERIAL
Table 1: Sentence pattern IV

The corpus of data
Put at its simplest, the data, object of this study, were the result of an exhaustive and contrastive reading as well as of
the analysis of different textual sources. Examples for this study were culled from daily press mass media and oral
sources chosen at hazard, at an initial stage,
ing should distinguish specific
principles from general ones or rules,
rences, which could reject this
hypothesis.
The corpora in GA are being annotated at various levels and in two mediums to enhance their value in linguistic
research. At the written level, reportage‘s from Internet: The Sunday Times and other Internet sources, prose and
poetry literary texts and students' essays have been analysed. Annotations include the following types of noncanonical pieces of language inserted in canonical texts and they are tagged for word class: o Idioms (I):
(Transparent (T); Opaque (O), Extended from or in relation to a Canonical referent
(ECR)
o Clishés (CL)
o Non-canonical expressions proper or inner terms (NC)
o Collocations (CO)
At the spoken level, casual conversations, Academic lectures and some TV programmes have been and will be taken
into account for this purpose, of which only a few samples have been recorded for this purpose; Some instances have
been recorded but the majority of them were transcripted directly.
The tagset is largely based on the way Quirk et al (1985) A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language has
presented canonical realisations, and previous works on statistical data, as well as those of Cofer
(1975), Oro (1987, 1988,1989) and Biber et all (1999) The Longman Grammar of English.5
The main intention is to propose a suitable method to study the gray areas of language and through this contribute to
interpret some of the inherent features of this type of expressions. The unscripted data to be analysed thoroughly in
order to select scripted data were selected at random in order to avoid subjectivity and conditioning. Put at its
simplest it is our purpose to propose a clear idea in the sense Pierce2 1878: 286 has put it, of the behavior of some of
these units of language which might behave as lexical items proper from a semantic point of view, from a formal
point of view or both.
Table nº 1 labels the sources used for the selection of one of the types of items of our corpus of data and shows the
number of occurrences of one of the four types of lexical items, idioms, compiled and studied for this purpose.
Those showing an opaque semantic nature have been distinguished from those with a semi-transparent nature (see
tables 3, 4 &amp; 5). The connection between the frequency of the different types of non-canonical expressions presented
in spoken and/or in the written medium reflects their difference in use as well as their complexity and their
importance for instructional or informative purposes.
IDIOMS
Spoken
Texts
(70)
Dialogues (20) Private (10) face-to-face conversations 6
Public (10) classroom lessons
broadcast discussions
10
4
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Monologues (50)
Unscripted (20) spontaneous commentaries
demonstrations
15
5
Scripted (30) Broadcast film
broadcast talks
non-broadcast speeches
7
11
12
Written
Texts
(430)
Non-printed (45) Non-professional
writing (45)
student essays
student examination scripts
internet mail
15
10
20
Printed (100)
Non-Academic writing
Reportages
The Sunday Times &amp; internet
sources
(239)
CRYING OF
A LOT
PRAIRIE SKETCHES
Idioms at clause level
(73)
(RP) Daily press
( RI) Internet
(INS) Daily press
(INS) Internet
26
47
0
0
Idioms at word level
(6)
(RP) Daily press
(RI) Internet
(INS) Daily press
(INS) Internet
3
3
0
0
Idioms at phrase level
(24)
(RP) Daily press
(RI) Internet
(INS) Daily press
(INS) Internet
24
0
0
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0
Verbs and particles
(86)
(RP) Daily press
(RI) Internet
(INS) Daily press
(INS) Internet
66
14
0
16
Creative writing
--20Idioms at clause level
Idioms at word level
Idioms at phrase level
10
0
10
Table 2: sample of the corpuses studied for unit one
2 A clear idea is defined as one which is so apprehended that it will be recognized wherever it is met with, and so
that no other will be mistaken for it. If it fails of this clearness, it is said to be obscure.
6

Sampling selected at hazard
The corpus contains samples of speech (SD) and writing (S.T. /CDI) by both males and females, and it includes a
wide range of age groups. The following behave, belonging to our spoken corpus of data, very much in the same
way, at least from a semantic point of view. Some of them, for example number 7 below, no doubt, do block the
general morphological rules of language behavior, as far as the formation of verbs is concern.
1. You put all your generative knowledge before the horses, etc. (SD)
2. Many kids who run away from unhappy homes discover they‘ve jumped out of the frying pan and
into the fire. (S. T.)
3.
a) You know, he is at it again but he really wants you know just to sit down (SD)
b) Like they just talk about how they both feel
a) Out of the frying pan into the deep freeze this time
4. Teaching at the local college is his bread and butter.
5. Unemployment and taxes are the bread and butter issues of this campaign. [CDI]
6. At the moment, she says, all Saints are flavour of the week (S.T. teen. 8-9:11)
7. You can chomsky-adjoin the sentence now.
In spite of being grammatically peripheral and somewhat or completely idiomatic, they form part of language and
they make us believe that some of them will probably have their own place in grammars in a near future.
Table III, below, includes examples of non-canonical expressions or inner terms from a formal point of view. They
include expressions which might be considered by some as atypical expressions or even errors from a grammatical
point of view. In general, they are specific realizations which block realizations considered to be canonical. Thus,
considering these realizations, a common question arises: is a new grammar needed for spoken and/or informal
writing? The number of occurrences, as shown in table 1, and examples used in this paper will prove that there is a
tendency to use utterances which do not follow the common patterns grammars of English tend to teach us: *I seen
him, etc.
Spoken language
Sources Examples
(The Devil‘s own)
8 Sheila, pass the vegetables, please. -Yes. May I serve you?
9 Because they say the word peace, you know, but end of the day all they
want is surrender.
10 -D´you wanna know what´s the single biggest problem trying to raise money
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in this country?
11 -How much time? -Six, eight weeks.
Written
language
Poetry
(Prarie Sketches: 64)
12My Sara is as rare as Indian Pearl!
Internet
&amp;
Non academic
writing
13Don't have the cable hook-up yet?
http://www.lfmn.com/r/sr.asp?u=100374762&amp;v=4911&amp;s=73&amp;url=1&amp;p=13&amp;c=6
033
14A new ABCNEWS poll finds patients‘ rights and Social Security outranking
taxes and gun control.
15What's going on at the OTA http://www.hcu.ox.ac.uk/ota/public/index.shtml
(Saturday , 11th. September, 1999)
16What's up?
17What's up with 9/9/99?
18What about my cup of tea?
19 I seen him (student‘s essays, grammar sampling, etc.)
[Reportages,
Daily press]
20 the number of five to seven-year-olds in large classes, (...) (S.T. 26th December)
21 The Roslin researchers say that overall their results show that (...) (S.T. 26th Dec.)
22 (...) but it is a fraud on a consumers. (S.T. 26th December)
23 Villa continued to create the better opportunities, and (...)(Sport,p.1).(S.T.8Nov.1998)
Table3: examples &amp; sources
The examples in table 3 show salient deviations from normal linguistic patterns and as Quirk and Startvik (1966),
among others, would indicate, they do not form part of a ‗linguistic core‘, as for they would block general linguistic
patterns of structures and vocabulary applied to use.
7

Findings and Discussion
In this part of the study, questions concerning whether the grammaticality, acceptability and potentiality in use of
some of the expressions included can, of course, be formulated and discussed.
A good number of expressions of various ranks (word, phrase, sentence) of idiomatic nature or showing formal
irregularities have been found and incorporated to our data corpus.. Among the former the following types will be
briefly analysed here:
- Idiomatic and figurative expressions in general, that is expressions the meaning of which cannot be deduced adding
together the separate items which make up that piece of language. Their formal behavior is fixed. Thus, some accept
optional modifiers and others do not. They do not accept determiners variability, Plurals take O article. Numeratives
are nominalized. The syntactic order cannot be altered. In sum, they cannot be modified by any of the syntactic
processes which modify canonical expressions. They include: Proverbs, proverbial expressions, anti-poverbs or
preverbs3, Phrasal verbs4 [Phrasal: look after; prepositional: look up; and phrasal-prepositional: look forward to].
Non-canonical expressions proper or inner terms which follow formal canonical patterns or not, such as: (minor
sentences : just a minute, ) (what about‘s types) (if only‘s) etc. (NC) expressions include expressions5 of what
about's type, as in What about the financial assistance?; expressions like if only (...), as in If only we haven't lost our
way; here one needs a type of tense control, but one is free to fill the gaps very freely; For example, Spanish and
Galician languages would follow different patterns to represent the identical lexical meaning, a canonical expression
in the former and a subjunctive mode in the latter; or even expressions like 'The more (....) the more', whereas,
certainly you expects a comparative form as the second constituent as in: The more you ask the less you get or Better
for women better for men (S.T. Title of the article: Teen girls urged to admire Role Model Spice) - Collocations:
[sequences of words or terms that co-occur more often than would be expected by chance: so as to, by accident,
strong tea, heavy drinker, black shoes, etc] The collocational process is a general linguistic process in language
behaviour that can be split into: The associational process which ranges from loose to tight lexical units and derives
into proper collocations or idiomatic phrases, normally set phrases or compounding. In most occasions they
constitute the first step for the compounding resultant state (well known rd
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ard-inlaw; bull‘s eye), which is the result of combining two or more words to form a single unit. Clishés; expressions
whose basic and conceptual meaning has been lost. They are used as connectors in conversation and their use should
be avoided in the written medium, especially in formal language in favour of proper linguistic connectors. These are
ready-made expressions but not necessarily idiomatic. From a formal point of view they are usually built up with
canonical constituents; However, some are non-canonical expressions in the sense that they block the general
principles of grammar, as in A little knowledge is a dangerous thing [kowdlege for learning] or in The Devil can
quote Sripture for his purpose [quote for cite] though it can be argued that quote is common in AE, where they don't
say cite).
Due to semantic variation by extension and movement of meaning a normal canonical expression, or a minor
sentence can very easily become clichés when they lose their conceptual meaning and they are applied for a different
purpose as in ‗Can I help you?‘ or ‗Good morning!‘. In general, a cliché is a metaphor characterised by its overuse.
3 According to Mieder 1985:119; also in Mieder 1993:24, proverbs, i.e. unchangeable sentences and proverbial
expressions, i. e. sentences which permit alterations to fit their grammar [sentences of the folk which contains
wisdom, truth, morals, and traditional views in a metaphorical, fixed and memorised forms, handed down from
generation to generation]; antiproverbs or preverbs [the transformation of a stereotype word sequence – as e. g. a
proverb, a quotation or an idiom for humorous effect. To have full effect, an anti-proverb must be based on a known
proverb
4 According to Tom McArthur: (...) the term ‗phrasal verb‘ was first used by Loagan Pearsall Smith in ―Words and
Idioms‖ (1925), in which he states that the OED Editor Henry Bradley suggested the term to him]
5 Here there can also be included expressions which block the general syntactic principles in relation to canonical
expressions, as in: "Historians will look back on this project as most important thing we did (S.T. Chronicle Future,
p.12), (...) but it is a fraud on a consumers. (S.T. 26TH DECEMBER)
8
Table 4 shows a good number of items which can be categorised under any of the labels indicated above. Some are
considered opaque6 as the meaning cannot be deduced out of their separate parts and others are considered as
semitransparent7 as they can be deduced adding together the parts.
This is important for both native and non-native speakers. However, non-native speakers would have more problems
for contextualisation. Native speakers, in general, do have some sort of probabilistic relationship which might help
them to deduce the meaning of both types, opaque and semitransparent, after considering them in detail.
TYPE OF ENGLISH EXPRESSIONS TRANSLATION INTO TYPE EXPRESSION MEANING SPANISH
GALICIAN
IDIOMS Kick the bucket To pass away
To die
Estirar la pata,
palmar
Estirar la pata,
palmar
To be sent to Coventry To be excluded from society
Take after To take care, to care Cuidar Coidar
COLLOCATIONS
Lame duck Inconclusive Patoso Patoso
CLISHES
Can I help you? High!,
Hello!
Good morning
¿Qué desea? ¿Qué quere?
INNER TERMS
What about you? And you?
what do you ---- of this, about it?
Y tö, que? E tì, qué?
Table4
Table 5, below, includes idiomatic units consisting of two or more lexical or grammatical units, which behave
formally and/or semantically differently. For example, whereas prepositional verbs, consisting of a verb + a
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preposition which cannot be separated in ‗construtctio‘, as in he is looking after the dog and they need to take a
direct object, phrasal intransitive verbs can be separated as in he turned it down.
It also includes different types of idiomatic expressions which range from collocations to compounding and in spite
of being formed by more than one lexical constituent. The translation into Spanish shows, as well as many other
languages, that attending to the basic or conceptual meanings of their collocates might lead to funny realisations in
the other language. In spite of this, some are integrated into other languages, especially those used for commercial
purposes. There are many cases of calques from English into Spanish but also of loan translations as illustrated with
the word for word translation of ‗hotdog‘ into Spanish. Very specific cases which block all the general formal
patterns of word-formation are the English resultant noun ‗bull‘s eye‘ unique compound made up 6 Opaque
realisations:
- can't be deduced adding together the meaning of the parts, [put away/put something where it belongs]
- can't be deduced linguistically, as the meaning goes beyond its conceptual meaning.
Some can't be deduced through socio-cultural understanding [battling windmills]; They probably have to be learnt as
separate lexical units, by heart and the meaning goes back to diachronic meaning, at least that of one of the parts that
compose
the whole.
7 Transparent realisations: the meaning can be deduced from the separate parts that constitute these pieces of
language,
[take care/ care]
- from an already fixed idiomatic expression by extension [her children had flown the nest/ Flow from one place to
another]
- from the expansion of a canonical term (...) towers above (One computer manufacturer towers above (=is bigger
and more
successful than) all the rest). [I usually + adv/prep] from socio-cultural undefined interrelations (nest egg)
9
from a Saxon genitive or the Spanish blended one puenting (bungee jumping), i.e. describing the action, adding the
English –ing form to the Spanish noun Puente(bridge).
NON- CANONICAL EXPRESSIONS IN ENGLISH [OF (O) OR (ST) INFORMATION]
IDIOMS
PHRASAL
VERBS
LEXICAL ITEMS MEANING
O To put away
to give up
to account for
to look into
to pass away
to take after
To put something where it belongs
To stop
To explain
To examine
To die
To care
ST To take care To care
SAYINGS O [kick the bucket *kick the enormous bucket]
Teaching at the local college is his bread
and butter.
Bright and breezy
Stand head and shoulders over
Straight from the horse‘s mouth
Flying by the seat of your pants
A blind alley (INL)
A close shave/call (INL)
A red letter day (INL)
Pull someone‘s leg
To die
Basic needs of life
To be happy and confident.
Clearly superior to someone or something.
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Straight from the source, right from the origin.
(To do something without planning, (SD)/
Decide a course of action as you go along.
-A situation or method that you have tried and
discovered to be of no use. (CDI),
-(A situation where something unpleasant or
dangerous nearly happened. (CDI),
-(A day that is very important or very special.
(CDI).
[informal: to tell someone something that is
not true as a way of joking with them]
ST Run up a bill and run up a big bill.
With friends like these (who needs
enemies),
To put people on a pedestal‘
To put in prison
Still in the darck
Be in the blank
To be in the red
Accumulating a debt
friends behave like your worst enemy
To admire
Imprison
Still unsure about it
(be operating at a profit)
In debt
Table 5
(CO)8, a problematic linguistic term is interpreted as a lexicalization of two or more lexical and/or grammatical
items put together producing one single unit of meaning. The concept of (CO), which plays an important role in
British linguistics where it originated, seems to be vague and neutral in dealing with word classes and to which
element acts as to modifier or head. This term, however, is one of the key concepts of functional 8 Even though the
invention of the term collocation as applied in linguistics was attributed to Firth and extended by Halliday, the
process itself has worried many scholars as mentioned above since classical times. Mellville, A. 1946. Spoken
English. An Idiomatic Grammar for foreign students. Edimburg: Oliver and Boyd, (originally designed as a manual
of English Grammar for Dutch students), includes a good number of examples with collocates:
1) I have never seen him so out of temper (angry); 2) The violinist is out of the tune (discordant, not in harmony)
In fact he concentrates on collocates of various kinds, combined with prepositions, compound conjunctions and verb
combinations. Neither must one forget the non-canonicity of certain verbs in English, commonly known as
irregulars.
10 grammar proposed by Firth9 and developed by Halliday. Probably we could, even say that it has its origins in
wordassociation of the syntactic type in spite of the word-class, due to the fact that they are paradigmatically linked
by this process. According to Firth, it seems to be the case that we know a word by the company it keeps and he
considers collocation to this 'relationship between words', to be part of its meaning (see also, Palmer 1976: 94ff,
Carter 1987: 36 ff. And 48 ff.)
In sum, the idea of (CO) is extremely far reaching, and furthermore, the users must realise that some language is
deliberately eccentric and creative in that kind of way. Not all languages ( as can be seen in the Spanish translation,
in the table below) would use the same formal correlates to represent these semantic lexical units.
NON- CANONICAL EXPRESSIONS IN ENGLISH [OF (O) OR (ST) INFORMATION]
COLLOCATIONS
COLLOCATIONS
LEXICAL ITEMS MEANING
O
Lame duck (patoso *pato cojo)
Clever bunny
A person or thing that is not able to
function properly
What a clever boy!
ST
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�1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
Fill in the gaps (cubrir los huecos)
Solve a problem (solucionar un problema)
Cure a decease (curar una enfermedad
So as to ( de manera que, para)
rough draft (borrador)
Fill in the blanks
Find a solution, resolve
Restore to health, make well.
In order to, in order that, so that
A plan or sketch
COMPOUNDS
O
Hotdog [perrito caliente]
Greenhouse [invernadero]
Bull‘s eye [ojo de buey]
Frunkfurter sausage in a bun
A house where vegetables grow
Small circular window or opening
ST
Dog days (dias de perros)
A blind date ( Una cita a ciegas)
A blind spot (Un punto ciego)
A red-letter day (un dìa especial,
memorable)
A blind alley (Un callejñn sin salida)
Very hot days in summer
Date between two people who have
never met
Area in the retina of the eye which
cannot see.
A special day
A route that leads nowhere, a dead
end
Table 6

Conclusions and Recommendations
On the basis of this empirical research, we can conclude that only some of these expressions are to be considered
lexical items proper. The majority of them follow normal formal canonical patterns and meaning may rouse raging
from the transparent or semitransparent of the constituents to the totally opaque, or they keep on going with the
conceptual meaning. Opaque expressions are more formally restricted than semitransparent ones. Whereas he former
would not accept transformation on some way or other the latter can be transformed to widen or reduce the intended
meaning.
Results show that the collocational process is a general Linguistic process in Language behaviour that can be split
into: the associational process and the resultant new lexical units: proper collocations or idiomatic phrases, normally
set phrases, but other processes of language are as well involved in. In general this process can be understood as the
previous step for compounding, i.e., the movement from syntagmatic relations of language to a paradigmatic state or
function.
Everyday non-canonical and idiomatic phrases are an integral part of the English language that are used and heard
constantly. Some of them are very common phrases widely and frequently used, well understood and generally
agreed upon meaning. However, very often, the widely understood meaning of the phrase seems to have nothing to
do with the words that compose the phrase and they keep forming a big area of realisations in both oral
and written mediums. Given that language is in constant development, they need to be revised constantly in order to
incorporate new realisations, but care must be taken, as some only enjoy a certain period of time. Now and thanks to
development of technology this task, in spite of its complexity is easy to hold.
In general one can assume that those expressions are to be treated independently both for theoretical analysis and for
tuition purposes.

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References
Aarts, B. (1997) English Syntax and Argumentation. Newcastle: Modern Linguistic Series
Anderson, J. M. (1977) ‗On the formal description of inflection‘. Papers from the thirteenth Regional meeting of the
Chicago linguistic society, 15-44.
____________ (1985) Case Grammar and the Lexicon. Ulster: University of Ulster.
Anderson, S. R. (1980), ―On the development of morphology from syntax‖, en Historical morphology, pp. 51-69.
Aronoff, M. (1976) Word Formation in Generative Grammar. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT press
Beaugrande, R. and W. Dressler (1981) Introduction to text linguistics. London: Longman.
Benson, Morton, Evelyn Benson &amp; Robert Ilson (1986). Lexicographic Description of English; Amsterdam.
Bartsch, S. (2004) Structural and Functional Properties of Collocations in English: A Corpus Study of Lexical and
Pragmatic Constraints on Lexical Co-Occurrence,. Gunter Narr Verlag.
Benson, M. (1989) ‗The Structure of the Collocational Dictionary‘. International Journal of Lexicography, Vol. 2
N1
1: 1-13.
Bever, T. G. (1970) ‗The cognitive basis for linguistic structures‘, in Cognition and the Development of Language,
pp
279-362, J. R. Hayes (ed.), New York: Wiley,
Biber, D. et all. (1999) The Longman Grammar of Spoken and Written English. London: Longman
Bresnan, Joan. 1988. The Mental representations of Grammatical Relations. Cambridge: The Mit Press.
Brown, G. (1884) 'Grammar of English Grammars'. Philological Museum, Vol. I.
Chafe, W. and D. Tannen. (1987) ‗The relation between written and spoken language‘, Annual Review of
Anthropology, 16: 383-407.
Cofer, Thomas M. (1975) ‗Performance Constraints on Relative Pronoun Deletion‘, Linguistics 157, 13-32. The
Hague: Mouton.
Coopans, P. &amp; M. Everaert (1988)The Simplex Structure of Complex Idioms: The Morphological Status of laten. In:
Everaert, M., A. Evers, M.A.C. Huybregts, M. Trommelen (red.) Morphology &amp; Modularity. In Honour of Henk
Schultink,
Dordrecht: Foris Publications, 75-104.
Crystal, D. /1971) Linguistics. London: Penguin.
_________ 1986. Who cares about English usage? London: Penguin.
Dressler, W. (1985) ‗On the predictiveness of natural morphology‘. Journal of Linguistics 21: 321-37
----------------(1986) ‗Explanation in natural morphology, illustrated with comparative and agent-noun formation‘,
Linguistics 24: 519-48.
Emmoroy K. D. and Victoria A. Fromkin (1988) ‗The mental Lexicon‘. Linguistics: The Cambridge Survey.
Cambridge: U.P. V. III, pp. 124-149.
Feuer, Lewis S. (1953) ―Sociological Aspects of the Relation between Languages and Philosophy‖, Philosophy of
Science 20: 85-100.
Firth, John R. (1951) Papers in linguistics, 1934–1951. Oxford University Press.
Firth, R. P. &amp; F. R.Palmer, (1968) Selected Papers of J.R. Firth, 1952–1959. London:Longmans
Jackendoff, R. (1995) ‗The boundaries of the Lexicon‘ in Everaert, M. Et al. Idioms: Structural and Psychological
Perspectives. New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
Jespersen, Otto (1917) Negation in English and Other Languages. Copenhagen: A.F. Høst.
Mellville, A. 1946. Spoken English. An Idiomatic Grammar for foreign students. Edimburg: Oliver and Boyd
Mieder, Wolfgang. (1982; 1990; 1993) International Proverb Scholarship: An Annotated Bibliography, with
supplements. New York: Garland Publishing.
Oro Cabanas, J. M. (2008) Some Keynotes on Language, Linguistics and Grammar. Lugo: Unicopia.
_______________ (2007. Teorìa lingùìstica y gramatical. Fundamentos claves para su aprendizaje. Lugo: Unicopia.
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________________(2002a.) Current Trends in Linguistics. An English Morphology based Study. Lugo: Unicopia.
________________(2002b.) ‗On the Gray Areas of Language‘, incl. in The teaching of English as a Foreign
Language: A
European Perspective, pp. 31-63.
________________ (2002c.) ‗A Practical Approach to the Study of Non-canonical Expressions in English‘, incl. in
The teaching
of English as a Foreign Language: A European Perspective, pp.323-367
Palmer H.E. (1938) A Grammar of English Words. Longmans, Green
Peirce, Charles S. (1878) !How to Make Our Ideas Clear!. Popular Science. Monthly 12 (January 1878), 286-302.
Quirk, R. (1957) ‗Relative Clauses in Educated Spoken English‘, English Studies 38, 97-109.
Quirk, R. y J. Starvik. (1966) Investigating linguistic acceptability. The Hague: Mouton.
12
Statistics (all included)
Pages: 11
Words: 5656
Paragraphs: 441
Lines: 924

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                    <text>1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo

Methodology Focused on Child
(Example: Bosnia and Herzegovina)
Nudţejma ObraliĤ
English Language School
Internationa University of Sarajevo
Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina
obralicn@gmail.com

Abstract: In the project of the EU reform of general education in Bosnia, very
important place in the profile of the reformed schools definitely take teaching
methods aimed at children. Motivating activities, dramatic teaching and
feedback can have very important role in teaching. There are varied activities
which provide motivation in class and help students to enhance more
knowledge. Dramatic teaching is also very important for to enhance both the
relatonship between us as teachers and our students and relationship between
the students themselves. At the same time, dramatic teaching can help students
create interest, clarify information, assist in organizing thoughts, promote
understanding and relieve boredom while students work on their cases.
Pedagogical value of different activities may also help in teaching. Feedback
activities help students revise they have learned.
Key words: enhancing knowledge, foreign language, dramatic teaching.

In the project of the EU reform of general education in Bosnia, very important place in the profile
of the reformed schools definitely take teaching methods aimed at children. Far traditional teaching has led
many more accounts of the teaching content rather than the student who learn the lecture. It is necessary to
make learning at school learning, which partially confirms and partially develops students' vitality326.
Traditionally, also classroom work was done by using basic form of classroom teaching. The teacher
adresses the whole group, who responded in unison or one by one, which is known as frontal teaching. And
the other was when students were set work to do alone. The teaching process was mainly based on verbal
learning without connecting with the environment in which students live and work. Also, in practice so far
very little attention is paid to respecting the interests and abilities of students that had consequences for the
impact on learning, but also on personality development in general. The reasons for the failure of the
students were mostly due to maladjustment of work in education, skills and personality traits, difficult and
extensive lecture, poor knowledge and low level of development of work habits. A student who is
experiencing a failure is in constant conflict with the environment and himself. All of this requires certain
specified changes in our educational system, change of the attitudes of teachers toward students, school and
learning. These difficulties can be overcome by organizing modern teaching where methodology focused on
child must be a regular practice, and the role of teachers should changed. Basic characteristics of this
methodology are individual approach, a balance between working in a large group, small groups, pairs and
individually, combining different methods (researches, experiment, debate, problem solving,
demonstration); stimulating environment for active learning, thematic planning, continuous monitoring;
evaluation and assessment and balancing activities. Many people believe the old pedagogical truth - that
every teacher has ''his'' in way of working with students. What works well for one teacher may fail
miserably for another.
Teaching is an art - because the teacher must choose the best methods and forms of work in
learning situations. Therefore, the methods applied by the teacher are recognizable style of his educational
and teaching work. It is necessary to make only one more step to focus our activity on students, to develop
learning process from teaching and further towards creativity. Concerns about the ability to manage the
class are common among all teachers. If we want all to work out the best way, we suggest the following
model, and it is desirable that you find yourself a different activity which aims would understand the
possibilities and limitations of our own personality in the process of reform. Teachers need to feel safe and
comfortable with whom they are as a classroom manager. Before defining our activities it is necessary to
326

Slatina, M: Nasatvni metod, CIP- Katalogizacija u publikaciji, Nacionala I univerzitetska biblioteka,
Sarajevo,1998.

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build your own classroom management profile and answer the question ''I think I'm...?'', ''Who am I in the
classroom, whether I am the head or leader'' and ' 'Formulate attitudes''.
Prof. Dr. SuziĤ formulated the attitudes as follows:
a.
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g.
h.
i.
j.
k.

The teacher should try to help students understand the lecture,
The teacher must have a clear view of the central issues of teaching,
The teacher must work effectively,
The teacher must have a clear expression of the underlined terms,
The teacher must show tolerance and respect for students,
The teacher must have a good plan and a system of work (design),
The teacher should be proud of their profession,
The teacher students must listen to him and respect,
The teacher must use multiple methods and tools,
The teacher must improve his work in teaching,
The teacher must have a tendency to self-reflection.

This process won't happen overnight, it's long process. It takes a long time experimenting with
different classroom situations.
The teacher must define his target by following paragraph:
‗‘ I've come to the frightening conclusion that I am the decisive element in the classroom. It's my
daily mood that makes the weather.
As a teacher, I possess a tremendous power to make a child's life miserable or joyous. I can be a
tool of torture or an instrument of inspiration. I can humiliate or humor, hurt or heal. In all situations, it is
my response that decides whether a crisis will be escalated or de-escalated and a child humanized or dehumanized.‖ (Haim Ginott, American psychologist and teacher)

THE REVIEW OF THE RESEACH DONE IN BOSNIA, NOVEMBER, 2010.
The research was done among thirty (30) English teachers in The Sarajevo Canton.
The Advantages of Using Different Dynamics
1.

Teachers said that they prefer frontal teaching when they teach grammar or lectures that students
are not able to find related resources to use. While doing reading and writing activities students might be set
for induvidual work.

2.

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Do you underestimate the value of the ''student - teacher''?

4%
yes

no

96%

It's very important not to underestimate the value of the student – teacher realationship. By
allowing our students to work in pairs or gruops they develop their skills for creating interesting ideas,
comparing and contrasting their ideas, passing information to each other, and gaining self – confidence.
But according to the results of the research, we found out that the teacher is able to spend more
time working individually with students, especially with ones who are having difficulties, either on their
own or in groups.

3.

Disadvantages of pair and group work:

a.
b.
c.
d.

students speak in their native language
dividing class into different groups necessities standing up and moving around
passive students don‘t do anything in groups
it causes too much noise

We found out that younger students are highly egocentric and they demand individual attention,
but it is obvious that mixed abilities students should be given different tasks according to their abilities.
Finishing first, students want to do something else. We can tell them take a rest. We can give them a short
little task to complete while they are waiting.327
Many teacher do not allow their students walk around in the class. The school day is long and we
cannot expect them to sit at the desks all day. It's known that younger students need to move around
physically during a lesson. The teacher is meant to prepare more tasks which include activities moving
around in the classroom. Try to include at least one moving activity in each lesson.

327

Jeremy, H.: The Practice of English Language teaching, Longman.

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Activities with motions sometimes may cause another problem, such as too much noise. We have
to underline that Discipline is not Classroom management, it's a part of it. And it often involves how
teachers try to teach individual students better behaviour.

4 What are the problems you face during the lesson?

We cannot always expect from our students to work in silence and behave appropriately. Working
with specific discipline problems may require additional knowledge of a student, his family and
environment. It is a big problem if his misbehaviour becomes chromic or seriously disruptive. Students can
easily get angry, when called down, sometimes without specific reason.
Teachers should be flexible as possible. They should always be ready to change the the order of
activities in their lesson plans to take into account the mood of their students because they can get very
passive during the lesson. For teachers, passivity may be sometimes a trouble more than misbehaviour or
discipline problems in classroom.
To avoid misbehaviour in classroom teachers must be consistent and open minded. Sometimes
students don't follow the teacher's instructions and don't know what they are supposed to do, they usually
don't behave appropriately and misbehave for they want to get teacher's attention. Teachers should decide in
advance what they want their students to learn and how to behave, and at the same time, they should make
their expectations clear. We shouldn't label students as '' difficult'' and expect them to be good always.
Teacher's personality and core beliefs are important. There is a room for flexibility as long as
student feels safe, respected and able to learn well. Here, are different characteristics teacher should behave
according to and tend to be:
a. active listener
b. communucative
c. able to collaborate
d. responsible
e. tolerant
f. flexible
g. open-minded
h. self-critical
i. objective
j. humane
k. visionary
l. sympathetic

One of the main rules is: 'Never let students feel incapable to understand the lecture'.
Teachers are supposed to support them. There are different ways of supporting students.

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5 a.
What is the best way to emphasise and reinforce the good things students do?

Using proverbs: ''Well done! ''

15%
42%

33%

Praising, getting them
presents
giving extra points

10%
public encouragement

b.

How would you like your teacher to emphasise and reinforce the good
things you do?
Using proverbs: ''Well done! ''

22%
Praising, getting them
presents

39%
16%

giving extra points

23%
public encouragement

It's important to emphasise and reinforce the good things that students do. There are many forms
depending on the education level of the students. We can see that students love public encouragement. They
like other students hear teacher praising them and appreciating their work or conduct. When acknowledged
for their efforts, they are likely to be more receptive to new challenges.
Every student needs his praise.
Here are some examples of effective praising and appreciating students' efforts:

Examples of Positive Instructions
Use the ''do'' instead of ''do not''
―Please go through the hallyway slowly and silently ― instead of ― do not run‖

Say Claerly What You Want
''It is necessary to do this, to move on to another activity''.
Use Constructive Criticism
''Your handwriting may be better''.
Encourage in a Positive Way
„All you have done so far is true. Try to do this one―

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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo

Praise Concrete Work on Procedure
― It is nice to hear that you was not late for morning lecture‖

6.

Classroom manager or leader is a teacher who follows actions to take in order to maintain order
in the classroom which enables learning to take place. Being boss and leader are closely linked. So, we can
say that classroom management and discipline are closely linked. Management and leadership involve a
total plan to adress the variety of circumstances, while discipline is more individualized. We should not
forget that teachers should never humiliate or use their advantage of age and experience, and belittling a
student.

Conclusion:
All theoretical discussions about the impact of different kinds of motivation to students in the
learning process could be reduced to two aspects:
1.
2.

approach in which the teacher is in the center,
approach of active learning where the focus is on srudents

The traditional method focuses on the idea of frontal teaching. Teaching program was aimed to
transfer information from teacher to students. Exchanging information between teachers and students has
consisted of short questions and answers. Motivation in this form of teaching seems to be unnecessary. We
found out that some studies estimated that 80% of the classes is carried out as described above. The latest
approach is based on the understanding that the curriculum has a focus on the learning outcomes, which is
actually what students should learn, not what the teachers should teach. Classes which inspire students,
make them feel curious, creative and encouraged to think individually, trained for emotional intelligence
and social skills (communication, self-control, self-evaluation, etc.), may at the same time provide
encouragement and atmosphere for demonstration of student's personality, have an opportunity to change
educational way and prepare students for life.
''Effective teaching may be the hardest job there is.‘' BY William Glasser

Referrences:
Goleman, D: Emotional Intelligence, Bantman Books, 1995.
Hadfield, J: Classroom dynamics, OUP, 1992.
Jeremy, H.: The Practice of English Language teaching, Longman.
Slatina, M: Nasatvni metod, CIP- Katalogizacija u publikaciji, Nacionala I univerzitetska biblioteka,
Sarajevo, 1998.

1010

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                    <text>1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo

Strategies Used in Producing English Lexical Collocations
by Saudi EFL Learners
Hashim Noor &amp; Arwa Adubaib
Department of Languages and Translation
Taibah University, Saudi Arabia
hnoor@taibahu.edu.sa
Abstract: Thirty, with two distinct proficiency level, EFL Saudi English majors at Taibah
University participated in this study. Two written elicitation tasks were used: a fill-in-theblank test which was accompanied by a self-checklist, and a translation test. In addition,
retrospective data was also collected from the participants to elicit their reflections on
their written production.
The qualitative analysis of the data resulted in the development of a taxonomy of the
strategies used by the participants of the study. The taxonomy was divided into five
major categories: retrieval, L1 based strategies, L2 based strategies, reduction strategies,
and test-taking strategies.
The participants‘ overall use of strategies in producing unacceptable collocations was
higher in frequency than their use of the strategies in producing acceptable collocations.
The results also revealed that the participants relied on L2 based strategies more often
than other strategies in producing both acceptable and unacceptable collocations. The
results also showed that the two groups seemed to have chosen the same strategies and
have not differed much in their total number of use. The results revealed that HPS and
LPS differed significantly in their use of strategies in producing acceptable collocations
especially with regard to the retrieval strategy, L2 based strategies and L1 based
strategies in favour of the HPS group. In the production of unacceptable collocations, on
the other hand, there were statistically significant differences between the two groups
especially with reference to the use of the reduction strategies and L2 based strategies in
favour of the LPS group. The implications of the research findings for teaching English
collocations are discussed, along with pedagogical recommendations.
Key Words: English lexical collocations, language learning strategies, EFL learners,
Saudi English learners

1. Introduction
Producing English lexical collocations has largely posed a serious problem for learners‘ of English,
(Brown, 1974; Howarth, 1998; Hussain, 1998; Nesselhauf, 2003; Mahmoud, 2005). While producing certain L2
collocational strings of language, learners may employ some strategies to fill a lexical gap. Difficulties that
students encounter could be partly attributable to different strategies that they use when producing English
lexical collocations. By investigating the strategies that learners use while attempting to come up with L2
acceptable collocations, the present study seeks to shed some light on the underlying processes that students
adopt to compensate for the inadequacy in their L2 linguistic system. It was hoped that a thorough analysis of
such strategies might lead to suitable methods for dealing with them. An understanding of such underlying
mental processes could help teachers adjust their teaching methods and materials in the area of collocations more
effectively.
This study focuses on learners‘ production of collocations in English, a phenomenon which is
frequently used in spoken and written interactions. Hence mastering it represents one major step towards
approaching naturalness, precision, and therefore fluency in the foreign language. Many studies have proved that
English as a foreign (EFL) learners encounter difficulties in collocating English words together in an acceptable
way (Bahnas and Eldo, 1993; Farghal and Obiedat, 1995; Diab, 1997; Nesselhauf, 2003; Mahmoud, 2005).
When confronted with such difficulties, learners are likely to use some strategies in order to fill in any
lexical gaps in their L2 speech or writing. Although there has been an increasing interest among researchers in
finding how L2 learners overcome linguistic problems due to inadequate command of the target language, not
much attention has been paid to lexical strategies applied by L2 learners at different proficiency levels.
Furthermore, very few studies have investigated learners‘ use of strategies in producing collocations. On the

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other hand, many studies have dealt with strategies that students use in spoken interactions, whereas the present
study focuses on students‘ use of strategies in written tasks.

2. Objectives of the Study
This study is an exploratory study that attempts to:
1. identify and describe strategies that students use when seeking to come up with acceptable English
lexical collocations in given tasks.
2. investigate how frequent do two groups of learners of two different proficiency levels use these
strategies to produce acceptable or unacceptable collocations.
The study focuses on strategies of language use and specifically communication strategies as they are
mainly meant to deal with lexical problems (Ellis, 1994).

3. Questions of the Study
The study attempts to answer the following questions:
1. What are the strategies used by EFL learners in producing acceptable or unacceptable English lexical
collocations?
2. How frequent do high and low English proficiency levels groups use these strategies to produce
acceptable or unacceptable English lexical collocations?

4. Methodology
4.1. Subjects of the Study
The subjects of the study were 88 fourth-year Saudi English major students at Department of Languages
and Translation, Taibah University, Saudi Arabia. All subjects were native speakers of Arabic.
4.2. Data collection
The data was collected from the written performance of students in the given tests. Production data was
chosen for the study, because it reflects the ―underlying competence‖, i.e. learner‘s production competence
(Brown, 2000:216).
4.3. Instruments
First a proficiency test was conducted to identify the subjects‘ proficiency levels. After that two tests
were conducted to meet the primary goal of the study, i.e. revealing strategies that students adopt while
producing English collocations.
4.3.1. The proficiency test
To identify the participants‘ English proficiency level (high-low), a proficiency test had been carried
out. The general proficiency level of English of fourth year English majors was measured by applying Taibah
University‘s Standardized Proficiency Test 196 to 88 students. The test was administered by the researchers
together with members of the English department. Students were asked to answer all the questions and not leave
any item unanswered. All test papers were scored. Out of 100 marks the highest score was 85 marks, whereas
the lowest score was 35 marks. According to normal curve, the mean, and standard deviation of the scores were
computed (See Table 1). As a result, 20 students were found to be high with scores ranging between 85-70 marks
out of 100, and 25 were regarded low with scores ranging between 35-58 out of a 100.
Table 1: Measures of spread of study‘s participants.
No. of Students
SD
Mean
88
9.54
68.6
SD: standard deviation

196

The test consisted of 100 multiple choice items which measured the writing, reading, vocabulary, grammar, spelling, and
pronunciation of participants.

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4.3.2. Test one
The first test was an objective test comprising a fill-in-the-blank test which elicited students‘ production
of a set of specific English lexical collocations. Besides, it elicited students‘ use of strategies. The test was
divided into two parts. Each part was devoted to one type of collocations. The first part dealt with 12 items with
(verb + noun) collocations, and the second covered 10 items with (adjective + noun) collocations. The study
investigated participants use of strategies in the production of these types of collocations because they are the
most common types of collocations in English (Newmark, 1988; Lewis, 1997b). Participants were asked to fill
in the blanks in part one with a verb, and in part two with an adjective.
The test was accompanied by a self checklist197. The use of the checklist in the fill-in-the-blank task
had actually positive advantages to the current study. First the checklist was an instrument used in this study to
help learners choose which strategy they used in responding to each item, since open ended questions such as
‗Why did you choose this word?‘ turned out to be impractical and resulted in vague answers by the participants
in the pilot study conducted. The checklist contained nine options of strategies that were expected to be used by
participants. Besides, an open-ended option orderly the tenth option was added for other strategies which might
not appear in the checklist, but, were nevertheless, used by the participants. Second, participants were asked to
clarify in a written form as a sort of written verbal report how they employed the strategy they marked in the
checklist when responding to each item in an attempt to collect immediate reflections from participants about the
strategies they used in filling the blanks at the time of performing the task. The self checklist was presented to
participants in their native language ‗Arabic‘ to ensure clarity and understanding (see Appendix 1 for an extract
of an English version). The data elicited by the checklist as Dornyei, (2003) sees it, would also help as a
retrospective data for the interview, where respondents were to be asked to comment on their responses (p. 130).
After completing the first two steps, students were asked to translate the sentences into their native
language ‗Arabic‘ (see Appendix 1). The rationale behind asking students to translate the sentences of the fill in
the blank task into Arabic could be summarised in the following:
1. It was expected that this step could reflect the participant‘s intended meaning. Thus it would clarify if
the student had understood the meaning of the target sentence fully or not. And so it would show if his
response in the blank was actually due to a full understanding or misunderstanding of the target
sentence.
2. The translation could also help to refresh students‘ memory in the retrospective interview. It might help
in reminding them of what they had comprehended of the sentence at the time of performing the test.
3. Because the researchers belong to the same native language as the participants, the translation of the
target sentences could help the researchers spot occurrences of native language positive/negative
transfer.
Besides the written instructions given to students, an example was provided in the instruction page for the
students to follow in order to carry out the task (see Appendix 1).

4.3.3. Test two
The second test was a translation test. It aimed at eliciting students‘ strategies in translating sentences
including collocations from Arabic into English. The translation test consisted of 18 short sentences with
collocations. In this task, nine items contained (verb + noun) collocations, and nine items included (adjective +
noun) collocations. It was expected that at least, one member of the collocations‘ sequence was known to the
participants, so their challenge was to supply the other acceptable collocate. When translating these sentences,
the participant either retrieved the correct collocation from their memory, or resorted to any possible means to
convey the intended meaning. The test was expected to reveal some strategies that learners might use in order to
communicate the meaning of the collocations presented in the give sentences (see Appendix 2).
The use of the translation test in search of strategies used by participants had many advantages.
Zimmermann and Schneider (1987) pointed out that despite the well-known fact that translating is in many ways
an artificial form of L2 communication, at least as compared to everyday conversation, it seems to be the safest
source of information about processes of lexical search, more so than reproductive exercises: the original
intended meaning is mostly given for the analyst (except for misinterpretations of the source text) therefore
(some aspects of ) learners‘ strategies can be pinned down with higher certainty (p.178).
197

―A self-checklist is a list of several characteristics or activities presented to the subjects of the study. The individuals are
asked to study the list and then to produce a mark opposite the characteristics they possess or the activities in which they have
engaged for a particular length of time. Self-checklists are often used when researchers want students to diagnose or to
appraise their own performance.‖ (Fraenkel &amp; Norman 2003:130-131).

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Furthermore, in the translation test, the avoidance strategy could be easily identified. Blum &amp;
Levenston (1978) maintained that ―comparison of interlanguage usage, for instance, with expected nativespeaker usage in the same context- or of target language with source language in the case of translation- will
show what is avoided‖ (p.401). On the other hand, when learners perform translation tasks, the influence of their
mother tongue could largely be observed (Bahns,1993; Bahns &amp;Eldaw, 1993; Farghal&amp; Obiedat, 1995).
The rationale behind selecting two types of collocations (verb + noun) and (adjective + noun) to be the
target lexical collocations of this study was two-fold. First, these types of collocations were regarded as the most
common types of collocations in English (Newmark, 1988; Lewis, 1997b). Second, the current study hopes that
applying two common types of collocations could broaden the scope of our understanding of learners‘ use of
strategies in the production of English lexical collocations, in an attempt to take one step forward to other studies
which had focused on (verb + noun) collocations, Bahns &amp; Eldaw (1993), Howarth, (1998), Al-Zahrani (1998),
Bonk (2000), Nesselhauf (2003) and, Zughoul &amp; Abdel Fattah (2003) to measure learners knowledge of English
lexical collocations.
Because the one aim of this study was to identify and describe strategies used by the participants of this
study in producing English lexical collocations, the results of both tasks and both types of collocations were
collapsed under the major category of English lexical collocations. Thus, the taxonomy developed, and the
results obtained represented all strategies identified from all the tasks of both types of collocations used in this
study.
4.3.4. Interviews
The aim of conducting interviews with the participants of the study was to collect qualitative data about
participants‘ use of strategies in the production of English lexical collocations. Retrospective interviews were
the type of interview selected for this study because ―it is used primarily in an attempt to explore learners‘
thought processes and strategies by asking learners to reflect on their thoughts after they have carried out a
predetermined activity‖ (Gass &amp; Mackey, 2000:37-38).
Poulisse, Bongaerts and Kellerman (1987), maintain that retrospection plays a very important role in the
identification of compensation strategies (CpS), (the term the researchers used to specify a type of
communication strategy by excluding reduction strategies). To them, in addition to providing independent
support for the identification of communication strategies, students‘ retrospective comments helped them to
identify CpS which would otherwise have remained unnoticed. Furthermore, they revealed CpS which were
incorrectly identified as CpS.
4.3.5. Procedures
As for the fill-in-the-blank test, written instructions, and an example of how to carry out the test were
provided in the first page. In addition, instructions were read aloud to the participants. Oral explanations were
also given both in English and Arabic concerning the strategies checklist to ensure full understanding on the part
of participants. Participants were asked to follow the steps given in the instruction sheet and were encouraged to
supply their written verbal report in the checklist. Participants were not allowed to use any dictionary as they
were taking the tests. With regard to the translation test, students were asked to translate the given sentences
from Arabic into English. After the tests were completed, one of the researchers started conducting the
retrospective interviews.
Because participants in the interviews were asked to clarify what strategy they had used in the given
tasks, all the interviews were conducted in Arabic, the native language of the participants.
Strategies were identified by investigating all items of both tests whether the participant produced
acceptable or unacceptable collocations.

4.4. Method of analysis
Before scoring participants‘ responses in the production of collocations in the given tasks, a criterion
needed to be established upon which the judgment of the acceptability of collocations produced by participants
was made. In judging the acceptability of collocations produced, three types of sources were used to determine
whether each combination produced by the participants was acceptable or unacceptable. They were specialised
dictionaries of English collocations, native speakers responses, and the Cobuild Concordance Sampler. To this

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end, all collocations produced by participants in the production tasks were rated for acceptability according to
the following criterion:
1. Dictionaries‘ consultation:
In an attempt to ensure the accuracy of the judgments of all the responses produced by the participants
in producing English lexical collocations, four specialized dictionaries of collocations were consulted to
determine whether the collocations produced were acceptable or unacceptable. They included;
- The BBI Dictionary of English Word Combinations (Benson, et al., 1997)
- Oxford Collocations Dictionary for Students of English (2002).
- LTP Dictionary of Selected Collocations (1997).
- DAR El-ILM‘S Dictionary of Collocations (2007)
2. Native speakers‘ responses:
To achieve this aim, in the fill-in-the-blank-task, three native speakers of English, (see Table 2) were
invited to provide all the possible responses that are acceptable for native speakers to use in their variety of
English. One of them was a bilingual native speaker of English (American) who had learned Arabic, and so he
was also invited to provide his responses for the translation task. Native speakers responses were used by the
researchers as a data base to validate the judgment of the acceptability of students‘ collocations in both tasks if
the collocations produced by participants did not appear in the four dictionaries above.

No.
1.
2.
3.

Table 2: Native speakers participated in the study
Nationality
Qualification
Major
British
M.A.
Applied Linguistics
American
M.A.
TESOL
American
M.A.
TESOL

3. Corpus Concordance Sampler
Another source for validating the acceptability of collocations produced by students in the case if the response
did not appear in all the sources above was by consulting Corpus Concordance Sampler. The Corpus
Concordance Sampler belongs to the Collins Word-bank Online English corpus198.
In judging the acceptability of collocations used, there were a number of important considerations that
had to be taken into account. The combinations of (verb + noun) and (adjective + noun) were considered
acceptable if they occurred in the participant‘s production as identical as those combinations that appeared in the
sources of the acceptability‘s judgment. A combination was regarded identical if it occurred in the same form
(verb + noun, OR adjective + noun), in the same sense (i.e., the intended meaning of the sentence given in the
production task) as that which appeared in sources of validity in the acceptability‘s criteria mentioned above.
Because the acceptability criteria, in this study, focused on syntagmatic, lexical, and semantic features of the
produced combinations, deviation in tense aspect, and spelling mistakes were disregarded. For example, in the
case of tense aspect, if the participant used the collocation ‗did a favour‘ instead of what the sentence required
‗do a favour‘ the collocation was regarded acceptable on the lexical and semantic level. Here the participant‘s
deviation is grammatical rather than lexical or semantic deviation. After classifying responses to acceptable or
unacceptable collocations for each item produced by participants, they were scored as follows:
- Correct responses (acceptable collocations) were given (1) mark, whereas
- incorrect responses (unacceptable collocations) were given (0) marks.
After scoring students‘ responses in the tests given, whether they produced acceptable or unacceptable
collocations, a qualitative analysis of the data was processed to identify strategies used by each participant in
each item. The researcher observed the following data sources in both tasks to decide what strategy the
participant used in each item whether the lexical item or combination of lexical items produced formed
acceptable or unacceptable collocations:
Fill-in-the-blank Task
198

The corpus is composed of 56 million words of contemporary written and spoken text. It covers corpora from British
books, radio, newspapers, and magazines, American books, and radio, and British transcribed speech. To search for
collocations in the Corpus Concordance Sampler, the facility provides up to 100 of the statistically most significant collocates
for the consulted word. It also provides 40 lines of concordance for the focused word in authentic utterances derived from
sources mentioned earlier. (http://www.collins.co.uk/Corpus/CorpusSearch.aspx)

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1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.

Participants‘ responses in the blanks.
Participants‘ selection of strategies from the checklist.
Participants‘ immediate written verbal reports on each item.
Participants‘ translation of the collocations in the given sentence.
Participants‘ reflections on their responses in the interview.
Researchers' review of related literature taxonomies of strategies.

Translation Task:
1. The participants‘ responses.
2. Participants‘ contextual information of the written translation sentences.
3. Participants‘ reflections on their responses in the interview.
4. Researchers' review of related literature taxonomies of strategies.
After investigating data qualitatively, strategies were identified. These strategies were numbered to
facilitate data analysis. The strategies identified were then categorised under five major categories in a
taxonomy. Finally, quantitative analysis was then carried out to provide the frequency and percentage of each
strategy used in the data whether participants produced acceptable or unacceptable collocations.

5. Discussion of the Results
5.1. Participants‘ production of collocations in the elicitation tasks
In the quantitative analysis of participants‘ responses, the number of acceptable collocations and the
number of unacceptable collocations for each item responded by the participants was counted. As for the
participants‘ overall performance in the elicitation tasks, Table 3 shows that out of a total of 1200 items
responded by the participants of the study, only 369 (30.75%) responses resulted in acceptable collocations, and
831 (69.25%) produced unacceptable collocations.
Table 3
Participants‘ overall production of acceptable and unacceptable collocations
Students‘ production of collocations
Students‘
Acceptable
Unacceptable
Total
proficiency level
collocations
collocations
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
Low
110
9.17
490
40.83
High
259
21.58
341
28.42
Grand Total
369
30.75
831
69.25
1200
100

Figure 1: Participants‘ overall production of acceptable and unacceptable collocations
To gain a clearer picture of each group‘s performance, Tables 4 and 5 display the results obtained from
the elicitation tasks of this study. Considering that each group produced 600 responses with a total of 1200
responses for both groups, results revealed that both high and low proficiency students encountered difficulties
in the production of acceptable English lexical collocations. However, as shown in Table 4, high proficiency
students (HPS) produced more acceptable collocations compared to low proficiency students (LPS).
Table 4: High proficiency students‘ production of acceptable and unacceptable collocations
High proficiency students
Task
Acceptable
Unacceptable
Total
collocations
collocations

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No.

%

No.

%

No.

%

95

52.8

85

47.2

180

100

78

52

72

48

150

100

51

37,8

84

62.2

135

100

35

25.9

100

74.1

135

100

259

43.2

341

56.8

600

100

Fill-in-the-blanks
verb + noun
Fill-in-the-blanks
Adjective + noun
Translation
verb + noun
Translation
Adjective + noun
Grand Total

Table 5
Low proficiency students‘ production of acceptable and unacceptable collocations
Low proficiency students
Acceptable
Unacceptable
Task
Total
collocations
collocations
No.
%
No.
%
No.
%
Fill-in-the-blanks
50
27.8
130
72.2
180
100
verb + noun
Fill-in-the-blanks
29
19.3
121
80.7
150
100
Adjective + noun
Translation
11
8.1
124
91.9
135
100
verb + noun
Translation
20
14.8
115
85.2
135
100
Adjective + noun
Grand Total
110
18.3
490
81.7
600
100
With regard to the elicitation tasks used in this study, Tables 4 and 5 also show that participants had
more difficulties in producing English collocations in the translation task than in the fill-in-the-blank task. A
possible explanation of this result is that in the translation task participants were required to produce the whole
verb + noun, and adjective + noun English collocations, whereas in the fill-in-the-blank task they were required
to supply only a single lexical item whether a verb or an adjective which collocates with the already existing
noun in the given sentence. Therefore, while they were required to supply only 50% of the collocation in the fillin-the-blank task, they were asked to provide 100% of the collocation in the translation task. That is probably
why their performance in the fill-in-the-blank task outdid that in a more demanding task such as the translation
task.
In general, Figure 2 shows that HPS produced 259 (43.17%) acceptable collocations, whereas LPS
produced only 110 (18.33%) responses containing acceptable collocations. These results are also in line with
earlier studies such as Al-Zahrani (1998); Lui (2000) which suggest that learners‘ knowledge of collocations
may increase as their proficiency level advances.

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Figure 2: High and Low proficiency students‘ production of acceptable and unacceptable
collocations

5.2. Frequency and percentage of participants‘ overall use of strategies in producing
English lexical collocations
Participants‘ overall use of strategies in the production of acceptable and unacceptable collocations for
each subcategory as well as the major categories was computed by carrying out a frequency and percentage
count. The data under investigation yielded a total of 1426 occurrences of strategies used by the participants of
the study. It must be noted that the total number of strategies used was higher than the total number of items
produced by the participants of this study because some participants used two and sometimes three strategies in
their attempt to produce one response. In this respect, Paribakht (1985) maintains that ―very often a subject‘s
statement contained several CS[communication strategies]. That is, they occurred within the framework of
another CS. Each of these embedded strategies has been regarded a separate entry ‖ (p. 134-135). Following
Paribakht (Ibid.), in this study, if an item elicited two or three strategies, each occurrence was counted within its
separate subcategory. Frequency of occurrences and percentages of strategies were calculated along the five
major categories of strategies of the developed taxonomy of this study. These major categories included the
‗retrieval strategy‘, ‗L1 based strategies‘, ‗L2 based strategies‘, ‗reduction strategies‘, and ‗test-taking
strategies‘. Results of each major category are presented next.
5.2.1. Retrieval strategy
The first major category is the ‗retrieval strategy‘. This strategy was used in 179 (12.55%) occurrences
to produce acceptable English lexical collocations, and not occurring at all in producing unacceptable
collocations (see Table 6).
Table 6
Frequency and percentage of participants‘ overall use of the‘ retrieval strategy‘ in producing
acceptable and unacceptable English lexical collocations

Retrieval Strategy
Retrieval
Total
Grand Total

Acceptable

Unacceptable

Collocations
f
%
179
12.55
179 / 12.55 %

Collocations
F
%
0
0

1426 / 100%
Frequency/Percentage
5.2.2. L1 based strategies
The second major category in the taxonomy is ‗L1 based strategies‘. This category comprises 10 L1
based strategies (see Table 7). Strategies under this category occurred 425 times ( 29.80%) out of a total of 1426
occurrences, of which they occurred 99 times (6.94%) in producing acceptable collocations, and 326 times
(22.86%) in producing unacceptable collocations.
In the production of acceptable collocations in this major category, four subcategories were employed
by the participants of the current study. The most used strategy was ‗positive transfer‘ which occurred 77 times
(5.40%) indicating its popularity, followed by ‗use of L1 synonyms‘ which occurred 16 times (1.12%) , and

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finally the least used strategies both ‗use of L1 non standard lexical items‘ and ‗L1 paraphrase‘ which occurred
three times (0.21%) each.
Table 7: Frequency and percentage of participants‘ overall use of ‗L1 based strategies‘ in producing
acceptable and unacceptable English lexical collocations

L1 based Strategies
Negative transfer
Positive transfer
L1 synonyms
L1 figurative expressions
L1 Non-standard use
Language switch
Overextension of L1 lexical items
Use of L1 related concepts
L1 &amp; L2 Phonemic similarities
L1 paraphrase
Subtotal
Total Frequency/percentage
Grand total frequency/ percentage

Acceptable

Unacceptable

Collocations
f
%
0
0
77
5.40
16
1.12
0
0
3
0.21
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
3
0.21
99
6.94
425 / 29.80 %
1426 / 100%

Collocations
F
%
140
9.82
24
1.68
62
4.35
3
0.21
16
1.12
2
0.14
11
0.77
5
0.35
5
0.35
58
4.07
326
22.86

As for the production of unacceptable collocations, participants used all subcategories in this major
category. The most frequent subcategory was ‗negative transfer‘ which occurred 140 times (9.82%), followed by
‗use of L1 synonyms‘ which occurred 62 times (4.35%), and ‗use of L1 paraphrase‘ with 58 (4.07%)
occurrences. The least used strategies in the production of unacceptable collocations were ‗language switch‘
which was used only twice (0.14%), ‗use of L1 figurative language‘ which occurred three times (0.21%), and
‗use of L1 related concepts‘ and, ‗L1 and L2 phonemic similarities‘ which both occurred five times (0.35%)
each. Other strategies were in mid-position as displayed in Table 7.
5.2.3. L2 based strategies
The third major category in the taxonomy is ‗L2 based strategies‘. This category comprises the largest
number of subcategories, which includes 15 subcategories. In this category, 578 (40.53%) occurrences of L2
based strategies were employed by participants, of which 141 (9.89%) of the occurrences resulted in the
production of acceptable collocations. On the contrary, and occurring with a high frequency, 437 (30.65%) of
the occurrences produced unacceptable collocations. Table 8 below illustrates participants‘ use of ‗L2 based
strategies‘ in producing acceptable and unacceptable collocations.
In this category, 11 strategies were used by participants in the production of acceptable collocations.
Among all the subcategories listed in Table 8, the strategy of ‗use of L2 common words and de-lexicalized
verbs‘ occurred with the highest frequency. Out of a total of 1426 occurrences of strategies, 71 (4.98%)
occurrences of this strategy produced acceptable collocations. Strategies that ranked second in this category
were ‗use of L2 synonyms‘, and ‗approximation‘ which both occurred 21 times (1.47%). The strategies that
were used least in producing acceptable collocations in this category were ‗ use of L2 idioms‘, ‗ use of physical
description‘ which each occurred once (0.07%) in the data, followed by ‗relying on grammatical clues‘ which
occurred twice(0.14%). Next in frequency in this category were ‗use of L2 derivation‘, and ‗use of L2
paraphrase‘ which occurred three times each (0.21%). Strategies that did not occur at all in the production of
acceptable collocations were ‗word coinage‘, ‗use of L2 figurative expressions‘, ‗overextension of L2 lexical
items‘, and ‗use of an L2 different word class‘. The remaining strategies‘ in this category occurred with
relatively low frequencies (see Table 8).

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Table 8:Frequency and percentage of participants‘ overall use of ‗L2 based strategies‘ in
producing acceptable and unacceptable English lexical collocations

L2 based Strategies

Acceptable

Unacceptable

Collocations

Collocations

f
L2 synonyms
L2 paraphrase
L2 common &amp; de-lexicalized words
Word coinage
L2 Negation
L2 Antonyms
L2 figurative expressions
L2 Derivation
Approximation
L2 physical description
L2 grammatical clues
Overextension of L2 lexical items
Use of an L2 different word class
L2 learning &amp; personal experience
L2 Idioms
Subtotal
Total Frequency/percentage
Grand total frequency/ percentage

%

21
1.47
3
0.21
71
4.98
0
0
5
0.35
7
0.49
0
0
3
0.21
21
1.47
1
0.07
2
0.14
0
0
0
0
6
0.42
1
0.07
141
9.89
578 / 40.53%
1426 / 100%

F
36
88
150
7
10
4
3
0
65
8
7
5
45
9
0
437

%
2.52
6.17
10.52
0.49
0.70
0.28
0.21
0
4.56
0.56
0.49
0.35
3.16
0.63
0
30.65

In producing unacceptable collocations, however, participants used 13 strategies in this major category.
The strategy which occurred with the highest frequency was again ‗use of L2 common words and de-lexicalized
verbs‘, which occurred 150 times (10.52%), followed by ‗use of L2 paraphrase‘ which occurred 88 times
(6.17%), and ‗approximation‘ which occurred 65 times(4.56%), followed by ‗use of an L2 different word class‘
occurring 45 times(3.16%). The least used strategies in the production of unacceptable collocations were ‗use of
L2 figurative expressions‘ with three occurrences (0.21%), ‗use of L2 antonyms‘ with four occurrences (0.28%)
and ‗overextension of L2 lexical usages‘ with five occurrences (0.35%). Two strategies were not used in this
major category in the production of unacceptable collocations, ‗ use of L2 derivation‘ and ‗use of L2 idioms‘
Other strategies did not occur with a very high frequency either (see Table 8).

5.2.4. Reduction strategies
The fourth major category in the taxonomy is ‗reduction strategies‘. It comprises three subcategories
‗total avoidance‘, ‗use of irrelevant lexical item‘, and ‗message abandonment‘. All three subcategories occurred
205 times (14.38%) in the production of unacceptable collocations only. None had occurred in the production of
acceptable collocations. Two of the subcategories in this category occurred with a relatively high frequency,
they were ‗total avoidance‘ which occurred 85 times (5.96%), and ‗use of irrelevant lexical item‘ with 99 times
(6.94%) of occurrence. On the other hand, ‗message abandonment‘ occurred 21 times (1.47%) with a relatively
low occurrence compared to the other two strategies. Table 9 shows frequencies and percentages of strategies
used under this category in producing acceptable or unacceptable English lexical collocations.

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Table 9:Frequency and percentage of participants‘ overall use of ‗reduction strategies‘ in producing
acceptable and unacceptable English lexical collocation

Reduction Strategies
Total Avoidance
Use of an irrelevant lexical items
Message Abandonment
Subtotal
Total: Frequency/percentage
Grand total: frequency/percentage

Acceptable

Unacceptable

Collocations
No.
%
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
205 / 14.38 %
1426 / 100%

Collocations
No.
85
99
21
205

%
5.96
6.94
1.47
14.38

5.2.5. Test-taking strategies
The fifth major category in the taxonomy deals with ‗test-taking strategies‘. It includes two
subcategories ‗use of words that appeared earlier in the task‘, and ‗use of contextual information‘. Strategies
under this category were used 39 times (2.73%). The strategy of ‗use of words that appeared earlier in the task‘
had not occurred in the production of acceptable collocations, but was employed four times (0.28%) in
producing unacceptable collocations. On the other hand, use of contextual information occurred 16 times (
1.12%), in the production of acceptable collocations, and 19 times (1.33%) in the production of unacceptable
collocations (see Table 10).
Table 10
Frequency and percentage of of participants‘ overall use of ‗ test-taking strategies‘ in producing
acceptable and unacceptable English lexical collocations

Test - taking Strategies
Use of words that appeared earlier in the task
Use of contextual information
Subtotal
Total: Frequency/percentage
Grand total: frequency/percentage

Acceptable

Unacceptable

Collocations
No.
%
0
0
16
1.12
16
1.12
39 / 2.73 %
1426 / 100%

Collocations
No.
%
4
0.28
19
1.33
23
1.61

5.2.6. Participants‘ overall use of the major categories of strategies in producing English lexical
collocations
To summarize the results displayed earlier in this section, Table 11 shows all five major categories‘
frequency of occurrences and their percentages. Out of a total of 1426 occurrences of strategies, ‗retrieval‘
occurred 179 times (12.55%) in producing acceptable collocations only, none had occurred in the production of
unacceptable collocations. ‗L1 based strategies‘ occurred with a frequency of 99 times (6.94%) in producing
acceptable collocations, and 326 times (22.86%) in producing unacceptable collocations. On the other hand, ‗L2
based strategies‘ occurred with a high percentage in producing both acceptable and unacceptable collocations. It
occurred with a frequency of 141 times (9.89%) in the production of acceptable collocations, and 437 times
(30.65%) in the production of unacceptable collocations. On the contrary, ‗reduction strategies‘ occurred only in
the production of unacceptable collocations with a frequency of 205 times (14.38%). ‗Test- taking strategies‘
were the least used strategies in both the production of acceptable and unacceptable collocations. They occurred
16 times (1.12%) in the production of acceptable collocations, and 23 times (1.61%) in the production of
unacceptable collocations.
Table 11
An overall frequency and percentage‘s count of the major categories of strategies used
by the participants in producing acceptable and unacceptable English lexical collocations

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Strategies
Retrieval
L1 based strategies
L2 based strategies
Reduction strategies
Test-taking strategies
Subtotal
Total

Participants strategy use
Acceptable Collocations
Unacceptable Collocations
No.
%
No.
%
179
12.55
0
0
99
6.94
326
22.86
141
9.89
437
30.65
0
0
205
14.38
16
1.12
23
1.61
435
30.50
991
69.50
1426 / 100 %

Figure 3. A comparison between frequencies resulted from participants‘ use of the major categories of strategies
in producing acceptable and unacceptable English lexical collocations.
Figure 3 shows that more strategies were employed in producing unacceptable collocations compared to
those which produced acceptable collocations. In producing acceptable collocations, the ‗retrieval strategy‘
ranked first, ‗L2 based strategies‘ ranked second, ‗L1 based strategies‘ ranked third, ‗test-taking strategies‘
ranked fourth, and the ‗reduction strategies‘ did not occur at all in the production of acceptable collocations. In
producing unacceptable collocations, however, ‗L2 based strategies‘ ranked first, followed by ‗L1 based
strategies‘, ‗reduction strategies‘ ranked third, ‗test- taking strategies‘ ranked fourth, whereas ‗retrieval
strategy‘ did not occur at all in the production of unacceptable collocations.
5.2.7. Frequency and percentage of participants‘ use of strategies with reference to their proficiency level
in producing English lexical collocations
The results of this study showed variations in the performance of the participants. The subcategories
within each major category varied in their frequency of occurrence in two dimensions. First, they varied with
regard to the frequency of occurrence among subcategories used by the same group. Second, they differed with
regard to the difference between both groups in employing strategies categorized in each major category. To
give an overview of data, high proficiency level students (HPS) employed a total of 715 strategies, whereas low
proficiency students (LPS) used a total of 711 strategies in producing English lexical collocations. A detailed
description of each group‘s performance is presented in the next section.

5.2.7.1. Retrieval strategy
The first major category in the taxonomy was the ‗retrieval strategy. As stated earlier, this strategy was only
used in the production of acceptable collocations, and was not used at all by both groups in the production of
unacceptable collocations (see Table 12). As for the two groups of participants use of this category, HPS used
this strategy 145 times (20.28%), whereas LPS used it 34 times (4.78%) in the production of acceptable
collocation. This indicates that LPS with apparently a smaller inventory of L2 vocabulary used ‗retrieval‘ with a
low frequency compared to the HPS who probably possess a larger size of L2 vocabulary.

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Table 12. A comparison of the Frequency and percentage of the retrieval strategy used by each group
in producing acceptable or unacceptable English lexical collocations
HPS
Retrieval
Strategy

Acceptable
Collocations

Retrieval
Total
Grand Total

F
%
f
145
20.28 0
145 / 20.28 %
715 / 100%

LPS

Unacceptable
Collocations

Acceptable
Collocations

%

Unacceptable
Collocations

f
%
34
4.78
34 / 4.78 %
711 / 100%

0

f

%

0

0

5.2.7.2. L1 based strategies
The results showed that both groups used ‗L1 based strategies‘ in the production of collocations (see
Table 13). Out of a total of 715 occurrences of strategies used by HPS, 221 (30.91%) ‗L1 based strategies‘ were
employed by HPS, of which 62 occurrences (8.67%) produced acceptable collocations, and 159 occurrences
(22.24%) resulted in unacceptable collocations. On the other hand, LPS used ‗L1 based strategies‘ 204 times
(28.69 %) of which 37 occurrences (5.20%) produced acceptable collocations, and 167 occurrences (23.49%)
resulted in unacceptable collocations. A closer look at each group‘s use of ‗L1 based strategies‘ in the
production of collocations is presented in the following section.

Table 13
A comparison of the frequency and percentage of the ‗L1 based strategies‘ used by each group in
producing acceptable or unacceptable English lexical collocations

Acceptable

HPS
Unacceptable

Acceptable

LPS
Unacceptable

L1 based Strategies

Negative transfer

Collocations
f
%
0
0

Collocations
f
%
68
9.51

Positive transfer

47

6.57

11

1. 54

L 1 synonyms

11

1.54

35

4.90

L1 figurative expressions
L1 Non standard use of
lexical items
Language switch
Overextension of L1
lexical items
Use of L1 related
concepts
L1 &amp; L2 phonemic
similarities
L1 paraphrase

0

0

1

0.14

1

0.14

4

0.56

0

0

0

0

0

0

Subtotal
Total:
Frequency/percentage
Grand Total

Collocations
f
%
72
10.13

0

Collocations
f
%
0
0
4.2
30
2
0.7
5
0
0
0
0.2
2
8
0
0

10

1.40

0

0

0

0

0

0

4

3

0.42

62

8.67

13

1.83

27

3.80

2

0.28

12

1.69

2

0.28

0

1

0.14

0

0

5

0.70

0.56

0

0

1

0.14

26

3.64

0

32

4.50

159

22.24

37

0
5.2
0

167

23.49

221 /30.91 %

204 / 28.69 %

715 / 100 %

711 / 100 %

As shown in Table 13, out of the 10 subcategories of strategies in this major category, HPS used only
four strategies in producing acceptable collocations. They were ‗use of positive transfer of a single L1 lexical
item‘ which occurred 47 times (6.57%), ‗use of L1 synonyms‘ occurred 11 times (1.54%), ‗use of L1 nonstandard lexical items‘ which occurred only once (0.14%), and ‗use of L1 paraphrase occurred three times

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(0.42%). This indicates that ‗use of positive transfer of a single L1 lexical item‘ was the most used strategy by
HPS in the production of acceptable collocations, whereas, ‗use of ‗L1 non-standard lexical items‘ was the least
used by HPS in the production of acceptable collocations.
In contrast, in the production of unacceptable collocations, HPS used 8 out of 10 of the strategies in this
category. The two remaining unused strategies were ‗language switch‘, and ‗use of L1 related concepts‘. As for
the eight used strategies, the most used strategy in the production of unacceptable collocations was ‗negative
transfer of an L1 single lexical item‘ which occurred 68 times (9.51%), followed by ‗use of L1 synonyms‘ with
an occurrence of 35 times (4.90%), and ‗use of L1 paraphrase‘ which occurred 26 times (3.64%). Among the
least used strategies in producing unacceptable collocations, were ‗use of L1 figurative expressions‘ which
occurred once (0.14%), ‗use of L1 non-standard lexical items‘, and ‗use of L1 &amp; L2 phonemic similarities‘
which both occurred four times (0.56%). The overall use of ‗L1 based strategies‘ by HPS indicates these
strategies‘ high occurrence in their production of unacceptable collocations.
The performance of LPS in the production of lexical collocations with regard to use of ‗L1 based
strategies‘ major category to produce acceptable collocations did not vary greatly than that of HPS. A closer
look at Table 23 shows that LPS used only three strategies in the production of acceptable collocations. They
were ‗ use of positive transfer of a single L1 lexical item‘ which occurred 30 times (4.22 %), ‗ use of L 1
synonyms‘ occurred 5 times (0.70%), ‗ use of L1 non-standard lexical items‘ twice (0.28%). Other strategies
were not used at all by LPS in the production of acceptable collocations.
In the production of unacceptable collocations, on the other hand, LPS used all strategies in this
category. Strategies in this category varied in their frequency of occurrence as shown in Table 14. For example,
the strategy of ‗negative transfer of a single L1 lexical item‘ was the most used strategy with a frequency of 72
occurrences (10.13%), followed by ‗use of L1 paraphrase‘ which occurred 32 times (4.50%), next in frequency
was ‗use of L1 synonyms‘ which occurred 27 times (3.80%). The least used strategies, however, were ‗ use of
L1 &amp; L2 phonemic similarities‘, ‗over-extension of L1 lexical items‘, which occurred once each(0.14%),
followed by ‗ language switch‘ and ‗ use of L1 figurative expressions‘ which occurred twice each(0.28%). The
remaining strategies were in mid-position between the highlighted subcategories.
Table 13 also shows that HPS and LPS did not vary greatly in their use of ‗L1 based strategies‘ with
regard to the total number of strategies used by each group in this category. Nevertheless, results suggest that
HPS were relatively more successful users of ‗L1 based strategies‘ in the productions of acceptable collocations
with 62 occurrences (8.67%) compared to the LPS who used them 37 times (5.20 %). The most successful
strategy in the production of acceptable collocations in this category was ‗positive transfer of an L1 single lexical
item‘ which was used by the HPS 47 times (6.57%), and 30 times (4.22%) by the LPS. With regard to the
production of unacceptable collocations, however, both groups had employed strategies in this major category
with a relatively high frequency. For example, HPS used ‗L1 based strategies‘ 159 times (22.24%), and LPS
employed them 167 times(23.49%). The strategy used most by both groups in the production of unacceptable
collocations was ‗negative transfer of a single L1 lexical item‘ which was used by HPS with a frequency of 68
occurrences (9.51%), and by the LPS 72 times (10.13%) indicating its common use among both groups.
5.2.7.3. L2 base strategies
In employing strategies in this major category, both groups used most of the strategies listed in Table
14. Out of a total of 715 occurrences of strategies used by HPS, 293 occurrences (40.98%) of ‗L2 based
strategies‘ were employed of which 92 occurrences (12.87%) produced acceptable collocations, and 201
occurrences (28.11%) resulted in unacceptable collocations. On the other hand, out of a total of 711 occurrences
of strategies used by LPS in this study, ‗L2 based strategies‘ were used 285 times (40.08 %) of which 49
occurrences (6.89%) produced acceptable collocations, and 236 occurrences (33.19%) resulted in unacceptable
collocations.
In the production of acceptable collocations, the HPS used 11 subcategories in this major category. The
strategies that were used most in the production of acceptable collocations by HPS were ‗use of common words
and de-lexicalized verbs‘ which occurred 39 times (5.45%), followed in frequency by ‗approximation‘ which
occurred 15 times (2.10%), next in frequency was the‗ use of L2 synonyms‘ which occurred 14 times (1.96%).
The least used strategies, however, were ‗use of L2 idioms‘ and ‗use of physical description‘ which both
occurred once (0.14%) followed by, ‗use of L2 derivation‘, and ‗use of L2 paraphrase‘ both of which occurred 3
times (0.42%). The remaining strategies, as shown in Table 14, did not occur with high frequency of occurrence
either. Some strategies were not used at all, such as ‗word coinage‘, ‗use of L2 figurative expressions‘, ‗relying
on L2 grammatical clues‘, ‗use of an L2 different word class‘, and ‗overextension of L2 lexical usages‘.

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HPS used ‗L2 based strategies‘ also in the production of unacceptable collocations but with a higher
ratio. All strategies in this category were used except ‗use of L2 idioms‘ which did not occur at all in the
production of unacceptable collocations. With regard to the most used strategies in this section, ‗use of
common words and de-lexicalized verbs‘, ranked first with a frequency of 64 times of occurrences (8.95%),
followed by ‗use of L2 paraphrase‘ which occurred 32 times (4.48%), ‗use of L2 synonyms‘ occurred 22 times
(3.08%), and ‗use of an L2 different word class‘ which occurred 21 times (2.94%). Among the least used
strategies in the production of unacceptable collocations, HPS used ‗relying on L2 grammatical clues‘ only once
(0.14%), ‗use of L2 negation‘, ‗use of L2 antonyms‘, and ‗use of L2 figurative expressions‘ 3 times (0.42%)
each. Other strategies frequencies of occurrence and percentage appear in Table 14.
In producing acceptable collocations, LPS used 6 out of 15 strategies in this category, other strategies
were not used at all (see Table 14). Out of a total of 711 occurrences of strategies employed by LPS, the strategy
that was used most in the production of acceptable collocations by LPS was ‗use of common words and delexicalized verbs‘ which occurred 32 times (4.50%). The least used strategies were ‗use of L2 antonyms‘, and
‗recalling from an L2 learning and personal experience‘ which occurred only once (0.14%) each, and ‗relying on
grammatical clues‘ which occurred twice (0.28%). Other strategies occurred with low frequency in this
category, such as ‗use of L2 synonyms‘ which occurred 7 times (0.98%), and ‗approximation‘ which occurred 6
times (0.7%). In producing acceptable collocations, LPS used ‗L2 based strategies‘ with a relatively low
frequency with a total number of 49 occurrences (6.89%) of strategies used in this category.
Table 14
A comparison of the frequency and percentage of the ‗L2 based strategies‘ used by each group in
producing acceptable or unacceptable English lexical collocations

Acceptable

HPS
Unacceptable

Acceptable

LPS
Unacceptable

L2 based Strategies

L2 synonyms
L2 paraphrase
L2 common and delexicalized words
Word coinage
L2 Negation
L2 Antonyms
L2 figurative expressions
L2 derivation
Approximation
L2 physical description
L2 grammatical clues
Overextension of L2
lexical items
Use of an L2 different
word class
L2 learning &amp; personal
experience
L2 idioms
Subtotal
Total:
Frequency / percentage
Grand Total

Collocations
f
%
14
1.96
3
0.42

Collocations
f
%
22
3.08
32
4.48

Collocations
f
%
7
0.98
0
0

Collocations
f
%
14
1.97
56
7.88

39

5.45

64

8.95

32

4.50

86

12.10

0
5
6
0
3
15
1
0

0
0.70
0.84
0
0.42
2.10
0.14
0

4
3
3
3
0
30
7
1

0.56
0.42
0.42
0.42
0
4.20
0.98
0.14

0
0
1
0
0
6
0
2

0
0
0.14
0
0
0.84
0
0.28

3
7
1
0
0
35
1
6

0.42
0.98
0.14
0
0
4.92
0.14
0.84

0

0

4

0.56

0

0

1

0.14

0

0

21

2.94

0

0

24

3.38

5

0.70

7

0.98

1

0.14

2

0.28

1
92

0.14
12.87

0
201

0
28.11

0
49

0
6.89

0
236

0
33.19

293 / 40.98 %

285 / 40.08 %

715 / 100%

711 / 100%

In producing unacceptable collocations by LPS, results revealed that strategies used in ‗L2 based
strategies‘ category varied in their frequency of occurrence as shown in Table 14. They also indicate that most
strategies in this category were used by LPS except the strategies of ‗use of L2 idioms‘, ‗L2 derivation‘, ‗L2
figurative expressions‘ which did not occur at all. Out of 711 strategies used by LPS, the most used strategy in

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this category was ‗use of common words and de-lexicalized verbs‘ which occurred 86 times (12.10%). Next in
frequency of occurrence was ‗use of L2 paraphrase‘ which occurred 56 times (7.88%), followed by
‗approximation‘ with an occurrence of 35 times (4.92%), and ‗use of an L2 different word class‘ which occurred
24 times (3.38%). In contrast, the least used strategies were ‗use of L2 antonyms‘, ‗use of L2 physical
description‘, and ‗overextension of L2 lexical usages‘ all of which occurred once (0.14%), followed by
‗recalling from an L2 learning and personal experience‘ which occurred twice (0.28%), and word coinage which
occurred 3 times (0.42%). The remaining strategies occurred in mid position as shown in Table 14.
Results in Table 14, also indicate that both groups did not differ greatly in their use of ‗L2 based
strategies‘ in general as they were employed by HPS 293 times (40.98%), and by LPS 285 times (40.08%).
However, they did differ in their frequency of use on subcategory‘s level and on the bases of the acceptability of
the collocations used. In general, in producing acceptable collocations, HPS were more successful users of ‗L2
based strategies‘ with a frequency of 92 occurrences (12.87%), compared to LPS which used them 49 times
(6.89%). HPS also used more of the subcategories in this major category than the LPS. In producing
unacceptable collocations, however, both groups used ‗L2 based strategies‘ with a relatively high frequency, as
they were used by the HPS 201 times (28.11%), and by the LPS 236 times (33.19%). Results also suggest that
the most used strategy by both groups in producing acceptable and unacceptable collocations was ‗use of L2
common words and de-lexicalized verbs‘. Some strategies were used by one group only, such as ‗use of L2
figurative expressions‘, ‗use of L2 derivation‘, and ‗use of L2 idioms‘ which were used by the HPS only. Table
14 shows how the frequency of occurrences within subcategories in this major category varied between the two
groups.

6. Conclusion
The results of this study reveal that in the production of unacceptable collocations HPS, use of the
major categories followed this order: first, ‗L2 based strategies‘, second, ‗L1 based strategies‘ third, ‗reduction
strategies‘, and last, ‗test-taking strategies‘ whereas the ‗retrieval strategy‘ did not occur at all. On the other
hand, the use of LPS of strategies in the production of unacceptable collocations had the following order: ‗L2
based strategies‘ ranked first, ‗reduction strategies‘ ranked second, ‗L1 based strategies‘ which ranked third, and
‗test-taking strategies‘ in final position, whereas the ‗retrieval strategy‘ did not occur at all in the production of
unacceptable collocations.
Though some studies admitted that most of learners‘ collocational errors could be attributable to
negative transfer from their L1 which is the only resource from which learners can rely upon (Bahns &amp; Eldo,
1993; Bahns, 1993; Farghal &amp; Obiedat, 1995; Huang, 2001, Zughoul &amp; Abdul-Fattah, 2001, 2003; Nesselhauf,
2003), the results obtained in this study revealed that there are other intralingual factors that resulted in learners‘
collocational errors. This was manifested in participants‘ use of more ‗L2 based strategies‘ than ‗L1 based
strategies‘ in producing unacceptable collocations. In this regard the results of this study supported the findings
reached by Wang &amp; Shaw (2008) which suggested that not only L1 transfer was responsible of learners‘
collocational problems but also there are other intralingual factors.
Furthermore, the results of this study showed that both groups relied on ‗L2 based strategies‘ more
often than ‗L1 based strategies‘, in producing both acceptable and unacceptable collocations. It must be noted
that in these major categories of strategies there were one or more subcategories that were used with a higher
ratio than the other existing subcategories. Some strategies were more dominant than others in each category.
For example, in employing ‗L2 based strategies‘, the most common strategy used by both groups was ‗use of
common words and de-lexicalized verbs‘, followed by ‗use of L2 paraphrase‘, and ‗approximation‘ respectively.
In the major category of ‗L1 based strategies‘, on the other hand, the strategy of ‗use of positive transfer of a
single L1 lexical item‘ was the most used strategy by both groups in the production of acceptable collocations.
In the production of unacceptable collocations, however, the strategy of ‗negative transfer of a single L1 lexical
item‘ was the strategy that was used most by both groups. Such strategy choices made by learners could be a
reflection of their teachers‘ teaching practices of simplifying the new vocabulary introduced through probably
using strategies such as ‗L1 transfer‘ ‗used of common words and de-lexicalized verbs‘ ‗approximation‘, and
‗paraphrase‘.
It is well known that collocational strategies (CSs) are used with the primary goal to compensate for
inadequacies resulting from a limited L2 linguistic system to promote communication especially in L2 oral
language production. For this reason, researchers investigating learners‘ language oral production called for
teaching them in order to encourage learners‘ communication in L2. In this regard, the results of this study

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revealed that both high and low proficiency students drew on almost similar strategies in producing acceptable or
unacceptable collocations in terms of the type of strategy chosen. This suggests that learners from both groups
of different proficiency levels share certain ability that is referred to as ‗strategic competence‘. HPS though did
not differ greatly on their choice of strategies than LPS, they differed with regard to the frequencies of
occurrences of most of the strategies used particularly in the production of acceptable collocations.
This finding suggests that higher proficiency level could promote learners‘ production of acceptable
collocations. Based on this finding, it can be inferred that in the area of collocational production, CSs teaching
may not enhance learners‘ production of acceptable collocations, whereas explicit teaching of English lexical
collocations could hopefully improve learners‘ production of acceptable collocations. In this sense, this study
strongly supports Bialystok‘s (1990) view that:
The more language the learner knows, the more possibilities exist for the system to be
flexible and adjust itself to meet the demands of the learner. What one must teach students
of a language is not strategy, but language. (p. 147)

7. Pedagogical Implications and Recommendations for Teaching English Lexical
Collocations for EFL learners
In this study, a taxonomy of CSs employed by the participants of this study was developed. This
taxonomy could serve as a useful tool to teachers in understanding their students‘ performance when seeking to
produce English lexical collocations. Such a taxonomy, as well as, the quantitative results of this study may
assist teachers to emphasise areas of strength that may help students‘ produce acceptable collocations. It may
also direct teachers to discourage those ineffective strategies such as ‗reduction strategies‘ that lead to the
production of unacceptable collocations.
Since the retrieval strategy turned out to be effective in the production of acceptable collocations, it is
advisable to find ways to enhance learners‘ ability to retrieve acceptable English collocations. To this end, early
exposure to collocations is recommended from the earliest stages of L2 learning (Lewis, 1993; Hill, 2000). To
achieve this, collocations should be introduced through intensive reading and listening programmes at the
earliest stages of L2 learning to provide an L2 collocational input which may later lead to an output on the part
of learners. In this respect, Hill (2000) maintains that ―what the language learners are exposed to from the
earliest stages is crucial. Good quality input should lead to good quality retrieval‖ (p. 54). Therefore, when L2
vocabulary items are first introduced to learners they must be presented with their frequent partners in their L2
typical use. Such partnership between lexical items should be stressed as early as possible. Hence, learners
would hopefully recognise such partnerships whenever they encounter them, thus they may learn and later
retrieve them as whole chunks.
The results of this study also revealed that participants overused employing a specific subcategory of
‗L2 based strategies‘, i.e., ‗use of common words and de-lexicalized verbs‘ with high frequency compared to
other ‗L2 based strategies‘ in producing both acceptable and unacceptable collocations. Based on Lewis,
Morgan (2000), and Hill (2000 ) view about using the language that learners already have to extend their
collocational competence, it is recommended that learners are introduced to already known common verbs and
adjectives together with their frequent noun collocates (Lewis, 1993). For example, it is advisable to introduce
de-lexicalised verbs such as make, do, have, get, take, give ,and put, or common adjectives such as, great, full,
complete, quick, little, big, large, strong, good, and bad with a wide range of their noun collocates. Hence,
students will be encouraged to explore the collocational ranges of such common verbs or adjectives and then
practise them in their typical use. In this sense, students‘ attention must be drawn to consider that ―learning
more vocabulary is not just learning new words, it is often learning familiar words in new combinations‖
(Woolard, 2000, p. 31).
Students‘ attention should also be drawn to L2 collocational restrictions between lexical cooccurrences. Such collocational restrictions impose limitations on their substitution by other lexical items.
Students must be directed that semantically compatible lexical items are not necessarily collocationally
interchangeable. Although synonyms are words with mostly similar meanings, they may not be substituted one
for another in some contexts. Hence, students need to have adequate knowledge of the L2 lexicon particularly
with sense relations. Recognition of paradigmatic as well as syntagmatic relations of the target language
promotes their use of such ‗L2 based strategies‘ in the production of acceptable collocations. By the same token,
students may substitute de-lexicalised words which relatively carry little meanings in themselves unaware that
each word may have a different collocational range. Therefore, it is recommended that such L2 collocational

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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
restrictions be explicitly taught. Furthermore, special emphasis should be given to restricted collocations, for
they may pass unnoticed by learners during traditional vocabulary teaching classes. Students ought to be directed
towards noticing and recording such combinations to observe their collocational ranges in different L2 contexts.
Hence, this would encourage learners‘ independence for exploring this important area of L2 lexicon.
Results also revealed that participants of this study relied heavily on their ‗L1 based strategies‘ to
provide responses to the given tasks in the production of both acceptable and unacceptable collocations. The
predominant strategy that produced acceptable collocations was that of ‗use of positive transfer of a single
lexical item‘, whereas ‗use of negative transfer of a single lexical item‘ was the prevailing strategy that resulted
in unacceptable collocations. Interestingly enough, the same strategy of ‗use of positive transfer of a single
lexical item‘ had also resulted in unacceptable collocations. This suggests that positive transfer of single lexical
items does not always produce acceptable collocations. A possible explanation for that is that participants used
to transfer word for word without probably being aware of the collocational restrictions of the produced
combinations. In this sense, it is advisable as Lewis (1997) suggests that learners should aim at transferring
chunk for chunk rather than word for word.
Raising students‘ awareness of the phenomenon of collocation is crucial for effective L2 learning.
Explicit teaching of collocations is advisable in order to raise learners‘ awareness of the nature of this
phenomenon and its importance for their L2 production. To this end, vocabulary should be introduced as whole
chunks rather than isolated lexical items. Words are not normally used alone but with other words which
habitually co-occur with them in a language. This reflects the need for learning L2 lexical items in their frequent
typical pattern of actual use. Explicit teaching of collocations should be put into practice with the help of
improved language course books, trained teachers, effective teaching practices, and motivated independent
learners.
Learners could immensely benefit from getting access to important resources for noticing collocational
patterns by consulting specialised dictionaries of English collocations. Therefore, it is recommended that
learners make use of such specialised dictionaries in exploring how words collocate together in English, and how
other unexpected combinations do co-occur to form an acceptable collocation. Dictionaries also help learners to
frequently revisit already learned material. In addition, they offer other new alternatives of lexical items that
can collocate with the target lexical item in question in specific contexts. They may also provide learners with a
variety of collocations that can help them produce precise and natural L2 writing. Encouraging learners to use
English collocations‘ dictionaries could help them experience different collocational forms of English. Hence,
dictionaries of collocations can serve as resources that enrich learners L2 mental lexicon with new combinations.

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                <text>Strategies Used in Producing English Lexical Collocations  by Saudi EFL Learners</text>
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                <text>Thirty, with two distinct proficiency level, EFL Saudi English majors at Taibah  University participated in this study. Two written elicitation tasks were used: a fill-in-theblank  test which was accompanied by a self-checklist, and a translation test. In addition,  retrospective data was also collected from the participants to elicit their reflections on  their written production.  The qualitative analysis of the data resulted in the development of a taxonomy of the  strategies used by the participants of the study. The taxonomy was divided into five  major categories: retrieval, L1 based strategies, L2 based strategies, reduction strategies,  and test-taking strategies.  The participants‘ overall use of strategies in producing unacceptable collocations was  higher in frequency than their use of the strategies in producing acceptable collocations.  The results also revealed that the participants relied on L2 based strategies more often  than other strategies in producing both acceptable and unacceptable collocations. The  results also showed that the two groups seemed to have chosen the same strategies and  have not differed much in their total number of use. The results revealed that HPS and  LPS differed significantly in their use of strategies in producing acceptable collocations  especially with regard to the retrieval strategy, L2 based strategies and L1 based  strategies in favour of the HPS group. In the production of unacceptable collocations, on  the other hand, there were statistically significant differences between the two groups  especially with reference to the use of the reduction strategies and L2 based strategies in  favour of the LPS group. The implications of the research findings for teaching English  collocations are discussed, along with pedagogical recommendations.</text>
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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo

SEMANTIĥKI REGENS I NJEGOVI ABROGATORI U ARAPSKOJ
GRAMATICI ZAVISNOSTI
Amra MuloviĤ
Odsjek za orijentalnu filologiju
Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu
mulovica@gmail.com
Saţetak: Ovaj rad istraņuje zavisne veze reĦeniĦnih Ħlanova u arapskom jeziku
primarno iskazane promjenom flektivnih formi i interpretira ih u kontekstu
tradicionalnog, izvorno arapskog koncepta zavisnosti reĦeniĦnih elemenata ili
konstituenata, ali i u kontekstu modernih sintaktiĦkih i semantiĦkih teorija. Jedan dio
rada se osvrĤe na al-Ğurğānījev sistem klasifikacije regensa kao upravnih elemenata
unutar razliĦitih sintaktiĦkih konstrukcija, koji je na izvanredan naĦin uspio pomiriti
sintaktiĦke i semantiĦke kriterije klasifikacije. Uglavnom se analiziraju semantiĦki ili
apstraktni regensi koje je postulirala i prepoznala klasiĦna arapska nauka o jeziku, tj.
semantiĦki regens imenske reĦenice, semantiĦki regens indikativa prezenta u okviru
glagolske reĦenice i Ħesto propitivani i od nekih uĦenjaka odbaĦeni semantiĦki regens
modifikatora u imeniĦkoj frazi. U radu se pojańnjavaju razlike koje postoje izmeħu
dviju dominirajuĤih gramatiĦkih ńkola, kufske i basranske, pri analizi rekcije
semantiĦkih regensa i njihovih abrogatora te forme zavisnih Ħlanova. ZakljuĦak
pokazuje da su u tradicionalnoj arapskoj gramatici anticipirani neki pogledi modernih
semantiĦara.
KljuĦne rijeĦi: regens, dependens, semantiĦki regens, abrogator semantiĦkog regensa

Uvod
Gramatika zavisnosti podrazumijeva interakciju semantiĦke i sintaksiĦke zavisnosti, a poĦiva na
radovima antiĦkih i klasiĦnih logiĦara i gramatiĦara. Koncept zavisnosti reĦeniĦkih elemenata ili konstituenata
pronaħen je u tradicionalnim gramatikama, latinskoj, arapskoj i sanskrtskoj. Arapsku gramatiku karakterińe
visoka deskriptivna moĤ koja se bavi funkcijama i gramatiĦkim kategorijeama. Lingvisti se uglavnom bave
modelom gramatike zavisnosti i funkcionalne gramatike, koja je primjenljivija na arapski jezik, te vińe u skladu
sa bogatom arapskom lingvistiĦkom tradicijom u okviru koje su anticipirani neki pogledi na jeziĦku strukturu.
Arapska teorija se u svojoj biti ne razlikuje od modernih zapadnih koncepcija, kakve je imao, recimo, Tesnièr,
koji se smatra zaĦetnikom savremenog poimanja zavisnosti. I u arapskoj tradicionalnoj gramatici postavljeni su
uslovi za dobro oblikovanu strukturu zavisnosti: samo jedan element je nezavisan; svi drugi ovise direktno o
nekom elementu; niti jedan element ne zavisi direktno od vińe od jednog elementa itd. Arapski koncept
zavisnosti podrazumijeva postojanje upravnog elementa, regensa (al-‗āmil) i zavisnog elementa, dependensa
(al-ma‗mūl). Regens je rijeĦ koja ima sposobnost rekcije (al-‗amal) ńto je, prema veĤini gramatiĦara
„jednosmjerni proces u okviru koga jedan konstituent u reĦenici djeluje na drugi zahtijevajuĤi da se javi o
odreħenom obliku― (Peled 2009:5). Zavisni Ħlanovi se u arapskom jeziku javljaju u nekom padeņnom ili
naĦinskom obliku. Dakle, sve zavisne veze primarno se iskazuju promjenama flektivnih formi. S obzirom na to
da je arapski jezik izrazito sintetiĦan i flektivan jezik, vokalna, spoljna fleksija (‘i‗rāb) ima ogroman znaĦaj.
Pristupi ovoj jeziĦkoj specifiĦnosti bili su razliĦiti, ali su okupljani oko Ħinjenice da je fleksija znaĦajni
razlikovni faktor znaĦenja, te da odreħuje ciljeve govornika lińavajuĤi iskaz svake ambigventnosti. Pitanje
regensa jedno je od najznaĦajnijih pitanja koje je pokrenulo sveobuhvatna i iscrpna istraņivanja, zato ńto je,
prema mińljenju veĤine klasiĦnih filologa, zadatak gramatike upravo istraņivanje spoljne, vokalne fleksije koja
nosi sve informacije o meħusobnom odnosu rijeĦi u reĦenici i utvrħivanje naĦina njenog normiranja.
Arapska gramatika zavisnosti
PoĦeci arapske gramatike zavisnosti vezuju se veĤ za Sībawayha (u. 798), mada su neke potpunije,
ureħenije, koherentnije teorije zavisnosti nastale tek poslije njega u okviru dvije suprotstavljene gramatiĦke ńkole
- basranskoj i kufskoj. Neke klasiĦne rasprave posvetile su mnogo prostora diskusiji metalingvistiĦog statusa
pojma rekcije. VeĤ u desetom stoljeĤu, gramatiĦari poput al-Sarrāğa (Kitāb al-‘Uṣūl), al-Zağğāğīja (Kitāb alĪḍāḥ) i Ibn Ğinnīja (Ḫaṣā‘iṣ) naglańavaju da se, iako u arapskoj terminologiji pojam al-‗amal znaĦi "djelovati",
"Ħiniti", to mora uzeti uvjetno, kao konvencija, tehniĦki termin gramatiĦara (Bohas et al. 1990:58). Nakon
mnońtva razliĦitih studija o regensu i meħusobnoj zavisnosti jeziĦkih jedinica koje nisu nań primarni interes,
moņemo reĤi da je nemjerljiv doprinos izuĦavanju ovih gramatiĦkih fenomena dao, zapravo, jedan stilistiĦar -

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‗Abd al-Qāhir ibn ‗Abd al-Raḥmān al-Ğurğānī (u. 1078). Iako se svojim slavnim djelima ‘Asrār al-balāġa i
Dalā‘l al-‘i‗ağāz udaljio od tradicionalnih metoda manipulirajuĤi promjenom znaĦenja koja se deńava unutar
razliĦitih sintaksiĦkih konstrukcija, njegova dva djela, al-‗Awāmil al-mi‘a al-naḥwiyya („Stotinu regensa u
sintaksi―) i al-Ğumal, koja nastavljaju tradiciju slavnih djela ranije spomenutih, stekla su popularnost, te sa njom
i utjecaj, a al-‗Awāmil al-mi‘a al-naḥwiyya je postalo jedno od najĦeńĤe komentiranih djela arapske gramatiĦke
tradicije. Meħu brojnim komentatorima nańao se i krajem 17. stoljeĤa Mustafa EjuboviĤ - Ńejh Jujo, jedan od
bosanskohercegovaĦkih autora koji su pisali na orijentalnim jezicima.
Klasifikacija regensa u okviru arapske gramatike zavisnosti
U okviru teorijske obrade regensa i rekcije arapski uĦenjaci su se bavili razliĦitim temama, postavljali
konkretna pravila, diskutirali o brojnim fenomenima, ali da bi se uopĤe moglo pristupiti primarnom cilju ovoga
rada, opisu semantiĦkog regensa, neophodno je dati uvid u klasifikacije regensa koje su ponudili arapski
gramatiĦari polazeĤi od razliĦitih kriterija koji su se nerijetko preplitali, nakon ńto su regense definirali kao
jedinice koje mogu biti Ħlanovi svih klasa rijeĦi, tj. glagoli, imena i partikule. Tako govore o primarnim
(al-‗awāmil al-‘aṣliyya) i sekundarnim regensima (al-‗awāmil al-far‗iyya), jakim (al-‗awāmil al-qawiyya) i
slabim (al-‗awāmil al-ḍa‗īfa), eksplicitno (al-‗awāmil al-malfūẓa) i implicitno izraņenim regensima (al-‗awāmil
al-muqaddara). U primarne regense ubrajaju glagole kao regense par exellance, dok su sekundarni regensi
imena i partikule. Slabi regensi su imenske rijeĦi i partikule, a jaki su prelazni glagoli, ali i neke vrste partikule.
Svi ovi regensi dalje se klasificiraju i prema naĦinu djelovanja i vrsti utjecaja na one koji zahtijevaju akuzativ,
nominativ, genitiv, konjunktiv, apokopatus i sl., te prema broju i prema vrsti dependensa.
Pitanje svake klasifikacije kopleksno je i teńko je pronaĤi neku adekvatnu, jasnu, dosljednu i u svakom
sluĦaju odrņivu klasifikaciju koja bi uzela u obzir razliĦita obiljeņja regensa. Stoga je i bitno naglasiti kriterije
odreħene podjele. ĥini nam se da je al-Ğurğānī na ingeniozan naĦin uspio izdiferencirati morfolońke, tj.
formalno-gramatiĦke i funkcionalne kriterije u preglednoj i razumljivoj klasifikaciji regensa. Al-Ğurğānī polazi
od strukturnih kao najznaĦajnijih kriterija i regense dijeli prema planu izraza i sadrņaja na leksiĦke ili formalne
(al-‗awāmil al-lafẓiyya) i semantiĦke, ili kako ih Bohas naziva "apstraktne" regense (al-‗awāmil al-ma‗nawiyya)
(1990:60). Formalni regensi su one upravne rijeĦi koje se javljaju u reĦeniĦkoj strukturi a koje imaju morfolońki
oblik, formu, koje se daju izgovoriti. Meħutim, formalni regensi ne moraju biti eksplicitno izraņeni u reĦenici,
odnosno njenoj povrńinskoj reprezentaciji. Oni mogu biti elidirani (al-maḫḏūf), Ħime se njihova rekcija ne
dokida (vidi: Zwartjes 2007:235). Daju se rekonstruirati jer im je znaĦenje implicirano kontekstom. Formalni
regensi se dalje dijele na formalne regense uzakonjene upotrebom (al-‗awāmil al-lafẓiyya al-samā‗iyya) i
formalne regense uzakonjene analogijom (al-‗awāmil al-lafẓiyya al-qiyāsiyya). U prvu grupu spadaju regensi
koji su rasprostranjeni u jeziĦkoj upotrebi i govornoj praksi Arapa, Ħlanovi zatvorenih klasa rijeĦi i ne mogu
posluņiti kao osnova za tvorbu novih regensa istog utjecaja. S druge strane, regensi uzakonjeni analogijom,
predstavljeni su otvorenim klasama rijeĦi na osnovu kojih se putem produktivnih pravila mogu izvoditi novi
Ħlanovi.
SemantiĦki regens subjekta i predikata imenske reĦenice
SemantiĦki regens na planu izraza fonetski je prazan element, ali na planu sadrņaja znaĦenjem obiljeņen
element kome je u klasiĦnoj arapskoj gramatici dodijeljena uloga upravnog elementa reĦenice. Arapski
gramatiĦari su postulirali i izdiferencirali dva, odnosno tri semantiĦka regensa. Prvi je semantiĦki regens subjekta
i predikata imenske reĦenice. Logika sistema da nema fleksijskog obiljeņja bez regensa (vidi: Bohas et al.
1990:59) potakla je gramatiĦare da identificiraju upravni element koji zahtijeva nominativne markere subjekta i
predikata imenske reĦenice. Da bismo obrazloņili motive diferenciranja ovoga regensa, a radi jasnoĤe i
razumljivosti, pokuńat Ĥemo u najkraĤem iznijeti kako arapski gramatiĦari poimaju imensku, odnosno glagolsku
reĦenicu, buduĤi da se njihove definicije suńtinski razlikuju od onih koje nudi zapadna savremena lingvistika.
Naime, oba tipa reĦenice u arapskom jeziku podrazumijevaju postojanje subjekta (al-musnad ‘ilayhi = dosl. ono
na ńto se neńto oslanja) i predikata (al-musnad = ono ńto se oslanja), ńto su nadreħeni termini za sve tipove
subjekata i prdikata koji se mogu javiti u reĦenicama. Izmeħu njih postoji specifiĦan odnos predikacije (al-‘isnād
= oslanjanje). U okviru imenske reĦenice koju obiljeņava odsustvo kopule tako da se predikativni odnos najĦeńĤe
ostvaruje kontrastom koji postoji izmeħu odreħenog subjekta i neodreħenog predikata. SintaksiĦka funkcija
subjekta oznaĦena je terminom al-mubtada‘, koji zapadni arabisti katkada prevode kao tema, a funkcija
predikata terminom al-ḫabar, za koji smo u literaturi nańli i prijevodni ekvivalent komentar (Owens 1984:28).
Iako, ovi termini imaju nauĦno opravdanje, posebno za markirani red rijeĦi u reĦenici, procese dislociranja nekih
reĦeniĦnih jedinica, fokusiranja itd., mi Ĥemo se dosljedno drņati ustaljenih termina. U okviru glagolske reĦenice
subjekat koji odgovara semantiĦkoj kategoriji agensa, vrńioca glagolske radnje, u arapskoj gramatici je oznaĦen
terminom al-fā‗il, a predikat se identificira finitnim oblikom glagola (al-fi‗l). Od krucijalne vaņnosti za

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razumijevanje teorije ragensa je Ħinjenica da arapska gramatiĦka trdicija svaku reĦenicu koja zapoĦinje imenom
smatra imenskom, a onu koja zapoĦinje potpunim glagolom glagolskom (o distinkcijama izmeħu imenske i
glagolske reĦenice prema mińljenju arapskih gramatiĦara detaljno vidjeti u: Levin 1985:118-27).
Dakle, jednostavnu imensku reĦenicu karakterizira jukstapozicija subjekta kojeg moņe Ħiniti imenica u
nominativu (osim ako reĦenica ne zapoĦinje "uvodnim reĦeniĦnim partikulama" kako jedan tip subordinatora i
reĦeniĦnih priloga naziva arapska tradicija), zamjenica (rastavljena i spojena liĦna, pokazna, odnosna zamjenica,
upitna), pridjev, infinitiv i participi kada se koriste kao supstantivi, prijedloņna fraza, subjekatska reĦenica itd. i
predikata koji moņe biti nedeterminirana imenica u nominativu, zamjenica (samostalna liĦna zamjenica,
pokazna, upitna), pridjev, participi, brojevi, prijedloņna fraza, prilog, imenska ili glagolska reĦenica itd.
Naravno, dio subjekta ili predikata bit Ĥe i svi njihovi determinatori, modifikatori i specifikatori, tj. svi njihovi
zavisni Ħlanovi, apozitivi (al-tābi‗, pl. al-tawābi‗).
U imenskoj reĦenici upravni element prama mińljenju basranske ńkole je inicijalni nulti glagol
(al-‘ibtidā‘ = početak) koji predikatom upravlja preko subjekta. (uporedi s: Bohas et al. 1990:64; Amaireh
1984:35; Levin 1985:123)
ø Zayd-un ğamīl-un.
‘ibtidā‘ Zejd-NOM lijep:MASC-NOM:INDEF ART
Zejd je lijep.
Treba naznaĦiti da samo basranska ńkola zagovara postuliranje semantiĦkog regensa subjekta i
predikata imenske reĦenice. S druge strane, kufska ńkola postavlja teoriju reciproĦnog ili uzajamnog regiranja
nominativa imena (al-tarāfu‗) koja pretpostavlja, ili bolje reĤi, dozvoljava subjektu imenske reĦenice da regira
njen imenski predikat, i obratno. Ova teorija kasnije je odbaĦena buduĤi da nije konzistentna sa osnovnim
eksplicitnim elaboracijama koje je porodila teorija regensa i model rekcije u okviru arapske gramatike zavisnosti.
Meħutim, ovakav opis donekle podsjeĤa na opis uzajamne zavisnosti koji nudi savremena gramatika zavisnosti
izmeħu glagola i subjekta koji mogu funkcionirati samo u prisustvu jedan drugog. RijeĦ je o morfolońkoj
zavisnosti glagola (VP) od gramatiĦkog subjekta (NP) koji odreħuje njegovu formu i sintaktiĦkoj zavisnosti
subjekta od glagola (vidi: MelĦuk 1988:26).
U abrogirajuĤe elemente regensa imenske reĦenice (al-nawāsiḫ al-‘ibtidā‘), koje moņemo definirati kao
subklasu upravnih elemenata spadaju spomenute uvodne reĦeniĦne partikule i glagol kāna i njemu sliĦni, tj. svi
oni semantiĦki nepunoznaĦni ili nepotpuni glagoli (al-‘af‗āl al-nāqiṣa) ili, ako uzmemo u obzir sintaktiĦki
aspekt, nesamostalni glagoli, partikule mā i lā koje sliĦe glagolu laysa, a prema nekim gramatiĦaraima i glagoli
mińljenja (‘af‗āl al-qulūb) te glagoli transformacije (‘af‗āl al-taḥwīl).

‘Inna Zayd-an ğamīl-un.
zaista:PRT Zejd-ACC lijep:MASC-NOM:INDEF ART
Zaista je Zejd lijep.

Kāna Zayd-un ğamīl-an.
biti:PERF:3SG:MASC Zejd-NOM lijep:MASC-ACC:INDEF ART
Zejd je bio lijep.
Shodno ranije reĦenom da samo basranska ńkola stoji na stajalińtu da su i subjekat i predikat dependensi
ovih partikula i nepotpunih glagola, treba naglasiti da kufska ńkola tvrdi da je njihova rekcija ograniĦena samo
na subjekat, odnosno predikat.
Ńest partikula (’inna, ’anna, ka’anna, lakinna, la‗alla i layta) dokidaju rekciju apstraktnog regensa i
zauzimaju njegovu zamińljenu poziciju na poĦetku reĦenice zahtijevajuĤi akuzativ subjekta, koji se tada naziva
‘ism i nominativ predikata. Iako svaka od ovih ńest partikula uvodi imensku reĦenicu i ima istu rekciju, njihova

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znaĦenja se razlikuju. Partikule ’inna i ’anna nose zajedniĦku nijansu u znaĦenju, a to je potvrħivanje predikacije
(ta‘kīd al-‘isnād), taĦnije suda koji podrazumijeva semantiĦki aspekt predikativnog odnosa, te se opisuju i kao
semantiĦki koroborativi. Kao ńto se iz primjera da vidjeti,’inna se na bosanski neobavezno prevodi reĦeniĦnim
prilogom za izricanje dojma govornika i uvodi nezavisnu reĦenicu, mada iskljuĦivo nakon glagola qāla (reĤi)
moņe biti i subordinator objekatske reĦenice, dok je ’anna iskljuĦivo veznik, tj. subordinator razliĦitih tipova
zavisnih reĦenica. Partikula ka’anna uvodi nezavisnu reĦenicu kojom se ņeli izraziti irealno poreħenje, a koja
korespondira sa bosanskim reduciranim poredbenim reĦenicama sa glagolom jesam ili biti (uporedi s: MrazoviĤ,
VukadnoviĤ 1990:543). Partikula lakinna ("ali", "nego") sluņi za naknadno ograniĦavanje (al-‘istidrāk), kako
al-‘Anṭākī opisuje znaĦenje ove partikule, tj. izdvajanje onoga u ńto bi sagovornik mogao povjerovati da je
ukljuĦeno u kontekst ili da "onome ńto je poslije nje pripoji sud suprotan sudu prije nje" (1975:23). Svakako, to
zanaĦi da sluņi kao koordinator nezavisne imenske adverzativne reĦenice. Naglańavamo "imenske reĦenice" zato
ńto za uvoħenje adverzativne glagolske reĦenice u arapskom jeziku sluņi njena reducirana varijanta lakin koja,
dakako, nema istu rekciju, taĦnije nema rekcije uopĤe. Partikule la‗alla (moņda, vjerovatno) i layta (kamo sreĤe)
reĦeniĦni su prilozi za izraņavanje ņelje i ocjene govornika o onome o Ħemu se govori.
U ovom kratkom pregledu uvodnih reĦeniĦkih partikula nismo iscrpili sve njihove sintaktiĦke funkcije a
njihov semantiĦki opseg znatno je ńiri. Meħutim, nuņno je istaĤi da arapska lingvistiĦka tradicija ove partikule
imenuje kao „partikule sliĦne glagolima― i motivi ovakvoga imenovanja su formalne, strukturne, ali i semantiĦke
naravi. Njihova rekcija se Ħesto usporeħuje sa rekcijom prelaznih glagola. Naime, prelazni glagoli kao i ove
partikule zahtijevaju dvije dopune (al-muta‗alliq), dva aktanta, kako ih naziva Tesnière (1959:105). Mogli bismo
reĤi da su dvovalentne kao dvovalentni prelazni glagoli. Valentnost je, prema Engelovoj jednostavnoj definiciji,
"rekcija ograniĦena na supklase leksema" (MrazoviĤ 1979:20). Valentnost kao sposobnost, prema gramatici
zavisnosti, imaju autosemantiĦke klase elemenata jednog jezika kao ńto su glagoli, imenice, pridjevi i prijedlozi.
Ovakvo definiranje ne vrijedi za arapski jezik, iako se proizvoljnost odreħivanja upravne rijeĦi u reĦenici tek se
odnedavno propituje i u okvirima zapadne gramatike zavisnosti. Arapska gramatiĦka tradicija priskrbljuje
sposobnost rekcije partikulama razliĦitih znaĦenja (leksiĦkih i gramatiĦkih) i raznovrsnih funkcija, te moguĤnost
da budu nukleusom, odnosno centralnim regensom u reĦenici, s obzirom na to da imenska reĦenica predikatski
odnos ostvaruje i bez glagola. Tako, dvovalentni prelazni glagol zahtijeva subjekatsku dopunu u nominativu i
objekatsku dopunu u akuzativu, a ove partikule zahtijevaju subjekatsku dopunu u akuzativu i predikatsku dopunu
u nominativu.
Kada su u pitanju glagolski abrogatori semantiĦkog regensa imenske reĦenice, nailazimo na
kontraverzna mińljenja i rasprave. U skladu sa kasnom arapskom lingvistiĦkom tradicijom, ovi glagoli samo
mijenjaju znaĦenjski odnos koji postoji izmeħu subjekta i predikata, odnosno smisao reĦenice, ali ne mijenjaju
tip reĦenice (vidi: al-Rāğiḥī 1999:111). To je zato ńto su ovi glagoli samo morfolońki glagoli, dok u semantiĦkom
smislu oni samo, kako kaņe Beeston, "dodaju osnovnoj imenskoj reĦenici predodņbu o vremenu i modalnosti
koju imenske reĦenice kao takve ne prenose" (1979:63) i ne oznaĦavaju radnju. Dakle, ovi glagoli samo
modificiraju veĤ realizirani predikativni odnos na razliĦite naĦine i nepotpuni su samo u okviru imenske
reĦenice. Ukoliko se jave sa agensom u okviru strukture glagolske reĦenice, onda je rijeĦ o njihovim
punoznaĦnim homografima.
Nemarkirani, neutralni red rijeĦi (al-tartīb al-‘aṣlī) u reĦeniĦkoj strukturi sa nepotpunim glagolom
pretpostavlja glagol kao upravni element na prvoj poziciji, potom subjekatsku dopunu na drugom mjestu
(korespondira agensu punoznaĦnog glagola) i predikatsku dopunu na treĤoj poziciji (korespondira objektu
punoznaĦnog glagola). Moņe doĤi do permutacije u rasporedu ovih elemenata iz razliĦitih komunikacijskih
razloga. U arapskom jeziku dozvoljena je antepozicija (al-taqdīm) predikatske dopune u odnosu na subjekatsku
dopunu, meħutim, u sluĦajevima kada flektivna obiljeņja nisu eksplicitno izraņena, veĤ postoje samo u dubinskoj
reprezentaciji, implicirani, antepozicija nije dozvoljena.
U nepotpune glagole, koji se joń nazivaju i pomoĤnim (al-‘af‗āl al-musā‗ida), abrogatore regensa
imenske reĦenice, ubrajaju se i inhoativni glagoli (‘af‗āl al-šurū‗), glagoli nade (‘af‗āl al-rağā‘) i glagoli
iminencije (‘af‗āl al-muqāraba). BuduĤi da su uvjeti njihove upotrebe i njihova znaĦenja iscrpno obraħena u
razliĦitim gramatikama, mi Ĥemo se zadrņati samo na takozvanim glagolima mińljenja koji se Ħesto prikljuĦuju
abrogatorima apstraktnog regensa. Naime, arapski gramatiĦari su uspjeńno dokazali da se komplementi, odnosno
objekti, ovih glagola bez izuzetka nalaze u predikativnom semantiĦkom odnosu, te da ovi glagoli opisuju vińe
misaonu radnju nego stvarni dogaħaj (vidi: Peled 2009:191).

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Ẓanantu Zayd-an ğamīl-an.
misliti:PERF:1SG Zejd-ACC lijep:MASC-NOM:INDEF ART
Mislio sam da je Zejd lijep.
Meħuti, ovi glagoli su bez sumnje dvostruko prijelazni glagoli, a reĦenica u kojoj se javljaju glagolska reĦenica.
U tom smislu njih se ne bi trebalo tretirati kao abrogatore semantiĦkog regensa imenske reĦenice.
SemantiĦki regens indikativa glagola
Drugi semantiĦki regens koji je postulirala arapska lingvistiĦka tradicija je regens glagola u imperfektu
kojim zapoĦinje glagolska reĦenica. Damma kao marker indikativa prezenta glagola mora biti objańnjena u
kontekstu postojanja apstraktnog regensa, a u skladu sa arapskim modelom zavisnosti jeziĦkih jedinica i pravila
da nema fleksije bez regensa. BuduĤi da su regensi glagola u imperfektu uglavnom partikule koje zahtijevaju
jusiv ili konjunktiv glagola, basranska gramatiĦka ńkola regensom indikativa smatra upravo odsustvo jusivnih i
konjunktivnih partikula (al-tağarrud min al-nawāṣib wa al-ğawāzim) (vidi: Ya‗qūb 1988:441).

ø yaqūm-u Zayd-un.
al-tağarrud min al-nawāṣib wa al-ğawāzim ustati:PRES:3SG-IND Zejd-NOM
Zejd ustaje.
Konsekventno abrogatorima semantiĦkog regensa imenske reĦenice, abrogatorima ovog tipa regensa
moņemo smatrati sve one rijeĦi koje zauzimaju poziciju apstraktong regensa indikativa, tj. sve konjunktivne
partikule (‘an, lan, kay, likay, ‘iḏan) i jusivne partikule (‘in, lam, lammā za negaciju, imperativna li, prohibitivna
lā).
SemantiĦki regens atributa u imeniĦkoj frazi?
Neki protagonisti kufske ńkole uvode treĤi semantiĦki regens, regens atributa u okviru imeniĦke
atributivne fraze. U zapadnoj teoriji zavisnosti atribut se smatra dependensom imenice, ńto je stajalińte kojemu se
pribliņava kufska ńkola, iako odriĦe eksplicitnost i formalnost takvog regensa i smatra ga znaĦenjem koji vezuje
imenicu i atribut. Meħutim, veĤina gramatiĦara stoji na stajalińtu da su apozitivi (al-tawābi‗) koji ukljuĦuju
atribute (al-na‗t), permutativ (al-badal), apoziciju (‗aṭf al-bayān) i sl. regirani regensom rijeĦi koju modificiraju,
ńto se moņe usporediti sa Tesnièrovom analizom koordinirane fraze gdje je regens koordiniranih jedinica
zajedniĦki (1959:325-6).

Marartu bi rağul-in karīm-in.
proĤi:PERF:1SG pored Ħovjek:SG-GEN:INDEF ART plemenit:SG-GEN:INDEF ART
Prošao sam pored plemenitog čovjeka.
BuduĤi da je u arapskoj tradicionalnoj gramatici izostao sveobuhvatan opis izuzetno komplicirane
sintaktiĦke kategorije atributa i zbog brojnih formi u kojima se atribut moņe javiti, mi neĤemo propitivati
problem regensa atributa, osim ńto moņemo, sa izvjesnom sigurnońĤu, odbaciti stajalińte kufske ńkole i naglasiti
da je regens atributa u svakom sluĦaju formalni, odnosno leksiĦki regens.
ZakljuĦak
Ovaj rad je predstavio i opisao semantiĦke, odnosno, apstraktne regense koje je postulirala arapska
gramatika zavisnosti i njihove abrogatore. PredoĦili smo razliĦite poglede i kontraverzna mińljenja dvaju
dominirajuĤih gramatiĦkih ńkola, kufske i basranske. Basranska ńkola je ponudila koherentnu, sveobuhvatnu i

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jasnu teoriju koja u svojim postavkama gotovo da ne odstupa od postulata savremene gramatike zavisnosti.
Arapski genij uspio je posmatrati jeziĦni materijal ne samo kroz sintaktiĦku zavisnost veĤ i kroz znatno
kompleksniju semantiĦku zavisnost ponudivńi inspirirajuĤu interpretaciju zavisnosti reĦeniĦnih konstituenat

References
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Bayrūt: Maktaba al-dār al-ńarq.
Amaireh, Khalil. (1984) "Aspects of Classification and Functional Syntax in Classical Arabic Grammar".
International Journal of Islamic and Arabic Studies, 1: 33-54.
Baalbabaki, Rouhi. (1983) "The Relations between naḥw and balāġa, a comparative study of the methods of
Sībawayhi and Ğurğānī". Zeitschrift für arabische Linguistik, 11: 7-24.
Bloch, Ariel A. (1986) Studies in Arabic Syntax and Semantics. Wiesbaden: Otto
Bohas, G., Guillaume, J.-P., Kouloughli, D.E. (1990) The Arabic Linguistic Tradition. London and New York:
Routledge. Harrassowitz.
Holes, Clive. (1995) Modern Arabic. Structures, Functions and Varieties. London and New York: Longman.
Levin, Aryeh. (1985) "The Distinction between Nominal and Verbal Sentences Acording to the Arab
Grammarians". Zeitschrift für arabische Linguistik, 15: 118-127.
MelĦuk, Igor A. (1988) Dependency Syntax: Theory and Practice. State University of New York Press.
MrazoviĤ, P., VukadinoviĤ, Z. (1990) Gramatika srpskohrvatskog jezika za strance. Novi Sad: Dobra vest.
MrazoviĤ, Pavica. (1979) "Razvoj teorije gramatike zavisnosti". U: Gramatička teorija. Kontrastivne studije i
nastava stranih jezika. sv.1:7-67. Novi Sad: Radovi instituta za strane jezike i knjiņevnost.
MrazoviĤ, Pavica. (1984-5) "Mjesto upravnog glagola u reĦenici i iskazu srpskohrvatskog jezika". Zbornik
Matice srpske za filologiju i lingvistiku, XXVII-XXVIII:521-6.
Owens, Jonathan. (1984) "Structure, Class and Dependency. Modern linguistic theory and Arabic grammatical
tradition." Lingua, 64:25-62.
Peled, Yishai. (2009) Sentence Types and Word-Order Patterns in Written Arabic. Medievel and Modern
Perspectives. Leiden: Brill.
al-Rāğiḥī, ‗Abda. (1999) al-Taṭbīq al-naḥwī. s.l.: Dār al-ma‗rifa al-ğāmi‗iyya.
Qabāwa, Fahr al-Dīn. (2003) Muškila al-‗āmil al-naḥwī wa naẓariyya al-‘iqtiḍā‘. Dimańq: Dār al-fikr.
Tesnière, Lucien. (1959) Ėlémens de syntaxe structurale. Paris: Librairie C. Klincksieck.
Wright, W. (1974) A Grammar of the Arabic Languagae. 3rd. ed. vol. I-II. Beirut: Librairie du Liban.
Ya‗qūb, ‘Amīl al-Badī‗. (1988) Mawsū‗ al-naḥw wa al-ṣarf wa al-‘i‗rāb. Bayrūt: Dār al-‗ilm li al-malāyīn.
Zwartjes, Oto. (2007) "Inflection and Goverment in Arabic According to Spanish Missionary Grammarians from
Damascus (XVIIIth Century): Grammars at the Crossroads of Two Systems". U: Approaches to Arabic
Lingustics. Presented to Kees Versteegh on the Occasion of his Sixstieth Birthday. ed. Ditters, Everhard and
Harald Motzki. Leiden: Brill. 209-247.

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                <text>Ovaj rad istraņuje zavisne veze reĦeniĦnih Ħlanova u arapskom jeziku  primarno iskazane promjenom flektivnih formi i interpretira ih u kontekstu  tradicionalnog, izvorno arapskog koncepta zavisnosti reĦeniĦnih elemenata ili  konstituenata, ali i u kontekstu modernih sintaktiĦkih i semantiĦkih teorija. Jedan dio  rada se osvrĤe na al-Ğurğānījev sistem klasifikacije regensa kao upravnih elemenata  unutar razliĦitih sintaktiĦkih konstrukcija, koji je na izvanredan naĦin uspio pomiriti  sintaktiĦke i semantiĦke kriterije klasifikacije. Uglavnom se analiziraju semantiĦki ili  apstraktni regensi koje je postulirala i prepoznala klasiĦna arapska nauka o jeziku, tj.  semantiĦki regens imenske reĦenice, semantiĦki regens indikativa prezenta u okviru  glagolske reĦenice i Ħesto propitivani i od nekih uĦenjaka odbaĦeni semantiĦki regens  modifikatora u imeniĦkoj frazi. U radu se pojańnjavaju razlike koje postoje izmeħu  dviju dominirajuĤih gramatiĦkih ńkola, kufske i basranske, pri analizi rekcije  semantiĦkih regensa i njihovih abrogatora te forme zavisnih Ħlanova. ZakljuĦak  pokazuje da su u tradicionalnoj arapskoj gramatici anticipirani neki pogledi modernih  semantiĦara.</text>
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                    <text>1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo

REALIGNING THE LINGUISTICS-LITERATURE INTERFACE FROM
A CONCEPTUAL STANCE
Emir MuhiĤ
Bosnia-Herzegoviona
University of Banja Luka,College of Philology
Department of English Language and Literature
muhic.e@gmail.com

ABSTRACT: Multimodality in the domain of linguistic and literary research and
teaching emerged imperceptibly and laid the groundwork for an organic and
systemic analysis of language-based phenomena. In this sense, literary theory is an
extension of linguistic processes ensuing from the rudimentary thought-forming
cycles. Nonetheless, linguistics is by no means literatureless and its multifarious
theoretical frameworks can be neither vindicated nor demarcated as autonomous in
their own right. The causality-corollary relation is incontrovertible and easily
demonstrable. However, the notion of inter- and post-disciplinary studies is
routinely dismissed or regarded contemptuously and with grave misgivings.
This paper aims to disprove such viewpoints by dint of theoretical evidence from the
stockpile of cognitive linguistics. Conceptual categories will serve as the linchpin of
the research tenor thus corroborating the premise that the generation of given textual
or verbal discursive sequences inexorably reverts to the source upon its
manifestation. In this manner, both the creative process and its deliverables are
conceptually bound at the cognitive level. For the purposes of this small-scale
survey, samples from fiction, poetry and prose alike, are selected and conceptually
parsed.
KEY WORDS: multimodality, interface, conceptual categories, literature,
cognitive linguistics

1. Introduction
The lodestone of this analytical probe into the inextricability between language and literature hails from
the cognitivist provenance of intellectual thought and research methodology. It could be contended that the notion
of conceptuality rests at the heart of human capacity for generative, creative, and deconstructive feats reflected in
day-to-day communication with a relative magnitude of efficacy and admissible level of expediency. This is a
small-scale study of how language is used in literature so as to instantiate the underlying system and occasion a
back-loop transfer of the in-use discourse into the system matrix. The lexical accrual of a language is best echoed
in the realm of organic use.
Although literature is hardly unrehearsed, it does resonate language in its resplendent array of resources.
Text as defined in Systemic-Functional Linguistics stands for underlying scaffolding emerging as a spontaneous
corollary of a meaning-propelled raft of usage-based practices. It is a cyclically causal concatenation of instances
in which system is both engendered and reaffirmed through the materialization of a hypothesized linguistic and
communicative foundation.
A multitude of linguists has thus far made bold attempts at the recalibration of the basic premise of
linguistic study of the unique human enterprise. Chomskyan approach to this phenomenon primarily centred round
grammatical structure rather than use and by extension meaning. Geoffrey Leech and Jan Svartvik spearheaded the
avant-garde of redefined linguistic priorities averring that ‗a new kind of grammar is needed‘ which could provide
an answer to a long-standing question ‗How can I use grammar to communicate?‘(Leech and Svartvik, 1975).
Having enumerated the manifest of variegated components constituting the aggregate of a grammatical system,
significant weight was attached to the notion of ‗grammar in use‘ whereby different types of meaning and different
ways of organizing meaning were systematically discussed. It signalled an epoch-making departure form
employing exclusively a structural but rather communicative approach. This also meant that grammar could no
longer be defined as ‗a set of rules that allow us to combine words in our language into larger units‘ (Geenbaum
and Nelson, 2002) or a syntactic framework describing admissible conflations to form ranking groupings i.e.

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syntagmata, clauses and discursive stretches77. Grammar is by no means a source of arcane rules that cause
mortification. It is a system of meaningfulness. This assertion is corroborated in at least two regards. The lexical
system contains entries steeped in meaning. Those meaning rule delineated semantic domains in their own right
and by means of grammar they are conveniently combined into higher-ranking linguistic strata of organization
such as syntagmatic and clausal complexes allowing us to construct more elaborate instantiations of meaning.
Grammar is a crucial expedient in the overall conceptual apparatus enabling us to access and actively engage the
world (Langacker, 2008).
Traditional levels of grammatical, or more specifically, syntactic analysis are not to be roundly dismissed.
For instance, the structure of a simple sentence conventionally referred to as clause, dissecting a lexical caucus
into phonological, syntactic semantic/conceptual domains each of which has a distinct blueprint is a useful method
of explication as to how linguistic rank-promotion and relegation transpires in natural communication. The
structure of a given clausal construct is not a mere total of the abovementioned levels of parsing. It is paramount to
encode the relationships amongst them (Jackendoff, 2002). The extent of overlapping and interplay has to be
ascertained and in that manner a line of descent and merger will be traced paving the way for the apposite
placement of structure in relation to the conceptual underpinnings.
Cognitive semantics is the mainstay of usage-based, meta-functionally-oriented and conceptuallyanchored cognitive school of linguistic thought which emerged in the early 1970s as a herald of disapprobation
and vexation at the dominant formal schools of linguistics at the time. Conceptualization resides at the heart of
human thinking and categorization of extraneous stimuli. Cognitive linguistics is often seen as an open-ended and
pliable framework since no traces of a uniform theory have as of yet been detected. Instead, a bracket of guiding
precepts forming common viewpoints and assumptions came to be accepted engendering a gamut of
complementary theoretical systems. As Evans and Green proposed, a ‗character sketch‘ of this scientific enterprise
unifies approaches concerned with semanticity (Evans and Green, 2006) and organicism of applicability.
The precedence of conceptualization notwithstanding, structure still bulks large in the overarching
framework. The idea behind conceptualization is best echoed in the elucidation stating that language reflects
patterns of thought and insights into the organizational nature of thoughts are adequately provided by dint of
heuristic endeavours thus reaching the window into human cognitive faculties matchlessly belied in their
instantiated form. As previously stated, text is functionally defined as data conveyed via written of spoken
mechanism which in turn assume the role of embodiments of conceptual rudiments. Text is an immanent system
surging towards the surface of recognizability. This is a highly theorized perspective but its merits are decidedly
identified in everyday life.
2. Methods and Corpus
This paper, based primarily on the data from a sample totaling 5000 words, is concerned with the
description of those features of the dichotomy between linguistics on the one hand as the system of organization
and elaboration of language-related phenomena, and literature on the other, as a magnum corpus of language in
use, which can be regarded as particularly characteristic of natural language.
The findings are classified into two main categories: theoretical and lexico-conceptual. At the theoretical
level, language is characterized as being a vehicle of the conceptual domain underpinning the tenor of intuitive
use. The lexico-conceptual analysis is a seamless continuation of the theoretical component of the paper delving
into the example-based account. The analysis encompasses prominent postulates of the conceptual metaphor
theory as well as ancillary modules segueing into the framework specifically conceived for the purposes of this
paper.
The amalgamation of cognitive, systemic-functional and critically discursive theories was employed to
submit the theoretical description herein discoursed upon. The article concludes by setting out corroborative
assertions of the inexorability of conceptual processes of language generation and literature as both a testament to
human creativity and solidification of the cognitivist approach.
3. Results and Discussion
On completion of the corpus data collation, the sample underwent thorough scrutiny from the linguistic,
by and large cognitive, primarily semantic and tangentially syntactic, discursive and social standpoint. This
necessitated a theoretical cross-section of the purposefulness of the meaning-geared approach to linguistic research
furthering a less rarified and workable scheme evocative of a natural pattern of thought. Since meaning is at the
fore of the conceptually meta-functional modus operandi of the framework adopted in this paper, semantics

77

The verb describe is purposely used here for it serves the role of distinction between the prescriptive tradition which
stipulated acceptable norms and vehemently rejected inadmissible forms as ultimately incorrect thus precluding the organic
progression and development of language.

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warrants an interpretation in light of conceptuality. The nature of the human lexical repository is oft-debated over
and myriad attempts at the comprehension of this phenomenon have been made with a relative degree of success.
The matter of the purported vastness of human faculty to memorize scores of arbitrarily morpholigized
lexemes remains veiled in, if not an utter mystery, than undeniably ambiguity. How do language-users retain and
compartmentalize semantic chunks with no apparent correlation to the referents they stand for and consequently
formulate logically decodable stretches of speech? The formula is postulated in the domain of knowledge
conceptualization.
Language is deemed to be instantiated in the form of discourse and discourse in turn is externalized by
dint of social practices. Those mores are best observed in the following formula:
a) System/text 
b) Intermediary substratum (morpho-/phono-/syntactic level) 
b) Meaning as transposed with recourse to socially established commonalities and practices, ultimate
materialization.
Knowledge is the mainspring and cohesive force both generated and generative vis-à-vis communicative
and linguistic facilities. It could be subdivided into four clear-cut categories.
1) Conventional
2) Generic
3) Intrinsic
4) Characteristic
According to Evans and Green (Evans and Green, 2006) conventional knowledge is widely known, and
generic is non-specific in nature. Intrinsic is form-predicated and derived from the physicality of the entity in
question. Characteristic knowledge is uniquely in phase with the entity per se.
Meaning is attained via processes of perspectivizing, highliting and activating the facet of knowledge
domain required or best suited for a given set of circumstances. If a selected lexical phenomenon is perspectivized,
it is semantically primed and roused to saliency i.d. activated.
(1) Let us go then, you and I,
When the evening is spread out against the sky
Like a patient etherised upon a table;
Let us go, through certain half-deserted streets,
The muttering retreats
Of restless nights in one-night cheap hotels
And sawdust restaurants with oyster-shells:
Streets that flow like a tedious argument
Of insidious intent
To lead you to an overwhelming question….
Oh, do not ask, ‗What is it?‘
Let us go and make our visit.
(from The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock)78
In the foregoing example, several aspects may have been at the forefront of the author‘s mind when
tapping into the encyclopedic found of semanticity. The impulse of inherent humanness led him to the feeling of
espit de corps and togetherness. The second line indicates the conceptual metaphor at work, not least surface
metaphor as the sky is seen as a tapestry and evening a pliable fabric malleable to fit the metaphorical easel. This
belies the fundamental premise of our cognizance that is incontrovertibly predicated upon the embodied
experience and idealized cognitive model. This experience as seen through the prism of our own is an echo of our
own corporeal bounds, restrictions and capacities we inexhaustibly utilize as yardstick and determinant-formation.
Comparison is detected in line three. Here, the notional body is exploited yet again and its infirmity reiterated as a
memento mori. The author goes on to portray the remainder of the stanza as in phase of the journey metaphor
accentuating gradualness and temporal consumption proving inevitable in the process. 79
(2) War is our scourge; yet war has made us wise,
And fighting for our freedom, we are

78

Thomas Stearns Eliot

79

Other metaphorical specificities and extensions are markedly identifiable in this morceaux, however, they are not to be
further delved into at this point.

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For we have made an end of all things bae;
We are returning by the road we came.
(form Absolution)80
Excerpt 2 sheds light on the war-related metaphorical extensions. For instance, argument is war could be
reversed for the purposes of illustration to the war is a pathway metaphor. Scourge in the context of the preceding
excerpt propels two semantic predications. One refers to the actual instrument of punishment and the other is more
figurative drawing on the signification of animate or inanimate source of hardship, predicament and plight. These
two semantic zones are prespectivazed and materialized through use. In the third morceau extracted from the
corpus, the notions of healing properties of the sun are foregrounded. Nonetheless, in this instance, medicinal
qualities, though proverbial in nature, fail to deliver the desired effect for the body is grievously wounded and the
deathly sores are impervious to treatment. Death and nostalgia are intertwined propending to the ineluctable
demise.
(3) Move him into the sun –
Gently its touch awoke him once,
At home, whispering of fields half-sown.
Always it awoke him, even in France,
Until this morning and this snow.
If anything might rouse him now
The kind old sun will know.
(from Futility)81
In excerpt 4, unlike in no. 3, futility is not omnipotent. It is patently detectable but does not hold
unwavering sway over the protagonist. Our encyclopedic knowledge gives rise the ingrained depiction of solitude
associated with free-flowing water combined with the seemingly lifeless idea of granite. Stones are typically hard
as is the destiny of the love-forlorn. The adjective hard perspectivizes physical and connotatively transferred
meaning.
(4) I have spent hours this morning
Seeking in the brook
For a dead pebble
To remind me of your eyes
(from Images)82
Oftentimes cultural literacy figures momentously in relating a desired sampler of information packaging
and lays crucial groundwork for decipherment. In order for this subtype of perpectivization to be effective, both
the addresser and addressee have to be conversant with the motifs discussed.
(5) But tell Jane Austen, that is, if you dare,
How much her novels are beloved down here.
She wrote them for posterity, she said;
It was rash, but by posterity she‘s read.
(from Letter to lord Byron)83
There have been numerous cases of mundanely-thematized contents in literature. In doing so, authors
frequently exploit the vein of stereotypes reaffirming them into continuity. Love, birth and age are conceptual
leitmotifs permeating oeuvres of poetry.
(6) Love by ambition
Of definition
Suffers partition
And cannot go,
From yes to no
80

Sigfried Sassoon

81

Wilfred Owen

82

Richard Aldington

83

Wystan Hugh Auden

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For no is not love; no is no
The shutting of a door
The tightening jaw
A conscious sorrow;
And saying yes
Turns love into success.
(from Too Dear, Too Vague)84
(7) I feared these present years
The middle twenties,
When deftness disappears,
And each event is
Freighted with a source-encrusting doubt,
And turned to drought.
(from On Being Twenty-Six)85
(8) Suddenly he started into life. It made he quiver almost with terror as he quickly pushed the hair off his
forehead and came towards her.
(from Sons and Lovers)86
As previously asseverated, culturally relevant themes are routinely drawn on. Concurrently, their scope of
perspectivization extends beyond the confines of their original target milieu.
(9) His Fordship Mutapha Mond! The eyes of the saluting students almost popped out of their heads, Mustapha
Mond! The resident Controller of Western Europe! One of the Ten World Controllers. One of the Ten…
(from Brave Neew World)87
In excerpt 9, the components of several pivotal systems were compartmentalized into one gestalt. The
idea of royalty is transposed by means of capitalization, the popularity of a car-producing company and Latinate
word signifying the English equivalent of the lexeme world coalesce to re-denote a culturally pertinent notion
comprehensible merely through the expedient of encyclopediaized knowledge.
(10) They are dark caves. Even when they are open towards the sun, very little light penetrates down the entrance
tunnel into the circular chamber.
(from A Passage to India)88
(11) Yes of course, it it‘s fine tomorrow, said Mrs. Ramsay. But you‘ll have to be up with the lark, she added.
(from To the Lighthouse)89
There are thought to have been plethoric attempts to depict geographical reliefs and circadian rhythm
with palettes of conceptual construal-enabling cues. In the last two excerpts, diurnal and geological forces lock
84

Wystan Hugh Auden

85

Philip Larkin

86

David Herbert Lawrence

87

Aldous Huxley

88

Edward Morgan Forster

89

Virginia Woolf

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into interplay as, yet again, conceptuality promotes the interpretation of an encoded message enveloped under the
guise of denotation which irreverently abandons the confines of its form and segues into the connotative realm.
The evidence of linguistics-literature interface is undeniable and abundantly patent, ultimately begging a question.
Is it possible to explore philological science in discrete manner i.e. without the interface in place? The answer is in
the resounding negative, nonetheless, a well-thought-out fusion scaffolding is to be conceived.
4. Conclusion
Linguistics and literature form a nexus of semantic mechanisms of transfer and communicative
conveyance integrating cognitive processes and language output in the natural mould embodied in literature as an
arena of creativity and the ne plus ultra of message-packaging trial performance and competence vindication. The
platforms repeatedly employed for the validation of the linguistics-literature interface hypothesis include the
conceptual metaphor theory, the theorem of system-instantiation in functional linguistics, the encyclopedic
knowledge contingent on conceptuality and cultural factors integrate into a multi-modal approach of instruction
and theoretical discussion.
It seems outré and exceptionally belaboured to venture any isolationist standpoint. Regrettably, at the
tertiary level of education, this practice has gained momentum. Needless to say that this has to be tackled with and
changed. Language is in a constant state of flux and the flux is best observed in the literary trove of words. It is
this trove that treasures the most astonishing evidence of human capacity and if any headway is to be made in
terms of language studying it has to be with the aid of this invaluable resource.
Literature is the genuine article and paragon of linguistic endeavour whereas linguistics and language by
extension can by no means sustain the research base and naturalness of their existence without literature as the
ultimate repository and testimony to what the creative enterprise of man is equipped to accomplish.

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References
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Brown, Gillian and Yule, George (1983), Discourse Analysis, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Bruner, Jerome (1990), Acts of Meaning, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Chilton, Paul (2004), Analysing Political Discourse: Theory and Practice, London: Routledge.
Chilton, Paul, Mikhail Ilyin (1993), Metaphor in political discourse: The case of the ―common European house‖.
Discourse &amp; Society 4: 7–31.
Coulmas, Florian (2007), Sociolinguistics: the study of speakers‘ choices, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Croft, W. and Cruse, D.A. (2004), Cognitive Linguistics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Crystal, David (2003), The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language 2nd Ed, Cambridge: Cambridge
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Evans, V. and Green, M. (2006), Cognitive Linguistics: An Introduction, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Fairclough, Norman (1989), Language and Power, London: Longman.
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Fauconnier, Gilles and Turner, Mark (2002), The Way We Think: Conceptual Blending and the Mind‘s Hidden
Complexities, New York: Basic Books. \
Geeraerts, Dirk (2006), Cognitive Linguistics: Basic Readings, Berlin: Mouton de Guyter.
Gonzalez-Marquez, Monica et al (2007), Methods in Cognitive Linguistics, Amsterdam: John Benjamins
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Gumperez, John Joseph (1982), Discourse Strategies, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Halliday, M.A.K. (1994), An Introduction to Functional Grammar, 2nd edn, London: Edward Arnold.
Hart, Christopher (2005), Analysing political discourse: Toward a cognitive approach. Critical Discourse Studies
2.2: 189-94
Huddleston, Rodney and Pullum, K. Geoffrey (2002), The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language,
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Kövecses, Zoltán (2010), Metaphor: A Practical Introduction. 2nd Ed, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Kövecses, Zoltán (2005), Metaphor in Culture: Universality and Variation, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Lakoff, George (1987), Women, Fire and Dangerous Things, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press

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Lakoff, George and Johnson, Mark (1980), Metaphors We Live By, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Langacker, Ronald W. (2008), Cognitive Grammar: A Basic Introduction, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Lee, David (2001), Cognitive Linguistics: An Introduction, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Leech, Geoffrey (1974), Semantics, London: Penguin Books.
Lyons, John (1995), Linguistic Semantics, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Matthews, P.H. (1997), Concise Dictionary of Linguistics, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Musolff, Andreas (2004), Metaphor and Political Discourse: Analogical Reasoning in Debates about Europe,
London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Quirk et al (1985), A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language, London: Longman.
Searle, R. John (2002), Consciousness and Language, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Sternberg, Roberts J. (2003), Wisdom, Intelligence, and Creativity Synthesized, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Taylor, R. (2003), Linguistic Categorization, Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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                <text>REALIGNING THE LINGUISTICS-LITERATURE INTERFACE FROM  A CONCEPTUAL STANCE</text>
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                <text>Multimodality in the domain of linguistic and literary research and  teaching emerged imperceptibly and laid the groundwork for an organic and  systemic analysis of language-based phenomena. In this sense, literary theory is an  extension of linguistic processes ensuing from the rudimentary thought-forming  cycles. Nonetheless, linguistics is by no means literatureless and its multifarious  theoretical frameworks can be neither vindicated nor demarcated as autonomous in  their own right. The causality-corollary relation is incontrovertible and easily  demonstrable. However, the notion of inter- and post-disciplinary studies is  routinely dismissed or regarded contemptuously and with grave misgivings.  This paper aims to disprove such viewpoints by dint of theoretical evidence from the  stockpile of cognitive linguistics. Conceptual categories will serve as the linchpin of  the research tenor thus corroborating the premise that the generation of given textual  or verbal discursive sequences inexorably reverts to the source upon its  manifestation. In this manner, both the creative process and its deliverables are  conceptually bound at the cognitive level. For the purposes of this small-scale  survey, samples from fiction, poetry and prose alike, are selected and conceptually  parsed.</text>
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                    <text>1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo

CONTRASTIVE ANALYSES OF POSTPOSITIONS IN TURKISH
LANGUAGE AND PREPOSITIONS IN BOSNIAN LANGUAGE ON THE
EXAMPLE OF THE NOVEL „DEATH AND THE DERVISH―
Mr. Edina Solak
Faculty of Education,
University of Zenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina
edina262@gmail.com
Alica Arnaut
Faculty of Education,
University of Zenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina
alica_arnaut@yahoo.com

Abstract: When transferring from one language, language A, to the other , language B,
similarities and differences can easily be perceived. Very often, some language categories are
found in one language, but not in the other one. In order to detect those similarities and
differences, we need contrastive analyses. Turkish language does not identify category of
prepositions, and instead of prepositions, postpositions or quasi-postpositions are being used,
occasionally even case endings. Subject relations in Bosnian language are expressed by
prepositions, while in Turkish language different morpho syntactic resources and word
classes ( case endings, flex ion, post positions, quasi-post positions etc.) are being used. In
this paper, we shall borrow examples from Mesa Selimovic's novel „Death and the Dervish―,
and discus the question of prepositional concord in Bosnian with post positions in Turkish.
When listing adverbs in Turkish, we are noticing different words for prepositional
expressions in Bosnian: words and endings, since Turkish language does not identify
prepositions like other Indo European languages do, therefore prepositions are placed after the
correlated word. Hence, the main difference is that prepositions are placed in front of the
autonomous words case form, and post positions after the word to which case ending of that
same post position is implicated. This will be discussed further.
Key words: postpositions, prepositions, Turkish language, Bosnian language, contrastive
analyses, description

2. DESCRIPTION OF POSTPOSITIONS IN TURKISH LANGUAGE
According to ĥauńeviĤ's Grammar of Contemporary Turkish Language, in grammatical classification of words,
postpositions refer to a closed ( limited in number) class of words which, along with nominal words, are used
for expressing different relations between nominal forms and other parts of sentence. (ĥauńeviĤ, 1996:406)
Postpositions and postpositional structures are similar to our prepositions and prepositional structures. The
difference is that postpositions come after a noun. Nouns which are followed by postpositions usually take
nominative, genitive, dative and ablative case.
Postpositions were named so because they follow the word they govern, determining its function in the sentence
and its relation to the rest of the sentence. They were previously termed as adpositions (analog to the term
prepositions). (ĥauńeviĤ 1996:406)
Postpositions may be classified according to the case they take:
1. Postpositions taking absolutive case of nouns and genitive case of pronouns
2. Postpositions taking dative case
3. Postpositions taking ablative case

2.1 Postpositions which take nominative nouns and genitive pronouns
This means that the following postpositions require the nominative/absolutive case of a noun following
them, and genitive of pronouns. These include:

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1.

Postposition KADAR- has the following meaning in our language: kao, koliko, poput (as, as much as,
like).
This postposition is used for expressing comparison according to quantity, degree and level of some quality
or characteristic.
Evim, evin kadar küçük değil. - ―Moja kuĤa nije mala kao tvoja. ―
Orhan Ali kadar çalıĢıyor. - ―Orhan radi kao/koliko i Ali.‖
When postposition kadar stands next to numbers it has the meaning of oko, do (around, until)
Bir kadar. - ―Oko jedan.‖
Okulda iki saat kadar kaldım. -―Ostao sam u ńkoli dva sata.‖
Pronouns with postposition kadar take genitive ending in all persons except the third person plural.
Benim kadar- kao ja
bizim kadar- kao mi
Senin kadar- kao ti
sizin kadar- kao vi
Onun kadar- kao on
onlar kadar- kao oni
As it is shown, the pronoun onlar, which remains in the absolutive case, does not take the genitive ending.
Demonstrative pronouns BU, ġU and O (ovo, ono and to-this, that and it) with genitive ending and
postposition kadar are used for making comparisons to a specific person or object.
Bunun kadar.- ―Kao ovaj/koliko i ovaj.‖
With demonstrative pronouns and interrogative pronoun ne, kadar becomes an adverb of quantity.
Bu kadar yeter.- ―Ovoliko je dovoljno.‖
2. Postposition GĠBĠ has the following meanings: kao, poput (like, similar to/as).
Postposition gibi is used for comparison according to quality and characteristics.
ġeker gibi tatlı.- ―Sladak kao šećer. ―
Ben senin gibi değilim.- ―Ja nisam kao ti. ―
When used with demonstrative pronouns, which are in the absolutive case, postposition gibi forms adjective
pronouns.
Bu gibi-ovakav
ġu gibi- takav
O gibi- onakav
Postposition gibi takes the absolutive case of the noun regardless of the function of a postpositional construction
in a sentence. (ĥauńeviĤ, 1996:408)
Seni ablam gibi seviyorum.- ―Volim te kao sestru‖. (the accusative case)
3. Postposition ĠLE: s(a) (with, by)
Postposition ile can be joined with a noun it follows or it can be written separately.
ArkadaĢla or arkadaĢ ile –sa prijateljem
Postposition ile has two basic meanings:
a) a means or an instrument needed for performing and activity
Ablam Ġstanbul`a uçakla gitti.- ―Moja starija sestra je otišla u Istanbul avionom.―
b) sociative relation, participation, togetherness
In this case the postposition ile is added the Persian adverb beraber or its Turkish synonym birlikte, which in our
language means together.
Emin arkadaĢlarıyla birlikte/beraber okuyor.
―Emin uči (zajedno) sa svojim prijateljima.―
Postposition ile requires nominative noun case and genitive case of pronouns.
Interrogative pronoun kim with postposition ile takes genitive (kiminle), while interrogative pronoun ne
takes nominative (ne ile).
Kiminle gidiyorsunuz? – ―S kim idete?‖
Ne ile yazıyorsunuz? – ―Čime pišete?―
4. Postposition ĠÇĠN
Postposition için has the following meanings of our prepositions:
a) Za, radi (for, because)
Tatile için hazırlık.- ―Priprema za odmor.‖
Sizin için.- ―Radi vas.‖
b) Zbog (because of)
Senin için.- ―Zbog tebe.‖
c) O (about - rarely used in this meaning)
SavaĢ için bir roman.- ―Roman o ratu.‖
d) Na (for - temporal meaning)
Saraybosna‘ya üç gün için geldim.
―Došao sam u Sarajevo na tri dana. ―

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e)

Postposition için joins with interrogative pronoun ne- to form niçin (ne+ için), ―zańto‖ (why)', ‗‗zbog
čega‖ ( because of what).

5. Postposition ÜZERE has the following meanings: radi, na, po (in order to, for the purpose of, in accordance
with)
It usually stands with verbal nouns and forms adverbs of intention with them.
Dönmek üzere.- ―Da bi se vratio.‖ (radi povratka)
In this meaning it is synonymous to postposition için. It also has the meaning of our prepositions na (in) and po
(in accordance with, according to).
O Ģekil üzere.- ―Na onaj način.―
Orhan, adeti üzere erken kalkıyor.
―Orhan, po svom običaju, rano ustaje.―

2.2 Postpositions which require the dative case
Postpositions taking the dative case are:
1. Postposition KADAR
Postposition kadar expresses either spatial or temporal meanings. This postposition has the following meanings
of our prepositions.
a) do (from...to)
Saraybosna`dan Zenica`ya kadar. - ―Od Sarajeva do Zenice.‖
Sabaha kadar ders çalıĢıyordum. –― Učila sam do jutra (sabaha).―
b) za (in- temporal meaning)
BeĢ güne kadar denize gideceğiz. – ―Za pet dana ćemo ići na more.―
Very often, a Persian word ta is placed in front the noun preceding the postposition kadar for the purpose of
emphasizing the meaning. (ĐiniĤ, 1989)
Ta akĢama kadar.- ―Sve do večeri.―
2. Postposition DEK/DEĞĠN
In contemporary language the postposition dek or değin is increasingly used as a synonym for the postposition
kadar. These two forms differ in the fact that postposition dek is mainly used to express place and time, and
değin only for time.
Sabaha dek ders çalıĢtım. – ―Učio sam do jutra.―
AkĢama değin. – ―Do večeri. ―
3. Postposition DOĞRU73
This postposition has the following meanings of our prepositions:
a) prema, ka (to, towards)
Otele doğru yöneldik. – ―Uputili smo se ka hotelu.‖
Okula doğru gitti.- ―Otišla je prema školi.―
b) oko, pred (around, somewhat before) ( temporal meaning)
KıĢa doğru.- ―Pred zimu.‖
Saat beĢe doğru görüĢeceğiz.- ―Vidjet ćemo se oko pet sati.―
4. Postposition KARġI
Postposition karĢı has the following meaning:
a) naspram, nasuprot, prema (opposite to, towards)
AyĢe‘ye karĢı outran bayan.- ― GospoĎa koja sjedi naspram Aiše.―
Eve karĢı oturdu. – ―Sjeo je nasuprot kuće.―
Hayvanlara karĢı sevgi. – ―Ljubav prema ţivotinjama.‖

b) protiv (against)
c)

Bize karĢı yazıyorsun. – ―Pišeš protiv nas.―
oko (around) (temporal meaning)

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In addition to the postposition doğru (towards, to, around, somewhat before), there is also a noun doğru which means ―the
truth‖.

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AkĢama karĢı. - ―Pred večer/oko večeri. ―
5. Postposition GÖRE
Has the following meaning: prema, po, u skladu sa (in one`s opinion, according to)
Bana göre bu adam kötüdür- ―Po mom mišljenju ovaj čovjek je loš (po meni ovaj
čovjek
je
loš).‖
Gazetelere göre durum çok iyidir.- ―Prema novinama situacija je veoma dobra.‖
Kanunlara gore.- ―U skladu sa zakonima.‖
In addition to the above postpositions, the following Arabic lexemes have the function of postpositions in dative
case:
a) TEVFIKAN- its synonym is the postposition göre (prema-according to)
Bu kanuna tevfikan.- ―Prema ovom zakonu.‖
b) NAZARAN- its synonym is the postposition göre (prema- according to)
Gazetelere nazaran.- ― Prema novinama.‖
c) NĠSPETEN/ NĠSPETLE- its synonym is the postposition göre
It has the following meanings: po, prema, u skladu/usporedbi sa (according to, in comparison to, compared
with)
Bana nispetle sen küçüksün.- ―U usporedbi sa mnom ti si mali.‖
d) DAĠR- similar to our preposition o (about)
ġehrinize dair çok Ģey biliyorum.- ―Znam mnogo o vašem gradu.‖
e) AĠT
Has the following meanings: o, koji pripada, koji se tiĦe (about, belonging to, concerning)
Tarihe dair kitabından.- ―Imam knjigu o historiji (napisao sam knjigu o historiji).‖
Bu kalem sana aittir.- ―Ova olovka pripada tebi.‖
Bu olay sana ait değildir.- ―Ovaj dogaĎaj se ne tiče tebe.‖
f) RAĞMEN
Has the following meaning: unatoĦ, uprkos (in spite of, despite)
Buna rağmen.- ―Uprkos tome.‖
g) MUKABĠL
Has the following meaning: za, u zamjenu za, ekvivalentno sa, prema, suprotno, protivno, nasuprot, uprkos
(for, equivalent to, according to, opposite from, in spite of, despite).
Bir ay iĢine mukabil.- ―U zamjenu za njegov jednomjesečni posao.‖
Dillerine mukabil.- ―Nasuprot svojim ţeljama.‖
Dillerine mukabil gitti.- ―Uprkos svojim ţeljama otišla je.‖
h) BĠNAEN, has the meaning zbog (because of, due to)
ĠĢine binaen gidemedi.- ―Nije mogao ići zbog posla.‖
i) ĠSTĠNADEN- its synonym is the postposition binaen (zbog- because of)
Sana istinaden sinemaya gitmedik.- ―Zbog tebe nismo otišli u kino.‖

2.3 Postpositions taking the ablative case
These postpositions require that the nouns preceding them take the ablative case. Postpositions taking
ablative case are the following:
1. postposition ÖNCE/EVVEL – the same as our prije (before)
Senden önce girdim.- ―Ušao sam prije tebe.‖
Sonbahardan evvel gel!-― DoĎi prije jeseni!‖
Postposition once/evvel requires the absolutive case of the preceding noun- if the noun is preceded by a number
(usually expressing time).
BeĢ gün önce Bursa'dan geldim.- ―Došla sam iz Burse prije pet dana.‖
On yıl evvel.- ―Prije deset godina.‖
2.

postposition SONRA

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This postposition has the meaning of our preposition: poslije, nakon (after).
Senden sonra geldim.-―Ušla sam poslije tebe.‖
Yemekten sonra okula gitti.- ―Otišao je u školu nakon jela.‖
If there is a number before a noun that precedes the postposition sonra, then this noun must take the absolutive
case, i.e. it does not take ablative ending.
Orhan iki saat sonra geliyor.- ―Orhan dolazi za dva sata.‖
Ġki hafta sonra Tuzla'ya vardık.- ―Stigli smo u Tuzlu nakon dvije sedmice.‖
3. Postposition BERĠ
In our language it may be translated as: od (prije), veĤ (since, yet, already)
On günden beri eve gelmiyor.- ―Ne dolazi kući od prije deset dana/Ne dolazi kući već deset dana.‖
Ankara'dan beri susmuyorsun.- ―Ne šutiš od Ankare.‖
Postposition beri is very often substituted by the expression bu yana.
Ankara'dan bu yana yol güzel.- ―Od Ankare je lijep put.‖
SavaĢtan bu yana.-―Od rata.‖
Postposition beri was derived from the adverb beri- the closer side of something.
Beriye gel!- ―DoĎi bliţe.‖
4. Postposition DOLAYI/ÖTÜRÜ
Has the meaning of zbog, usljed (because of, due to)
Sınavlardan dolayı gelmedim.- ―Nisam došao zbog ispita.‖
Neden ötürü Ġstanbul'a gelmediniz?- ―Zbog čega niste došli u Istanbul?‖
5. Postposition BAġKA
Has the meaning of our prepositions: osim and izuzev (except, save for)
Benden baĢka evde kimse yok.- ―U kući nema nikog osim mene.‖
Bunu Mustafa'dan baĢka herkes bilir.- ―To zna svako izuzev/osim Mustafe.‖
6. Postposition YANA
Has the following meanings: za, uz, na strani, što se tiĦe (for, next to, as far as)
Orhan'dan yanayım.- ―Ja sam na Orhanovoj strani./ Ja sam uz Orhana.‖
Irmaktan yana oturuyoruz.-―Sjedimo pored rijeke./ Sjedimo uz rijeku.‖
Benden yana gelsin.- ―Što se tiče mene neka doĎe.‖
7. The following adverbs have the function of postpositions taking ablative: DIġARI- vani (out/outside),
ĠÇERĠ- unutra (in, inside), YUKARI – gore (up, above), AġAĞI- dolje (down), ĠLERĠ- naprijed (in
front of), GERĠ- nazad/pozadi (behind), that are equivalent to our prepositions: iz, u, uz, niz/kroz,
ispred, iza (from, in, next to, down/through, in front of, behind).
Okuldan dıĢarı çıktım.- ―Izašao sam iz škole.‖
Selma odadan içeri girdi.- ―Selma je ušla u sobu.‖
Ali tepeden yukarı çıkıyor.- ―Ali se penje uz brdo.‖
Pencereden aĢağı baktı.- ―Pogledala je kroz prozor.‖
Benden ileri bir çocuk duruyordu.- ―Ispred mene je stajalo neko dijete.‖
Otelden geri bir park bulunuyor.- ―Iza hotela se nalazi jedan park.‖
We rarely find them with nouns in the absolutive case (ĥauńeviĤ, 1996:413)
Some Arabic lexemes have the function of postpositions in ablative cases:
a) ĠTĠBAREN
Has the following meanings: od, počev od (since, starting with)
Bu aydan itibaren.- ―Od ovog mjeseca.‖
Bu tarihten itibaren çalıĢacağım.- ―Počev od ovog datuma radit ću.‖
In contemporary language it is more common to use the gerund form baĢlayarak instead of the postposition
itibaren.
Bugünden baĢlayarak.- ―Počev od danas.‖
b) MAADA- its synonym is the postposition baĢka, and it has the meaning of our preposition osim (except,
except for).

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Benden maada kimse gitmedi.- ―Niko nije otišao osim mene.‖

3. DESCRIPTION OF PREPOSITIONS IN BOSNIAN LANGUAGE
Prepositions are unchangeable words that stand in front of certain case forms of independent words, and
are used for denoting and closely describing their different relations to other words in a sentence. They do
not have a separate lexical meaning. (JahiĤ, HaliloviĤ and PaliĤ. 2000:297)
Prepositions, as an unchangeable class of words, describe the relations between people, things and natural
phenomena. These are words that affect the case of the word they stand next to. They usually refer to nouns
and nominal pronouns, but they can also refer to adjectives and numbers.
Nominative and vocative are the only cases without prepositions, and all other cases are termed as
dependent cases that require prepositions. (www.wikipedia.org/prijedlozi u bosanskom jeziku)

3.1.
1.

Prepositions used depending on the relationship
space/spatial relationship

U kući je bila Alma.
Pred školom se igraju djeca.
2. time/temporal relationship
Radit ćemo poslije ručka.
RoĎena sam u zimu.
3. Cause
Nije otišao u školu zbog bolesti.
4. intention or objective
Otišla sam po svoju lutku.
Došla sam u školu radi učenja.
5. purpose/intention
Kupila sam poklon za mamu.
6. Manner
Pričala je kroz nos.
7. Comparison
Bolja je od nje.
8. Company
Dugo sam učila sa prijateljicama.
Prepositions were named after the fact that they are placed before the word they relate to. Prepositions nasuprot,
radi, unatoč, uprkos/usprkos (opposite, because of, despite, in spite of) can be placed after independent words.
(JahiĤ, HaliloviĤ and PaliĤ, 2000:298)
Idem u školu radi učenja. - Idem u školu učenja radi.
Nasuprot nama nalazio se restoran. - Nama nasuprot nalazio se restoran.
Unatoč tome radovao se. - Tome unatoč radovao se.
Uprkos kazni izašao je. - Kazni uprkos izašao je.
In a sentence prepositions may stand next to a noun, pronoun, adjective and rarely an adverb: until spring, in
Turkish, since this morning.
Some prepositions can always stand next to one particular case, and some prepositions with two or three.
However, as previously mentioned, no preposition can stand with nominative and vocative because they are
independent cases that do not denote relation.

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3.2.

Prepositions according to the case they require

Prepositions that agree with one case74 are:
1.

2.
3.
4.

With the genitive: bez (without), blizu (close to, near), čelo (front),do (next to), duţ (along), ispred (in
front of), ispod (under), iz (from), iza (behind), izmeĎu (between), iznad (above), izvan (outside), kod
(at), kraj (by, beside), nadno (down), nakraj (after), nasred (in the middle of),navrh (atop), niţe
(below), od (from), oko (around), osim (besides, except), podno (beneath), poput (like, as), posred
(amid), pozadi (at the back,behind), pored (near, next to, beside), poslije (after), poviše (over), preko
(across), prije (before), protiv (against), put (towards), radi (because of), sred (amid), uvrh (atop),
uzduţ (alongside), van (outside), više (above), vrh (atop), due to, for.
Dative: ka (to), nadomak (within reach), nasuprot (opposite from), unatoč, uprkos (despite, although, in
spite of).
Accusative: kroz, niz, uz (over/across, down, along/next to)
Locative: pri (at)

Prepositions that agree with two cases:
1.
2.

mimo (past)- this preposition agrees with the genitive and accusative regardless of the meaning.
Prošli su mimo kuće.- Prošli su mimo kuću.
S (a) (of /from)- stands next to the genitive when it denotes origin, separation, cause, and it answers the
questions where from and why.
Knjiga je pala s police.
Stradala je sa svoje naivnosti.

It takes instrumental case when it denotes company, manner, time, it responds to the questions with whom, with
what, when.
S tobom je završila razgovor.
Sve se budilo s dolaskom jutra.
3. Prepositions meĎu (between), nad (above), pod (beneath), pred (in front of, before) agree with the
following cases:
- with the accusative when they denote destination, goal of movement; these prepositions answer the
question where (to)
Sjeo je meĎu rodbinu.
Pokušala se nadnijeti nad njeg.
Otišao je pod planinu.
Stavila sam pred njega knjigu.
- with the instrumental when they denote orientation; they answer the question where
Izgubio se meĎu prijateljima.
Kiša je padala nad Sarajevom.
Izgubili su se pod planinom.
Razgovarali su pred restoranom.
4. Prepositions na (on), o (against), po (for the purpose of, in) are used in the following cases:
- with the accusative when they denote the goal of movement or some other activity, they answer the
question where
Popeo sam se na drvo.
Udarila sam rukom o sto.
Išla sam u biblioteku po knjigu.
- with the locative when denoting the place of action, movement in space; they answer the question
where to, where.
Dugo je leţao na krevetu.
Njegova sreća je visila o koncu.
Šetali smo po parku.

2

There are certain examples in language where some of the mentioned prepositions stand next to some other case forms.
Such usage is considered dialectal.

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5.
-

-

Preposition prema (towards) requires the following cases:
this preposition stands next to the dative when it denotes the direction of a movement, orientation
towards a goal.
Vozio je satima prema Zenici.
the locative, when it denotes a place/location where something or someone is. The locative is specific
because it is always used with prepositions.
Sjedi okrenut prema krevetu.

Prepositions agreeing with three cases are the following:
1.
-

-

Preposition u (in) agrees with the following cases:
with the genitive when it denotes belonging
U nesretna čovjeka sve je moguće.
with the accusative when it denotes the place as the destination of a movement, i.e. when it answers the
question where (to)
Krenuli smo u školu.
with the locative when it denotes the place of action as location, answers the question where
Sjedimo u školi.

Preposition za (during, by/behind) agrees with the following cases:
- it is used with the genitive when it answers the question when
Za ţivota nije vidjela takvo nešto.
- with the accusative when it answers the question where
Sakrili smo se za kuću.
- With the instrumental when it answers the questions: where, where to, when
Čekali smo za kućom da se pribliţi.
Pošlo mi je za rukom.
Pričala je o tome za večerom.
Prepositions: do, osim, mjesto/umjesto (to, except, instead), may precede a group of prepositions and
nouns and in such cases they add their meaning to the meaning of a prepositional phrase, but additional
preposition denotes the case. (JahiĤ, HaliloviĤ i PaliĤ, 2000:299)
Stigli smo do pred kuću.
Popeli smo se do navrh brda.
Otišli su sami u kino umjesto s nama.
Pripremali smo zabavu za uoči Bajrama.
Complex prepositions of opposite meaning linked by a conjunction and may be used with the same noun- if
these prepositions are in the same case. (JahiĤ, HaliloviĤ and PaliĤ, 2000:299)
Pogledaj ispod i iznad stola.
Djeca su se igrala ispred i iza škole.
Pjevali su prije i poslije koncerta.
This can also be explained by saying that every preposition is followed by a noun.
Pogledaj ispod stola i iznad stola.
This can also be explained by saying that instead of a noun used after the second preposition the same case as for
the personal pronoun can be used.
Pogledaj ispod stola i iznad njega.
In this way other groups of different prepositions and same nouns are also connected.
Djeca su se igrala ispred škole i iza škole.
Djeca su se igrala ispred škole i iza nje.
In situations when prepositions do not take the same case, they may not be connected.
Sjedili su ispred kuće i pod kućom.
Incorrect: Sjedili su ispred i pod kućom.
For the purpose of facilitating pronunciation, several prepositions which do not end in a vowel may be
added an a: before the words that begin with the same or similar consonant; before the words beginning with
such consonant; if a preposition is followed by only one sound; if a preposition is followed by an unchangeable
word or a word used as an unchangeable. In this way prepositions kroz, niz, s and uz (across, down, with and by)
get a movable a in front of words beginning with z, s, ņ, ń: kroza šumu, sa ţenama, uza šumu, sa školom, sa
psom.

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Preposition k (to) gets an a in front of words beginning with k, g or h, and in front of words where k, g or h is
positioned in the second place and where there is none of the consonants positioned in the first place.
Uputio se ka kući.
Odvezli su se ka granici.
Naputiše se ka hramu.
Uputio se ka skakaonici.
Potrčaše ka zgarištu.
It is more common to use no prepositions in these examples: Uputio se kući. Potrčaše zgarištu. Naputiše se
hramu.
Prepositions kroz, nad, niz, pod, pred, s, uz (through, above, along, under, with, by) always have an a in front of
enclitics me, te, se. nj (me, you, him) (also when combined with kroza se, nada te, niza me, preda nj, sa mnom.
(JahiĤ, HaliloviĤ and PaliĤ, 2000)

3.3.

Prepositions and their origin

According to their origin prepositions may be divided into regular/real and irregular/unreal.
1. Regular/real prepositions
Regular prepositions are the words which are used only as prepositions and whose meaning cannot be related to
the meaning and the base form of any other type of word; these include: do, iz, k/a, kod, na, nad, nakon, niz, o,
od, osim, po, pred, radi, s, u, uz, za (to, from, towards/toward, at, on, above, over, after, down, of, from, except,
in front of, because of, with, in, for).
2.

Irregular/unreal prepositions

Irregular prepositions are those prepositions whose meaning may be connected to the meaning and the base form
of some other word. Irregular prepositions include:
a) Derivational prepositions- these prepositions are formed by using the fossilization of some form of a
word; these include: front, back, along, towards, next to, above, (of accusative); by/with, via, by force
(of instrumental). These prepositions also include prepositions derived from adverbs; with verbs, these
words are used as adverbs (e.g. Primakli smo se blizu), and as prepositions when used with nouns: blizu
(near) (e.g. Stanujem blizu stanice), mimo (past), niţe (down), pored (next to), poslije (after), prije
(before), širom (throughout/over/across), uprkos (despite), van (beyond, out),više (up).
b) Complex prepositions- are formed by joining two prepositions, or by joining a preposition and a noun.
Complex prepositions are: ispod, ispred, iza, izmeĎu, iznad, nadohvat, nakraj, naokolo, nasuprot, navrh, pokraj,
poput, posred, potkraj, poviše, povrh, udno, uoči, uzduţ (under/below, in front, behind, between, above, within
reach, at the end of, round, opposite, atop, next to, as, amidst, prior to, alongside).
Several prepositional phrases with two or more parts may take the role of prepositions: first member is a
preposition that governs the noun, with noun being the second part; third part, if there is one in the phrase, is also
a preposition which the case of the following independent word depends on, for example: po imenu Hasan
(nominative), po cijenu slobode (genitive), sa stajalińta suda (genitive), u doba Mehmeda Fatiha (genitive), u
zavinsosti od ugovora (genitive), bez obrzira na razliku (acusative), u vezi sa tuţbom (instrumental) (JahiĤ,
HaliloviĤ, PaliĤ, 2000).

3. CONTRASTIVE ANALYSIS OF POSTPOSITIONS IN TURKISH AND
BOSNIAN LANGUAGE
As mentioned in the introductory section of this paper, the contrastive analysis is used for contrasting i.e.
comparing languages. In this paper I will examine the contrastive analysis between postpositions in Turkish and
Bosnian language.
Our prepositions are unchangeable word class that usually precedes nouns, and in this way they affect the case of
the noun they stand next to. However, postpositions follow the nouns, but just like prepositions they affect the
case of the nouns i.e. they determine whether a noun will take the nominative, genitive, ablative or dative case.
In the following examples and sentences I borrowed from Meńa SelimoviĤ‘s novel ‗‘ Death and the Dervish‘‘ we
will examine whether our prepositions are the same as postpositions, and whether they agree partly or
completely.

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EXAMPLES:
―Ah esirlerim benim, sizin için korku yok bugün, üzülmeyeceksiniz de,‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 22)
This sentence in Bosnian:
―O robovi moji, nema za vas straha danas, i nećete biti ţalosni.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 17)
Analysis: The postposition used in this sentence is için and it must take the absolutive noun case and
genitive of pronouns. In this example it requires the genitive, because it is attached to a second person plural
pronoun (siz). Postposition için is a semantic equivalent to our prepositions: radi, zbog, o, na (for, because of, of,
on). In the sentence in Bosnian the preposition for is used, which agrees with three of our cases (genitive,
accusative and instrumental). In this example it agrees with the accusative, and if concerning its origin it falls
into the category of real/regular prepositions i.e. its meaning cannot be connected to the meaning and base form
of any other word in a sentence. The following example shows the situation when a postposition için takes an
absolutive case noun. Preposition for, which agrees with the accusative case, is used in the Bosnian version of
the sentence.
―Hedef ve gayelerimizi tayin edip, hayatta akla gelen herĢey için bir kural yaratarak, bir yeryüzü düzeni
kurabilsek, çok iyi olur tabii.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 149)
This sentence in Bosnian:
―Dobro bi bilo kad bismo mogli odrediti cilj i namjere i stvoriti pravila za sve ţivotne prilike, da uspostavimo
zamišljen red.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 94)
―Bu olaydan ötürü üzgün olduğumu, bu felaketin, en yakınım olan birinin ölümü kadar beni etkilediğini,
kaderimin beni, düĢmanların, günahlıların gittiği yerde öz kardeĢimi görmekten esirgemediğini, Allah‘a ve
dinime yıllarca Ģerefle hizmet ettiğim halde suçun bir kısmı benimmiĢ gibi, insanların bana ĢaĢkınlıkla baktığını
söyledim.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 107)
This sentence in Bosnian:
―Rekao sam da ţalim što se to desilo, nesreća me pogodila kao smrt moga najbliţeg, sudbina me nije sačuvala
od nevolje da roĎenog brata vidim tamo kuda odlaze griješnici I neprijatelji, i da me ljudi gledaju s čuĎenjem,
kao da sam i ja ponio dio krivice, ja koji godinama časno sluţim Bogu i vjeri.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the
Dervish, p. 70)
Analysis:
Turkish postpositions used in this sentence are: ötürü (zbog- because of), kadar (kao, koliko, poput- as,
like), gibi (kao, poput- like, as). First of these is ötürü which requires the noun to take the ablative ending.
Postposition ötürü is a semantic translation equivalent to our preposition zbog (because of), denoting the relation
of cause, and it agrees with the genitive; in terms of its origin it falls under the category of real prepositions. In
the sentence in Bosnian the preposition zbog (because of) is not used, but the translator adjusted the sentence
relying on his/her native speaker`s sense in order to give it the proper meaning in Turkish language and used the
postposition ötürü – zbog (because of). If we translated this sentence from Turkish into Bosnian it would look
like this: ―Rekao sam da ţalim zbog toga što se desilo...‖ and we can notice that the meaning of the sentence
would not change.
The second postposition used in the sentence is postposition kadar. The postposition kadar requires the
nominative of nouns and genitive of pronouns. In this example it requires the nominative/ absolutive case. The
preposition which is used in the sentence in Bosnian, and which is translated in Turkish by using the postposition
kadar is the preposition kao (as/like). The preposition kao (as/like) agrees with one of our cases, the genitive
case.75
The third postposition used in this example is the postposition gibi- kao, poput (as, like), which also
requires the nominative of nouns and genitive of pronouns. This postposition is used as the translation of our
conjunction expressing manner- kao da (as if). This example shows that postpositions can be used to translate
some of our conjunctions. In the following example we can see how postposition gibi is used to translate our
prepositions:

75

As I previously mentioned, when used with demonstrative pronouns, kadar becomes an adverb of quantity; which is
demonstrated in the following example: 'Ġkimiz de böyle az bir yatırımla bu kadar çok Ģey kazanmıĢ oluruz.' (MeĢa
Selimoviç, ‗DerviĢ ve ôlùm‘, p.36).In Bosnian this sentence translates as: ―Tako malo ulaţemo, a toliko mnogo dobijamo.‖
(M. SelimoviĤ: ―Death and the Dervish‖, p. 25)

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―Bundan böyle, bir uyurgezer, bitkin bir sakat gibi, sokak sokak dolaĢmalara paydos.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ
ve Ölùm‖, p. 192)
In Bosnian this sentence translates as:
―Ne smijem da hodam sokacima poput mjesečara, sa uzetom voljom, kao bogalj.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the
Dervish, p. 119)
This example shows how postposition gibi is used to translate our preposition poput (like). Preposition
poput (like), used in this sentence, agrees with the genitive, and in terms of the origin it falls under the category
of unreal/irregular/complex prepositions (it was formed by joining a preposition and a noun).
―Hasan‘ın tekkeye gelip gittiğini duymuĢ, hiç olmazsa arada bir akıllı ve iyi insanlarla konuĢtuğuna memnun
olmuĢ.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 35)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Čula je, Hasan dolazi u našu tekiju, i to joj je drago, da maker ponekad porazgovara s pametnim i dobrim
ljudima.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 24)
―Kimsenin benimle bu Ģekilde konuĢmasına müsaade etmez, öfke ile reddederdim.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve
Ölùm‖, p. 128)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Nikome ne bih dopustion da ovako sa mnom govori, odbio bih ljutito.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish,
p. 82)
Analysis: The preposition ile is used in both sentences. It also requires the nominative of nouns and
genitive of pronouns. We can notice that in the first example it stands next to a noun, so the noun does not take
any ending, and it stays in the absolutive case. The situation is different in the second example, because the
preposition ile stands next to the first person singular pronoun ben and thus takes the genitive ending.
Postposition ile is equivalent to our preposition s(a) (with) which is used in both sentences in Bosnian language.
Preposition s(a) (with) agrees with two cases- the genitive case (when it denotes origin, separation, cause; it
answers the questions where from, because of what) and with instrumental (when it denotes company, manner,
time; answers the questions with whom/what and where). In both sentences the preposition s(a) (with) agrees
with the instrumental, and in terms of the origin it falls under the category of real prepositions.
―Onu görmek üzere dönmedim.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 117)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Nisam se okrenuo da a vidim.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 75)
Analysis: in the Turkish sentence the postposition üzere is used, and it is equivalent to our prepositions:
radi, na, po (because of, on, of). However, in the Bosnian sentence neither of these prepositions is used. Instead,
preposition da (in order to) is used, which, according to its meaning and function, can be classified as a
conjunction expressing intention. Conjunction da (in order to) is translated in Turkish by using the postposition
üzere which requires the nominative of nouns and genitive of pronouns. The postposition üzere usually stands
next to verbal nouns ending in mak/mek, as shown in the given sentence.
In this example we can see that postpositions do not always correspond to our prepositions, and sometimes they
correspond to conjunctions or other grammatical categories.
―Yarın akĢama kadar beni gizle.‖ (M. Selimoviç: DerviĢ ve Ölüm, p. 67)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Skloni me do sutrašnje večeri. ― (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 45)
―Dünyanın kuruluĢundaki Tanrı`nın katkısını gerçekten inkar ediyordu hafız Muhamed; Hasan ise, hem meseleyi
sonuna kadar götürmek, hem kolaylıkla sağla yabileceği üstünlükten faydalanmak istemiyor, sadece Ģaka ile
karıĢık uyarmalarda bulunuyordu.― (M. Selimoviç: „DerviĢ ve Ölùm―, p.125)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Hafiz Muhamed je zaista odricao boţje učešće u stvaranju svijeta, a Hasan je samo šaljivo na to upozoravao,
ne ţeleći da stvar tjera do kraja niti da iskoristi prednost koju je mogao lako steći.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and
the Dervish, p. 80)
Analysis: Postposition kadar is used in these sentences, which is an equivalent to our prepositions: do
and za (until and for). In this context, the postposition kadar requires the preceding noun to take dative case. The
preposition used here is do (until). Preposition do (until) agrees with one of our cases, the genitive case. In terms
of origin, this preposition belongs to the real prepositions.
―Artan bir bağlılık duygusu içinde tekkeye doğru ilerlerken, ayrıca, iyiki bu adamı bana gönderdiler; böylelikle
hem korktukları, belli oldu, hem de hakaretleriyle kesin kararımı vermek için beni teĢvik ettiler, diye düĢündüm.‖
(M. Selimoviç: „DerviĢ ve Ölùm―, p.192)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:

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―Razmišljao sam tako, idući prema tekiji, s poraslim pouzdanjem, da je čak I dobro što su mi poslali ovog
čovjeka: otkrili su da se boje, a uvredom su podstakli moju odlučnost.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish,
p. 119)
Analysis: postposition doğru used in this sentence has the following meaning of our prepositions:
prema, ka, oko, pred (towards, to, around, in front of). Postposition doğru requires the noun to take the dative
case, as shown in the example. In the Bosnian sentence, the preposition prema (towards) is used, which is
equivalent to the postposition doğru. This preposition agrees with two cases: the dative (when it denotes
direction of movement) and the locative (when it denotes the place where something or someone is). In the
sentence preposition prema (towards) agrees with the dative. According to the origin it is categorized as a real
preposition. In the sentence written in Turkish the preposition için is used and it requires the nominative of nouns
and genitive of pronouns. However, in the sentence in Bosnian an adequate preposition was not used.
―Ne onun tarafını tutmak, ne de ona karĢı olmak istiyordum.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 73)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Nisam htio da budem ni protiv njega, ni za njega.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 49)
―Ama nasıl olur da bana karĢı bu Ģekilde davranmaya cesaret edebilirdi?‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p.
110)
―Ali kako smije prema meni tako da se ponaša?‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 71)
Analysis: the postposition karĢi (nasuprot, napram, prema, protiv, oko- opposite from/to, around) is
used in sentences but with different meanings. In the first sentence it is an equivalent to our preposition protiv
(against), and in the second sentence it is an equivalent to our preposition prema (to). Postposition karĢi requires
a noun to take the dative case as in the examples above. The preposition protiv (against) used in the first
sentence agrees with our genitive and belongs to the category of real prepositions. Preposition prema (to), used
in the second sentence, agrees with the dative and locative like its equivalent in Turkish- the postposition karĢi.
In the sentence borrowed from the novel Death and the Dervish it agrees with the dative and belongs to the
category of real prepositions.
―Ama bu kesin bir düĢünce değil, insanın ruh durumuna göre değiĢen bir duyuĢ havası, bir kuĢkuydu.‖ (M.
Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 76)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Ali to nije sigurna misao, već sumnja utisak koji se mijenjao prema raspoloţenju.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and
the Dervish, p. 50)
―Seçtiğim yol, babama göre o kadar değersiz mi ki, beni daha sağlığımda gömdü.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve
Ölùm‖, p. 97)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Zar je put koji sam izabrao toliko ništavan za moga oca da me radi toga ţiva sahranio?‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death
and the Dervish, p. 64)
―Bu kuruma göre, bugünkü haline tedricen gelmiĢ olan insan, tabiata yavaĢ yavaĢ intibak ettikten sonra, ona
hükmeden bilinçli tek yaratıktır.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 125)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Po tom učenju, čovjek je postepeno postajao ono što jest, polako se prilagoĎavao prirodi, potčinjavajući je
sebi, jedino stvorenje koje ima svijest.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 80)
Analysis: postposition göre is used in these sentences and it replaces three of our prepositions used in
the sentences in Bosnian. Postposition göre takes the dative case. In examples in Bosnian the prepositions
prema, za and po (according to, for) are used. First one is the preposition prema (according to) and it agrees
with the dative and locative case-in the example it agrees with the dative as well as the postposition göre. The
second preposition is the preposition za (for). This preposition takes the genitive, accusative and instrumental
case. In the example it agrees with the genitive. The preposition in the third sentence is the preposition po
(according to). It takes the accusative and locative. In this example it agrees with the locative. These three
prepositions belong to the real prepositions.
―Yüzümde Ģaka ettiğime dair bir belirti, inancımda bir tereddüt bir akıl erdirememe ihtimali görmeye
çalıĢıyormuĢ gibi, gözlerini dikmiĢ bana bakıyordu.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 38)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Posmatrala me netremice, kao da nastoji da vidi trag na mom licu, nesigurnost uvjerenja, moguću nedoumicu.‖
(M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 26)
Analysis: as I already mentioned in this paper, some Arabic lexemes function as postpositions, and one
of them is dair, which has the function of postposition with the dative case. In the previous sentences the two
postpositions, dair and gibi, are used. These postpositions take different cases. As I already mentioned, dair
takes the dative case and gibi the nominative of nouns and genitive of pronouns. Dair is an equivalent to our

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preposition o (about/of). However, preposition o was not used in the sentence in Bosnian. The translator usedthe
preposition dair to adapt the meaning to Turkish language. The second postposition used in the sentence is the
postposition gibi which was used to translate our conjunction kao da (as if). We can also see in this example that
postpositions are used to translate some of our conjunctions.
―Uzun koridorda yalnız baĢıma kalıp bana ait haberin gerekli yere ulaĢmasını beklerken, mutlak sessizliği
dinliyordum. Bu büyük binanın içinde kimse yaĢamıyor, koridor ve odalarında kimse yürümüyordu sanki.‖ (M.
Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 20)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Ostavljen na dugom hodniku, čekao sam da glas o meni dopre gdje je potrebno, osluškivao tišinu, potpunu, kao
da niko nije ţivio u ovom velikom zdanju, kao da se niko nije kretao po hodnicima i sobama.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ:
Death and the Dervish, p. 15)
Analysis: in the previous sentence in Turkish one of Arabic lexemes is used and with the dative it has
the function of postposition; it is the postposition ait, and translated into Bosnian it means: o, koji pripada, koji
se tiče (belonging to, concerning). In this example the postposition ait is an equivalent to our preposition o
(about/of), and it belongs to the real prepositions. Preposition o agrees with two cases, the accusative and
locative, and in the example it agrees with the locative.
―DüĢündüklerimin tamamen tersini düĢünen bu huzursuz, isyankar adam, bütün noksanlarına rağmen bana
güvenebileceğim bir insan olarak görünüyordu.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 114)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Taj nemirni pobunjeni čovjek koji je mislio suprotno od svega što sam ja mogao da pomislim, hirom potpune
nedosljednosti izgledao mi je kao čovjek na koga bih mogao da se oslonim.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the
Dervish, p. 74)
―Basit, saf olmasına rağmen, bu hikaye beni ĢaĢırttı.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 292)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Priča je naivna, a opet me je zaprepastila.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 183)
Analysis: in the previous two sentences one of Arabic lexemes which in the dative has the function of
postposition, is used; it is the postposition rağmen, and it is equivalent to our preposition uprkos (in spite of).
Preposition uprkos (in spite of) was not used in the sentences in Bosnian. For example, if we translated the
second sentence from Turkish to Bosnian it would still have the same context even if we used our preposition
uprkos (in spite of). The translator adapted this sentence to Turkish language by using the postposition rağmen.
―Bütün karmaĢıklıklar iki ay üç gün önce baĢladı.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 19)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Sve je počelo da se zapliće prije dva mjeseca i tri dana.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 15)
Analysis: önce is the postposition used in this sentence, i.e. the postposition that takes ablative. In this
example the noun preceding the postposition önce does not take the ablative ending, because a number precedes
the noun, and in this case, as previously explained, a noun cannot take the ablative ending. The preposition prıje
(ago) was used in the sentence in Bosnian, serving as an equivalent to the postposition önce. This preposition
agrees with our genitive case, i.e. it precedes the noun which takes the genitive ending. The preposition prıje
(ago ) expresses the relation of time, and in reference to its origin it is an irregular/unreal preposition, which
means that it was derived from an adverb.
In the following sentence I will give an example when a noun, which precedes the postposition önce, takes the
ablative ending, i.e. there is no number preceding the noun/pronoun.
―Eski ağaç, eski deri, eski nefes kokan odadan, yalnız arada bir artık alıĢtığım, benden önce buralarda yaĢamıĢ
olan ölmüĢ genç kızların gölgeleri geçer.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 63)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―U sobi miriše na staro drvo, na staru koţu, na staro disanje, sjenke su samo prolazile njome, ponekad, već
mrtvih mladih djevojaka, navikao sam se na njih, tu su ţivjele prije mene.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the
Dervish, p. 43)
This is also an example of postposition önce agreeing with our preposition prije (before).
―Bir iki gün sonra Hasan gelir.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 41)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Hasan se vraća za dan, dva‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 28)
―Dönmeye cesaret edemiyordum, ama camide olduğumdan emindim, ya benden sonra girmiĢ, ya da girdiğimde
ben onu farketmemiĢtim.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 113)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Nisam smio da se okrenem, ali sam bio siguran da je u dţamiji, ušao je poslije mene, ali ga nisam vidio.‖ (M.
SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 73)

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Analysis: the postposition used in sentences in Turkish is the postposition sonra which corresponds to
our prepositions poslije, nakon (after). Postposition sonra requires a noun to take the ablative case.
In the first sentence the noun preceding the postposition sonra does not take the ablative ending (dan/den),
because the noun is preceded by a number. In the second sentence the first person singular pronoun ben was
given the ablative case ending because it is preceded by a number. In the first sentence in Bosnian preposition za
(in) is used, so we can say that the postposition sonra agrees with preposition za (in), because this preposition is
translated by the postposition sonra. The preposition za (in) agrees with three of our cases: the genitive,
accusative and instrumental. In this example it agrees with the genitive, i.e. it answers the question when, and,
concerning its origin, it is a real preposition. In the second sentence the preposition poslije (after) is used, which
is an equivalent to the postposition sonra. The preposition poslije (after) agrees with the genitive, and
concerning its origin it is an unreal/irregular preposition i.e. a derivative preposition, as is the case of the
preposition prije (before).
―KardeĢım, on günden beri kalede hapis yatıyordu. ― (M. SelimoviĤ: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm―, p. 19)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Brat je već deset dana leţao zatvoren u tvrĎavi.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 15)
Analysis: postposition beri is used in the Bosnian sentence. This postposition requires the noun
preceding it to take the ablative case. The postposition beri is similar to our preposition od (prije) (since/for) that
stands next to the genitive. The preposition već (already) is used in the sentence in Bosnian. This preposition is
usually translated by postposition beri, as is the case in this example. Postpositions and prepositions usually
agree, however there are a few exceptions, such as the example of the postposition beri which agrees with the
preposition od (prije) (since/for) and adverb od(već) (already).
The following example shows the case where our preposition od (since) is translated by the postposition beri.
―Dünden beri hiçbir Ģey yemediniz, dedi.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 230)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Od juče niste ništa okusili.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 143)
The preposition od (since) in this sentence agrees with the genitive and falls in the category of real prepositions.
The postposition beri is often replaced by the phrase bu yana, which we can see in the following examples.
―Hiç tanımadığım kaçak hakkında yüreğimde bu güzel özellikleri sayarken, dün geceden bu yana aldığım yolu
farketmemiĢtim.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 115)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―I dok sam tako ispisivao u svom srcu lijepe osobine potpuno nepoznatog odmetnika, nisam ni primjetio koliko
sam put prešao od sinoć.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 74)
―Ġlkbahardan bu yana, üç aydır kaldığımız bu düzlükten, nehrin kıyısında mevzilenen düĢman kuvvetlerine arada
bir saldırıyorduk.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 283)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Od proljeća smo se tu zadrţali, već treći mjesec napadajući ponekad neprijatelja koji se učvrstio na obali
rijeke.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 177)
―Adamcağız, oğlundan ötürü yataklara düĢmüĢ.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 34)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Jadan čovjek, zbog sina je i u postelju pao.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 24)
Analysis: the postposition ötürü is used in the sentence in Turkish, which is similar to our preposition
of cause zbog (because of), which is used in the sentence in Bosnian. The postposition ötürü requires a noun to
take the ablative case, and preposition zbog (because of) agrees only with one case, the genitive case, and
according to its origin it is a real preposition.
―Ne benim, ondan baĢka kimse, ne de onun benden baĢka kimsesi vardı.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p.
103)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Koga imam osim njega? I koga on ima osim mene?‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 67)

Analysis: the postposition baĢka, which agrees with the ablative case, is used in this sentence. It is
similar to our preposition osim (except) which is used in the sentence in Bosnian. Preposition osim (except)
agrees with the genitive case, i.e. it requires the noun following it to take the genitive case. Preposition osim
(except) belongs to the real prepositions according to its origin.

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―Bu kalabalığın canlanması ayakların oldukları yerde kıpır kıpır kıpırdanması, baĢların gelenlerden yana
tecessüsle çevrilmesi, ses ve herhalde soluklarını bile kesen heyecanlarından da belli oluyordu.‖ (M. Selimoviç:
―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 90)

In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Najavljivale su ga ţivlje kretnje, uznemireno sitno pomicanje nogu što su se premještale na jednom mjestu,
radoznalo okretanje prema onima što su nailazili, grč što ih je stegao oduzevši im glas, i dah valjda.‖ (M.
SelimoviĤ: ―Death and the Dervish‖, p. 60)
Analysis: the postposition yana is used in the sentence which translated into our language means za, uz,
na strani (for, next to, on sb`s side). Postposition yana requires the noun preceding it to take the ablative case.
Preposition prema (towards) is used in the sentence in Bosnian which is translated into Turkish by using the
postposition doğru which takes the dative case. However, the translator used the postposition yana. Our
prepositional phrase76 na strani (on sb`s side) is translated by postposition yana in the following example:
―Evet, ondan yanayım.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 152)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Da, na njenoj sam strani.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 96)
In this example the postposition yana is used to translate our prepositional phrase na strani (on sb`s side). The
first member of the preposition which also governs the sentence takes two of our cases: the accusative and
locative. In this sentence the preposition na (on) agrees with the locative.
―Pencereden dıĢarıya baktım.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 109)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―Pogledao sam kroz prozor.‖ (M. SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 71)
Analysis: some adverbs with the ablative ending may have the function of postpositions. One such
adverb is dıĢarı, which is used in the previous sentence. As I have already mentioned, when this adverb functions
as a postposition, it requires the noun preceding it to take the ablative case. In the sentence the preposition kroz
(through) is translated by the ―postposition‖ dıĢarı. This preposition agrees with one case, the accusative, i.e. the
noun following it must take the accusative case. According to its origin the preposition kroz (through) is a
real/regular preposition, and in relation to the sentence it expresses the relation of manner. In the following
example we can see that when adverbs in Turkish are used together with a noun in the ablative case, they
correspond to our prepositions.
―Evet, onun yüzünden belirsiz bir Ģekilde tahmin ediyor, sezliniyor, ama, gözlerimi kaldırımdan yukarıya
kaldırmak yürekliliğini gösteremiyordum.‖ (M. Selimoviç: ―DerviĢ ve Ölùm‖, p. 236)
In Bosnian, this sentence translates as:
―PogaĎam, sasvim neodreĎeno naslućujem, zbog njega i ne smijem da dignem pogled s kaldrme.‖ (M.
SelimoviĤ: Death and the Dervish, p. 146)
Analysis: one of the adverbs is also used in this example, and when it is conjoined with a noun with the
ablative ending it becomes a postposition, i.e. a preposition. The adverb used as a postposition in this sentence is
yukarı (gore-up), which is here similar to our preposition s(a) (from, off). This preposition is used in the
accusative case, and in terms of its origin it is a real/regular preposition. The sentence in Bosnian also contains
some prepositions which are not translated by these postpositions but by some other grammatical words.
5. CONCLUSION
This paper comprises the contrastive analysis between postpositions in Turkish language and
prepositions in Bosnian language, i.e. this paper discusses whether the two languages agree and to what extent,
and whether there are differences between them and what they are, etc. The examples in this contrastive analysis
were borrowed from the novel Death and the Dervish.
There are similarities between the postpositions and prepositions in these two languages, as well as differences.
One of the similarities is that both prepositions and postpositions affect the case of the adjacent word. The
difference is that prepositions precede the case of independent words, while postpositions follow the word whose
case they affect.

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Several prepositional phrases comprising two or three members may be used as prepositions.

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Not all postpositions that exist in Turkish language, which I previously explained, can be found in this
novel. In the sentences in Bosnian, some of our conjunctions and adverbs are translated by postpositions; and at
some places postpositions are used without their equivalents being used in Bosnian examples.
On the basis of this analysis and according to examples I borrowed from the novel Death and the Dervish I
concluded that in the novel the postpositions and prepositions agree in their meaning with only minor exceptions.

References
ģauńeviĤ, Ekrem: Gramatika savremenoga turskog jezika, Hrvatska sveuĦilińna naklada, Zagreb, 1996.
ĥediĤ, Ibrahim: Osnovi gramatike bosanskog jezika, Institut za jezik, Sarajevo, 2001.
ĐiniĤ, Slavoljub: Udţbenik turskog jezika, treĤe izmjenjeno izdanje, NauĦna knjiga, 1989.
ĐorħeviĤ, Radmila: Uvod u kontrastiranje jezika, Zavod za udņbenike i nastavna sredstva, Beograd, 1987.
HaliloviĤ, Senahid: Pravopis bosanskoga jezika, Preporod, Sarajevo, 1996.
JahiĤ, Dņ, HaliloviĤ, S. and PaliĤ, I: Gramatika bosanskoga jezika, Dom ńtampe Zenica, Zenica, 2000.
KadriĤ, Adnan: O suodnosu padeţne i prijedloţne semantike u Berbićevom opisu bosanskog i turskog jezika,
Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju, issue no.51, p.25-107, 2001.
KlaiĤ, B: Rječnik stranih riječi, Zagreb, 1983.
SelimoviĤ, M: Death and the Dervish, Univerzal Tuzla izdavaĦka kuĤa, Tuzla, 1986.
SelimoviĤ, M: ‗‘DerviĢ ve Ölùm‘‘, Yeryùzù yayınları, Ġstanbul, 1985.
www.wikipedia.org/prijedlozi u bosanskom jeziku.

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                <text>When transferring from one language, language A, to the other , language B,  similarities and differences can easily be perceived. Very often, some language categories are  found in one language, but not in the other one. In order to detect those similarities and  differences, we need contrastive analyses. Turkish language does not identify category of  prepositions, and instead of prepositions, postpositions or quasi-postpositions are being used,  occasionally even case endings. Subject relations in Bosnian language are expressed by  prepositions, while in Turkish language different morpho syntactic resources and word  classes ( case endings, flex ion, post positions, quasi-post positions etc.) are being used. In  this paper, we shall borrow examples from Mesa Selimovic's novel „Death and the Dervish―,  and discus the question of prepositional concord in Bosnian with post positions in Turkish.  When listing adverbs in Turkish, we are noticing different words for prepositional  expressions in Bosnian: words and endings, since Turkish language does not identify  prepositions like other Indo European languages do, therefore prepositions are placed after the  correlated word. Hence, the main difference is that prepositions are placed in front of the  autonomous words case form, and post positions after the word to which case ending of that  same post position is implicated. This will be discussed further.</text>
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                    <text>1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo

The Use of Non-verbal Communication in the classroom
Salah Ali Mohammad Ali
Tabuk University, KSA

INTRODUCTION
Background of the Study:
Good communication is the foundation of successful relationships, both personally and
professionally. But we communicate with much more than words. In fact, research shows that the
majority of our communication is nonverbal. It includes our facial expressions, gestures, eye contact,
posture, and even the tone of our voice.
The field of nonverbal communications has grown rapidly over the last few decades, and it has
applications in business, media, international relations, education, and indeed any field which
significantly involves interpersonal and group dynamics. Certainly there is a need for more
psychological mindedness in all these realms.
More than three-quarters of communication is non-verbal. We all use no-verbal communication
every time we talk to someone throughout the tone of our voices, our body movements, and our
gestures to express our feelings and thoughts. Actions speak louder than words. Teachers would know
more about their students by watching their actions than by listening to what they say.
Problem of the Study:
Body language plays a great role in having a successful communication inside and outside the
classroom. However, it is worth noticing that through our experience, classes with low percentage of
using body language have difficulty in communication and thus have unsuccessful outcomes. Teachers
should know about the importance of body language and how it affects communicating with their
learners. In multinational classrooms, for example, the less you use body language in the classroom, the
less successful your class is.
Purpose of the Study:
We are conducting this study to:
1. Highlight the importance of using body language in the classroom;
2. Make it clear that body language is a must in the classroom; and
3. Raise the teacher‘s awareness of how the effective use of body language can facilitate the learning
process and encourage them to apply it.
4.
Research Question:
What is the influence of the use of non-verbal communication in the classroom?
Does body language play an important role for having a successful communication inside the
classroom?
Do teachers who use body language effectively have better communicative classrooms than
those who do not apply it?
Research Hypotheses:
1. Educators, psychologists, anthropologists and sociologists define body language or nonverbal
communication as communication without words. It includes overt behaviors such as facial
expressions, eye contact, touching and tone of voice. It can also be less obvious, however, as
through dress, posture and spatial distance. The most effective communication occurs when verbal
and nonverbal messages are in sync, creating communication synergy.
2. Nonverbal communication has implications for the teacher as well as the learner. It is often said
that one can always recognize a language teacher by their use of gesture in normal conversation,
while it is certainly true that a system of gestures has evolved which allows a teacher to perform
aspects of classroom management quickly, quietly and efficiently.
3. It is not only what you say in the classroom that is important, but it's how you say it that can make
the difference to students. Nonverbal messages are an essential component of communication in
the teaching process.

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Significance of the Study:
By conducting this research, teachers, students, and administrators will benefit from it, for it will
contribute to have a successful and easy communication in the classroom. In addition to that,
administrators will benefit concerning good reputation and having more money.
Research Delimitations:
1. This study will take three months (about 30 sessions). Each one is about fifty minutes.

2.

We will collect data from both governmental and private schools/ Universities in Tabuk, Kingdom
of Saudi Arabia (We will choose six schools/Universities randomly; three public and three private
schools/Universities).

3.
4.

We focus only on both elementary and pre-intermediate students.

Key Concepts:
1. Non-verbal communication: communication throughout the tone of voices, body movements, and
gestures.
2. Actions speak louder than words: (idiom) People would know about you by watching your actions
than by listening to what you say.
3. Multinational classrooms: classrooms involving people from different countries.
4. Facial expressions: The human face is extremely expressive. Unlike some forms of nonverbal
communication, facial expressions are universal.
5. Eye contact: Eye contact is also important in maintaining the flow of conversation and for gauging
the other person‘s response.
Review of the Literature:
Theoretical Framework:
Body language in the classroom
Communication is more than words, and it is important for teachers and administrators to
understand the nonverbal messages they are sending and receiving in the classroom.
Article Excerpt
Ralph Waldo Emerson and Mae West would seem to have little in common, but there is one thing
they both understood—the importance of body language.
"The telltale body is all tongues," Emerson once said, while West famously noted, "I speak two
languages, body and English."
Educators, psychologists, anthropologists and sociologists define body language or nonverbal
communication as communication without words. It includes overt behaviors such as facial
expressions, eye contact, touching and tone of voice. It can also be less obvious, however, as through
dress, posture and spatial distance. The most effective communication occurs when verbal and
nonverbal messages are in sync, creating communication synergy.
Just how important is nonverbal communication? Some research findings suggest that two-thirds
of our communication is nonverbal. Other experts suggest that only seven percent of a message is sent
through words, with the remaining 93 percent sent through facial expressions (55 percent) and vocal
intonation
(38
percent).
In the classroom, teachers and students--both consciously and unconsciously--send and receive
nonverbal cues several hundred times a day. Teachers should be aware of nonverbal communication in
the classroom for two basic reasons: to become better receivers of students' messages and to gain
awareness of the student's communication.
(I think that the role of non-verbal communication is so important in the classroom because both
teachers and students send and receive messages through body language).
http://goliath.ecnext.com/coms2/gi_0199-5060801/Body-language-in-the-classroom.html
Nonverbal communication has implications for the teacher as well as the learner.
It is often said that one can always recognize a language teacher by their use of gesture in normal
conversation, while it is certainly true that a system of gestures has evolved which allows a teacher to
perform aspects of classroom management quickly, quietly and efficiently. Gestures for 'work in pairs',
'open your books', 'listen' and 'write' are universal, while individual teachers have developed nonverbal
repertoires involving the use of fingers to represent words, expressions to denote approval/disapproval

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and gestures to indicate time, tense and other linguistic features, and hence systems for instruction,
correction and management which well-trained learners respond to immediately. The effective use of
nonverbal cues assists in a wide range of classroom practices by adding an extra dimension to the
language:
 reducing unnecessary teacher talking time
 increasing learner participation
 confidence building
 reducing fear of silence
 clear instructions
 efficient classroom management
 classroom atmosphere
 improving listening skills
 improving performance in pair and group activities
 self and peer correction
 avoiding misunderstandings
 improving intercultural competence
Teachers, however, should always remember that the meanings of gestures and other nonverbal
cues need to be taught in the same way as the meaning of essential classroom language, also that a
number of nonverbal techniques already exist in their repertoire, such as the use of Cuisenaire rods,
colors and charts, adapted from the Silent Way. Make sure that the learners understand your codes, and
teach them to use them themselves.
(We can notice that non-verbal communication has an implication for both teachers and students)
It is not only what you say in the classroom that is important, but it's how you say it that can make the
difference to students.
Nonverbal messages are an essential component of communication in the teaching process.
Teachers should be aware of nonverbal behavior in the classroom for three major reasons:
 An awareness of nonverbal behavior will allow you to become better receivers of students'
messages.
 You will become a better sender of signals that reinforce learning.
 This mode of communication increases the degree of the perceived psychological closeness
between teacher and student.
Obviously, adequate knowledge of the subject matter is crucial to your success; however, it's not the
only crucial element. Creating a climate that facilitates learning and retention demands good nonverbal
and verbal skills. To improve your nonverbal skills, record your speaking on video tape. Then ask a
colleague in communications to suggest refinements.
(It is obvious that teachers should be aware of non-verbal behavior in the classroom and this is due to:
allow you to be better receivers of students' messages and to reinforce learning in addition to increasing
the degree of the perceived psychological closeness between teacher and student.
Research Methodology:
Research Design:
Survey Research
Subjects:
Elementary and pre-intermediate students in addition to teachers
Research Instruments:
 Observation
 Survey
 Video taping
 Interviews
 Note taking
Research Procedures:
1. The first step: choosing six schools randomly (three public and three for private).
2. The second step: attending classes; each class 4-5 sessions. Observing and videotaping and taking
notes (for three months).
3. The third step: interviewing both teachers and students.
4. The fourth step: distributing questionnaires to some students and teachers.

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References:

-Barnett, Marya A. (1983). Replacing teacher talk with gestures: Nonverbal
communication in the foreign language classroom. Foreign Language Annals, 16, pp: 173-176.
 -Pennycook, Alastair (1985). Actions speak louder than words: Paralanguage, Communication,
and Education. TESOL Quarterly, 19, pp: 259-282.
 -Miluse Soudek and Lev I. Soudek. Non-verbal Channels in Language Teaching. ELT Journal,
Volume 39/2 April 1985. 109-114.

Appendices:
Survey:
We are a team doing the survey about body language in the classroom. We are studying the
use of non-verbal communication in the classroom. Would you please answer the questions below?
1. How much do teachers move around? Do they stand? Sit? Where?
2. Gestures how much do teachers move their hands? What do these movements mean? Do any
gestures differ in meaning in the two countries?
3. Eye Contact Where do teachers look when teaching? If they make eye contact with students, do their
eyes sweep across the group or focus on individuals? If they focus on individuals, how often and how
long do they make eye contact?
4. Facial Expressions and Head Movements how often do teachers smile? How do they show anger?
What do they do when students ask questions? How do students indicate dissatisfaction? Boredom?
Interest? Confusion? Understanding? How do teachers indicate agreement disagreement? confusion?
Understanding or unhappiness before the students in class?
5. Touching Do teachers ever touch students? What does it mean if a teacher touches a student? In
what situations, if any, would a student touch a teacher? In what situations, if any, would students
touch each other?
6. Time How late to class can teachers be without offending the students? How late to class can
students be without offending the teacher? What do people do or say when they are late?
7. Classroom Behavior Do students or teachers smoke, drink or eat in class? How do students sit? How
do Students get the teacher's attention? Under what circumstances do students leave the class while it is
still in session? What do they do or say if they want to leave?
8. Dress and Cleanliness How do teachers dress for class? How do students dress for class? How
important is cleanliness or the lack of body odor?
9. Manner of Speaking How loud a voice is appropriate for lecturing? Does appropriate loudness of
voice differ for men and women? What speed of speaking is appropriate for lecturing?

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Conclusion
In this study the acquisition of English morpho-syntax by ten Farsi-speaking children has been examined in
light of different proposals on child and adult L2 acquisition. Here I will review the main findings of this study while
comparing them with the general theoretical issues discussed in the literature to find plausible answers for the
questions raised in this study.
The first issue addressed in this study to provide an answer for is the acquisition of functional categories.
Despite Haznedar (1997, 2001, 2003) and FT/FA proponents who take suppliance of a morpheme as the evidence of
underlying grammar, following Hawkins (2001) the present study shows that the mere suppliance of morphemes is
not indicative since a morpheme may also be used in a context where it should not have been. Although copula as an
INFL-related element is found in learners‘ early productions, these copulas are missing when the subjects are lexical,
oblique or null. This shows how rote-learned the nature of early copulas is, where the nominative subject and the
following copula are memorized as a chunk and a small change in the form of the utterance leads to the omission of
copula. Although the results of this study also show the copula (as trigger for IP projection) is more productive than
other morphemes (-ed, -s, -ing), the nature of these structures makes them more difficult for learners in the initial
stages. Following Zobl &amp; Liceras (1994) and Hawkins (2001) the present study explains late emergence of auxiliary
be compared to copula by proposing that complex selectional requirements of auxiliary be make it more difficult to
produce.
The degree of L1 transfer is the second question raised in the abstract. To see whether the headedness of
functional categories is transferred from the L1, the learners‘ negative utterances were taken into consideration. The
verbal negation marker in Farsi, just like in English, precedes the lexical verb, where Farsi also has a head-initial
NegP. Looking at the early utterances with negative thematic verbs produced by the learners, we see that they
produce structures which violate the headedness parameter of Farsi and English NegP since there is no specific order
at the earliest stages and the position of the negative marker is determined by the meaning of the verb rather than the
syntactic position of the verb. This can be especially noticed in Farsi compound verbs which consist of an element
(noun, adjective or preposition) followed by a light verb such as the verbs do, give or hit among others. In these
structures, the verb loses its original meaning and joins the preverbal element to form a new verb. In all early
negative compound verbs, the negative marker follows the verb, which shows that these verbs have not been
identified by the learners as verbs. This, above all, means that early L2 structures are only lexical and the lexical
meaning of the verb plays an important role in the syntactic position of the elements. This provides counter evidence
for Full Transfer/Full Access hypothesis of Schwartz &amp; Sprouse (1996), which claims the entire L1 grammar
constitutes the initial states of L2 acquisition. This also argues against Haznedar (1997) who claims that Erdem
transfers the headedness of NegP from his L1 Turkish. Assuming that NegP is a functional projection, the present
study supports Minimal Trees Hypothesis of Vainikka &amp; Young-Scholten which argues for the mere transfer of
lexical categories.
It was found that in line with some of the studies mentioned in the domain of child L1 English (Radford,
1990) and adult L2 (structure building of V &amp; Y-S, 1994, 1996a, b, and modulated structure building of Hawkins,
2001), the results of the present study show that child L2 acquisition is similar to child L1 and adult L2 at least with
regard to the absence of functional categories in the initial stages.

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Chomsky, N. (1995). The Minimalist Program. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Chomsky, N. (2000). Minimalist inquiries: The framework In R Martin, D Michaels and J Uriagereka (eds.) Step
by Step: Essays in Minimalist Syntax in Honor of Howard Lasnik. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. pp. 89155.
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Clahsen, H., Eisenbeiss, S. &amp; Penke, M. (1996). Lexical learning in early syntactic development. In H. Clashen (ed.).
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Cox, M. (2005). L2 English morpheme acquisition order: The lack of consensus examined from a case study of four
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MUHAMMED: AN EXAMPLE OF MISWRITING OF PERSON NAMES IN
KARS CITY ( IN TURKEY) ACCORDING TO ONOMASTIC
Asst.Prof.Dr. Mustafa ġenel
Tuzla University, Faculty of Filosofia, Turkish Language and Literature Department,
Tuzla-Bosnia and Herzegovina,
mustafasenel@hotmail.com
The national culture as an important essential element propitiouses for an existence
nation. This culture gets its source from that national history language, religion , morality,
art, traditions, briefly from own esence. Person names( antroponimies) from point of view
philologicial, linguistics, cultural, historical and folklore studies have necessity. The
calling of the human (middle name, name, surname, nickname and titles) is associated
with the culture of nation, proves a necessity of names fort he human. There are different
traditions and rules of calling in the each country. The reasons of calling may be religious,
national and local charecter as a result of investigation these tendentions we find out that
every society has its different specific traditions in calling, there are many common issues
in the many parts of the world and among societies has own peculiarity.
The name ‗Muhammed‘ is widely popular among the people and often they call their
children by this name, because it has a religion mean. The origin of this name is Arabic
and used for men. The name ‗Muhammed‘ as a male names the most widely spread in
the Kars(Turkey) region. The name ‗Muhammed‘ at the same time used in a wrong
spelling. These mistakes did the bureaucrats or men, who did not know the orphography
this name.
Keywords: onomastik, Muhammed, name, Kars, misspelling

The national culture as an important essential element propitiouses for an existence nation. This culture
gets its source from that national history language, religion , morality, art, traditions, briefly from own esence.
Person names( antroponimies) from point of view philologicial, linguistics, cultural, historical and folklore studies
have necessity. The calling of the human (middle name, name, surname, nickname and titles) is associated with the
culture of nation, proves a necessity of names fort he human. There are different traditions and rules of calling in
the each country. The reasons of calling may be religious, national and local charecter as a result of investigation
these tendentions we find out that every society has its different specific traditions in calling, there are many
common issues in the many parts of the world and among societies has own peculiarity. The famous scientist
lexicolog Adolf Bach says that; ― the name treasure of the nation expressions its past and present mental- spiritual
state‖.315
Person names are very important from point of view of linguistic, cultural history and folklore studies. In
the Orkhon Ġnscriptions were reproached the men who had lost own national identitiy and took Chinese name. The
foreign cultures at first showed themselves in the names. The most of of an important side of names in linguistics in
the reflection of alienation or privatizaton of language. Resources of the Turkish names are tombstones, birth
certificates, mosque (clergy) registers, charities, the telephone directory in the modern period, school registers,
marriage registers, nursing registry, death registry and other documents.316
The calling in the Turkish is a cultural element in itself . The Turkish names show different ways in the
history according to their customs, geography and traditions. 317 Atradition to call new borned baby has an ancient
history in the Turkish custom.
Each name which was given to the children by their parents was according to tradition of ancestors. Every
name has its calling reason. While borning of the child each incident, coming of visitors to the house or tent, first
seen an object, animal or plant can effect for calling that girl or boy. 318 In the many regions of Anadolu (Anatolia)
given names have not much difference.
In the calling exists nearly the following rules: 319
1.

Calling by religious names: Muhammed, Hasan, Hùseyin, Yakop(Yakup), Yonana(Yahya)
etc.

315

Doğan Aksan, Her Yônùyle Dil Ana Çizgileriyle Dilbilim, TDK Yay, Ankara 1995, s. 115
Tuncer Gùlensoy, ―Türk KiĢi Adlarının Dil ve Tarih Açısından Önemi‖, Tùrk Dili, Ocak 1999,sayı 565, s.3
317
Tuncer Gùlensoy, agm., s .3
318
Tuncer Gùlensoy, ―Türklerde Ad Verme Geleneği ve Hektor‖, Millî Folklor, KıĢ 1994, Cilt 3,S. 22, s.5
319
Doğan Aksan, age., s.115-118
316

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2.
3.
4.

Calling by famous and celebrity men‘s names or their surnames: Ġskender, Kanuni, fatih,
M.Kemal etc.
Calling by names heroes of tales, miths, destans(epoes): Oğuz, Ayhan, Orhan, Bozok, Üçok
etc.
Calling by names of geographical places, historical events or names ot tribes and
nations:Toponims: Tuna, Fırat.

Calling by the names of important days or events :Cuma, Kadir, Bayram, Kurtulush, Ġstiklal etc.
5.

Other ways of calling: besides those above mentioned ways we can meet the names of
fitonims, zoonims, beaituful lovely things, derivations of favorite and nice names, which
existes in the international region and very common among peoples.

Language is a common tool for mankind contact. The social life is one of the main featurs of the humanity.
This is a reson of language‘s produce. Proceeds includes all process of produce language with covering its
development. The language is itself of society. It is interwined with society by its natural structure. We devide the
language into two part: spoken or oral language and written language. We use oral and spoken language in our daily
life, when we speak. The feature of oral speech or language is in its remain only as a spoken language, being a
carrier of production in a small area. On the other side, a spoken language and folklore culture are a main and the
most important source for written language.320
A spoken or oral language unlike from written language and its has own characteristies features, usefull for
practical purpose in the daily life. A spoken or oral language is older than written language and take it as a base.
The language may be considered as seporate from the writing, but can not be considered apart from speech. The
mankind before contrive writing was able to understand each other within centuries. That is why the understanding
a structure of language depends on knowledge conditions of speech. This language depends on social classes,
geographic regions, may show many differents. The patois, accent and dialects are the natural result of the
changes.321
Every area has its own unique patois features. From time to time these patois features being shown in the
oral speech manifets itself in the written language too. Since the old time the calling tradition in the Turkish society,
what has very important role, exposed to influence of oral speech. Especially in the entry birth certificates oral
mistakes were reflected in the written language. Therefore sometimes exists a differency between written names in
the birth certificates and oral calling of the same man. Generally we see these mistakes in the ancient documents.
The bureaucrats often interfered in calling process of the parents , did their corrects and as a result we meet many
misuriting, changed names between population. That is why some names has not means from point of view
semantic or orphography. The family which need not in correction , used these wrong names.
The name ‗Muhammed‘ is widely popular among the people and often they call their children by this
name, because it has a religion mean. The origin of this name is Arabic and used for men. Its means: ―1. Many
times praising, praying for . 2. possesor many good and nid characters.‖322 This name much useful and in Kars.
As a rule at the end of the Turkish words does not have consonants = b,c,d,g=. The consonants = p,ç,t,k =
take their place. That is many borrowing words had undergone many changes in the Turkish Language . As a result
of these changes the consonants p,ç,t,k substituted =b,c,dg= at the and words.323
Therefore the name ‗Muhammed‘ changed into ‗Muhammet‘ in the Turkish Language.
The name ‗Muhammed‘ as a male names the most widely spread in the Kars region. This name sometimes
used alone, sometimes with other name togeather. In such composite names the word Muhammed takes the first
place, then comes the second naem. The tradition of binary calling comes from religion, because ‗Muhammed‘ is a
elerical naem. Of course it is impossible to reflect all binary names. Below we gave some of them for example:

320

http://denizlevent.blogcu.com/konusma-dili-yazi-dili-ayrimi_19430.html
http://www.edebiyatsanat.com/dil-bilgisi/61-dil-tarihi/421-konusma-dili-yazi-dili.html
322
http://www.isimbulamadim.com/isimayrinti.asp?isim=Muhammed&amp;isimid=784
323
http://www.dilimiz.com/dil/TurkDili/trkdili2.htm#ÜNSÜZLERDE SES OLAYLARI
321

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MUHAMMED ABDULLAH

MUHAMMET AKIN

MUHAMMED AKĠF

MUHAMMET ABBAS

MUHAMMED ALĠ

MUHAMMET ADĠL

MUHAMMED ALĠ RIZA

MUHAMMET AHRAR

MUHAMMED ALĠASKER

MUHAMMET ALĠ

MUHAMMED AVNĠ

MUHAMMET ARDA

MUHAMMED ARĠF

MUHAMMET ARĠF

MUHAMMED BAYCAN

MUHAMMET BĠLAL

The name ‗Muhammed‘ at the same time used in a wrong spelling. These mistakes did the bureaucrats or
men, who did not know the orphography this name.some examples:
MEHRAÇ MUHAMLET
MUHAMED
MUHAMED ALĠ
MUHAMET
MUHAMET ALĠ
MUHAMET NECĠP
MUHAMET ZEKĠ
MUHAMLET
MUHAMMAT
MUHAMMAT MUHANDIZ
MUHANMED
MUHANMED ALĠ
MUHANMED FAHRĠ
MUHANMET
MUMAMMET
MUMAMMET ALĠ

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Such mistakes do not limited only by name ‗Muhammed‘ . They are in the order parts of our country besides of
province Kars. The small child in his childhood does not take care of his name, but by growing he is confronted
with mockery of friends. When he growthes he sees the absurd and meaning less own name. Who is facilited
changes, correctes or uses another names. Sometimes the registrar gives boy‘s name to the girl or vice versa. As
a result such errors some girls are called to the military service, these one of the interesting events in our
country. In the ancient times the old Tukish our ancestors were very attentively when they gave the name, in our
time we also must be delicate and tactiful. It is necessary that in the goverment agencies works person who had
not graduated from university even works in the out of branch. Espicially when the gratueted students from
the Turkish Language and Literary are unemployed , in order to avoid with such problems we must review some
of our plans again.

Kaynaklar
Aksan D., Her Yônùyle Dil Ana Çizgileriyle Dilbilim, TDK Yay Ankara 1995
Gulensoy T., ―Türk KiĢi Adlarının Dil ve Tarih Açısından Önemi‖, Tùrk Dili, Ocak 1999,S.565, s.3-9
Gulensoy T., “Türklerde Ad Verme Geleneği ve Hektor”, Millî Folklor, Kış 1994, Cilt 3, S. 22, s.5
http://denizlevent.blogcu.com/konusma-dili-yazi-dili-ayrimi_19430.html,15.08.2008
http://www.edebiyatsanat.com/dil-bilgisi/61-dil-tarihi/421-konusma-dili-yazi-dili.html, 15.08.2008
http://www.isimbulamadim.com/isimayrinti.asp?isim=Muhammed&amp;isimid=784, 15.08.2008
http://www.dilimiz.com/dil/TurkDili/trkdili2.htm#ÜNSÜZLERDE SES OLAYLARI, 15.08.2008

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ESADĠ‘NĠN ― BEHAR‖ ADLI DERGĠDEKĠ METĠNLERĠNĠN KELĠME GRUPLARI
BAKIMINDAN ĠNCELENMESĠ
Mustafa ġenel
Tuzla Üniversitesi ,Tùrk Dili ve Edebiyatı Bôlùmù
Bosna-Hersek
mustafasenel@hotmail.com
Sibel Bayram
Sarayevo Üniversitesi ,Tùrk Dili ve Edebiyatı Bôlùmù,
Bosna-Hersek
sibelbayram02@hotmail.com
1 Kasım 1831 yılında yayım hayatına giren ilk resmi gazete olan Takvim-i Vakayi ile baĢlayan Osmanlı
Devletinin basın hayatı daha sonra çeĢitli gazete ve dergilerle devam etmiĢtir. Bu durum sadece Ġstanbul‘da
sınırlı kalmayıp Osmanlı devletinin hâkim olduğu diğer bôlgelerde de Osmanlı alfabesi ile Tùrkçe dili ile basılan
gazetelerle geliĢmiĢtir.
Hakimiyeti altındaki Balkanlarda olaylarla dolu Bosna-Hersek tarihinde de Osmanlı dônemi ônemli bir
yer tutar. Ortaçağ Bosna Devletinin bağımsızlığı Osmanlı Devletinin yayılmasıyla bozulmuĢtur.
Osmanlı akınları, 1386‘da baĢladıktan sonra Bosna Eyaleti 1463‘de fethedilmiĢ, 1878‘de yapılan Berlin
AntlaĢmasıyla Avusturya-Macaristan‘a verilinceye kadar dôrt yùz seneden fazla Osmanlı hakimiyeti altında
kalmıĢtır. 1463 yılında, Fatih Sultan Mehmed o zaman Bosna Kraliyetinin merkezi olan Yayçe Ģehrini, II.
Sultan Bayezid ise 1482 yılında Hersek bôlgesini fethetmiĢtir. Bu fetihlerle Ortaçağ Bosna Kraliyeti çôkmùĢtùr.
Bosna‘da Osmanlılar tarafından fethedilmiĢ olan son Ģehir Bihaç‘tır. Bihaç‘ın fethi XVI. yùzyılın sonuna rastlar.
Bu tarihler gôsteriyor ki, Bosna-Hersek‘in Osmanlı tarafından fethi aĢağı yukarı 200 yıl sùrmùĢtùr
(ZaĦinoviĤ,2003:9). (
II. Sultan Abdùlhamîd (1876– 1909) 1878 yılında Bosna‘dan çekilmiĢtir
(ZaĦinoviĤ,2003:14).
Ġlk vilayet gazetesi Tùrkçe ve Bulgarca yayınlanan Tuna Gazetesi, Osmanlı dôneminde eski
Yugoslavya‘da bilindiği gibi ilk vilayet NiĢ, Silistre ve Vidin eyaletlerinin birleĢmesiyle meydan gelen Tuna
vilayetinde çıkmıĢtır. Sôz konusu gazete Balkanlarda ilk Tùrkçe sùreli yayındır. Bu gazetede genel olarak
yayınlanan yazılar, yônetmelikler, resmi bildiriler, kamu kuruluĢların yaptığı iĢler, valilerin konuĢmaları gibi
yazılardır. Yayınlanan bùtùn yazıların hemen hemen hepsi imzasız yayınlanmıĢtır. Bununla birlikte bu vilayet
gazeteleri
Balkanlarda
Tùrkçe
gazeteciliğinin
geliĢmesinde
ônemli
bir
rol
almıĢtır.
(http://www.balkangunlugu.com)
Bu durum Bosna‘daki kùltùrù ve medeniyeti çok etkilemiĢtir. 1866 yılında merkezi Saraybosna olan ve
Tùrkçe-Sırpça dilleri kullanılmak ùzere ‗Bosna‘ adlı gazete basılmaya baĢlanmıĢtır. Sahibi Ġgnyat Sopron‘dur.
‗Ġgnyat Sopron‘a aiy basım evinde bir süre hem Bosanksı vjestnik hem de Bosna gazeteleri çıkmıĢtır. Bosna
gazetesinin 27 Muharrem ve 1283 ve 30 Mayıs /11 Haziran 1866 tarihli 3. sayısında BoĢnakça olarak çıkan
Bosanksı vjestnik gazetesi ve onun sahibi ile ilgili Ģu haber çıkmıĢtı: Gazetemizin muharriri Mösyö Sopron‘a
verilmiĢ olan imtiyaza mebni BoĢnakkıyy‘ül-ibare ve gayr-ı resmi olarak mukaddemce tab‘u ihracına baĢlamıĢ
olduğu gazete asar-ı medeniyetin ameliyatıyla beraber uluma ve fünuna dair mevadd-ı müteferriayı münderic
olduğundan baĢka dahili ve harici havadisçe her nev‘-i vukuatı mitezammın bulunduğundan bunun mütalaası
faide-bahĢ-ı umum olacağından ve kıt‘ası dahi büyük olduğu halde seneliği altmıĢ kuruĢa vermekte idüğünden
müĢteri olmasını istek eyleyen zevatın Vilayetin matbaasında kendisine müraacat eyledikleri takdirce her hafta
bir nüshasını gönderecektir.‘ (Zaçınoviç, 2003:16)
Ġki yıl sonra GùlĢen-i Saray gazetesi çıkartıldı. Bu gazetenin de dili Tùrkçe-Sırpça idi. 1867-1878
yıllarında 13 tane salname yayımlandı. Mostar Ģehrinde bir matbaa kuruldu ve ‗Neretva‘ adlı gazete basıldı.
1871 yılında ise Prizren‘de Tùrkçe-Sırpça olan bir gazete basılmıĢ ve iki vilayet salnamesi yayımlanmıĢtır.
Prizren‘deki matbaa PriĢtine‘ye taĢınır ve gazete burada çıkmaya devam eder. Daha sonra merkezi Kosova‘ya
taĢındıktan sonra Tùrkçe gazete çıkmaya baĢlar. 1873-1875 yılları arasında ise Rumeli gazetesi basılır. ―Daha
sonra Osmanlıca harflerle Sırp-Hırvatça Tarik (1908-1911), Muallim (1910- 913), Misbah (1912-1914) ve Yeni
Misbah 1914 yılında mesleki ve dini dergiler yayımlanmıĢtır. Bu dört derginin bazı sayfalarında Türkçe ve
Arapça yazılara da yer verilmiĢtir. O dönemlerde GliĢa Elezoviç‘in ilk Türk Dilbilgisi eseri yayınlanmıĢtır. Aynı
yıllarda Türkçe-BoĢnakça 1911 yılında Sarayevo‘da Zübdetü‘l-Ferais, Tecvid Ġdare-i Bosnavi 1925 yılında Din
Dersleri, Kuran-ı Kerim,Türkçe Dersleri gibi BoĢnakça ve Türkçe muallimi adındaki eserler de basılmıĢtır.
Ġkinci MeĢrutiyetten sonra Kosova Vilayeti matbaasında resmi gazetelerden baĢka Enva-i Hürriyet, ġar ve
Yıldız adlarında özel ve cemiyet gazeteleri yayınlanmıĢtır. Yeni Mektep adlı bir mesleki dergi de yayımlanan
diğer yayınlardır. 1908 yılında II. MeĢrutiyet‘in ilanıyla vilayetlerde kaldırılan basın sansüründen

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yararlanılarak Üsküp‘te ve Manastır‘da çeĢitli partiler, topluluklar, azınlıklar ve müesseseler kendi siyasi,
edebi,
bilim
ve
mesleki
organlarını
yayınlamaya
baĢladılar.‖
(http://www.rumelibalkanfederasyonu.org/site/index).
Osmanlı dôneminde ve daha sonrasında ise Vatan, Rehber gazeteleri Avusturya-Macaristan
Ġmparatorluğu dôneminde yayım hayatında etkili olan diğer gazetelerdir. Dili Tùrkçe olan bu gazeteler eğitim,
kùltùr, askeri, iktisadi ve gùnlùk hayata dair pek çok zengin bilgi içermektedir. Bu gazeteler dıĢında dili
BoĢnakça olmasıyla birlikte birkaç sayısının Osmanlı Tùrkçesi ile basıldığı dergiler de bulunmaktadır. BoĢnak
dilinde ve Arap harfleriyle birkaç gazete daha çıkabiliyordu. Bu dônemde Arap harflerinin yerini Latin harfleri
almaya baĢladı. BatılılaĢma, bu dônemde ônemli bir konudur. ‗Saffet Beg BaĢagiç, Ethem Mulatoviç, Osman
Nuri Haciç, Avdo Karabegoviç, Osman Çikiç, Musa Kazım Çatiç baĢta olmak üzere bu tarihi ve edebi geçiĢ
döneminde batılılaĢma amaç edinilmiĢtir.‘ (http://sancak.ihh.org.tr)
Bir edebiyat dergisi olan ‗Behar‘ yayımlanmaya baĢlaması ônemli bir olaydır. Ġlk sayı Sırpça basılıp
dôrt sayfada Tùrkçeye ayrılır. Bu dergide yayımlanan hikâyeler, Ģiirler dônemin edebiyat hayatının geliĢmesine
bùyùk katkı sunmuĢtur çùnkù ‗Behar‘ dergisi kùltùr, eğitim, edebiyat ve sanat konularında yayın yapmaktaydı.
‗Behar‘ dergisi 1906-1907 yılları arasındaki sayıları hem BoĢnakça hem de Tùrkçe diliyle yayın hayatında yer
almaya devam etti. Bu dergide yer alan metinlerin dil yapısı dônemin sosyal, kùltùrel yapısı hakkında birer
gôsterge niteliğindedir.
Tebliğimizde Behar dergisinde yer alan Esadi‘nin324 ―ZAMANIN ÖRFÜNÜ BĠLMEYEN CAHĠLDĠR‖
(s.7) ve ―KĠMYA-YI SAADET‖ (s.14) adlı iki yazısı kelime grupları yônùnden incelenmiĢtir.
Kelime grupları incelenirken kelimelerin kôkenleri, kelime grubu olarak gôrevleri325 ve kullanım sıklığı
da çıkarılmıĢtır. Terkipler de kôkenlerine gôre ayrılmıĢtır.
Dikkati çeken ôzellikler:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.

BirleĢik fiiller içierisinde ol- ve et- yardımcı fillerinin kullanımındaki fazlalık dikkati çekmektedir.
Arapça kelimelerden oluĢan terkipler oldukça fazladır. Son ek bakımından terkiplerin çoğunda Tùrkçe
ekler getirilerek kelimeler Tùrkçe yapılmıĢtır.
Terkiplerle yapılın tamlamaların yanı sıra isim tamlamaları da az sayıda gôze çarpmaktadır.
3‘lù terkiplerden AR+AR+AR ve AR+AR+FAR tespit edilmiĢtir.
Bazı kelimlerde olumsuzluk Farsça ve Arapça ôn ekler kullanılarak sağlanmıĢtır.
Kelime yoğunluğunda en fazla Arapça daha sonra Tùrkçe ek almıĢ Arapça ve daha sonra Tùrkçe, Farsça
kelimelerin ve Tùrkçe ek almıĢ Fransızca kelimenin kullanıldığı gôrùlmektedir.
Çokluk eki olarak –lAr ekinin yanı sıra Arapça kelimelerin çoğul Ģekilleri kullanılmıĢtır.
ve bağlacının ve dA edatının fazlaca kullanıldığı tespit edilmiĢtir.
Arapça sıfatlar Farsça ve Tùrkçe sıfatlara gôre fazlaca kullanılmıĢtır.
Tùrkçe zarflar Arapça ve Farsça zarflara gôre fazlaca kullanılmıĢtır.
bu, Ģu ve o zamirleri oldukça fazla kullanılmıĢtır.
Ünlem bakımından sadece 4 ôrnek içermektedir.
Sıfat-fiil ve zarf fiil ôrnekleri de fazla olmamakla tespit edilmiĢtir.

Dônemin dil ôzellikleri bakımından dikkati çeken en ônemli ôzellik Arapça ve Farsça unsurların hala
etkisini devam ettirmesidir. Dônemin diğer ùrùnlerinin de incelenmesiyle dônemim genel dil ôzellikleri
tespit edilebilecektir

324
325

Behar 1906/7(Godina VII), (H.M. Dzemaluddin ÇauĢeviç), Islamska Dıonıçka ġtamparıja(Tıskara), Sarajevo(tarihsiz)
http://tdkterim.gov.tr/bts/ sôzlùğù kullanılmıĢtır.

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1.Ġsim Tamlamalari
zamanın lùzumunu

musikat kendisinden

mealinin mayesi

zamanın ôrfù

zamanın dalaletinde

kimyaların kafesi

biçare zamanı

onun bereketidir

ôrfùn isnadı

birisinin burnu

ağaç Ģekline

kùlliyenin fùruidir

kimsenin iĢine

kùlliyenin fùruidir

ferdin arazıdır

alemin rùchani

ferdin arazıdır

mealinin mayesi

beytinin mazmunu

Ģirin mezakları

cehil unvanına
2. Birlesik Fiiller
ibaret olup

itsaf etmek

raci olduğu

ibret bırakmıĢlardı

ityan ederek

talik eder

ifade etmek

kabul eder

tasrih edilen

ihsani olmak

kabul eder

tercih ediyor

ihtam etmek

kifayet etmek

ihtiyar ediyor

mahrum kaliyor

iltizam eder

mahv olmakta
muvaffak
olamiyor

tercih olunur
tezahùr edebilir
tezahùr eder
vakuf etmek
yardım etmesi
yardim etmek
zikr olunmuĢ

irem olacak
itibarı olup

mùdahil etmek

itlay etmekle

mùnkalib olur

3. Terkipler
1.

AR+AR

cùmle-I hikemiye

kimya-yı

daire-i imkan

mana-yı

ders-i gayret

ôrf-i

ehl-i zaman

ôrf-i

Ģehadet

ehl-i

sahaif-i

hikmet

envar-ı

irfan
fùyuzat

erbab-ı

hakikat

eser-i

feyz

fiil-i

hayra

hakikat-ı

hilafet

kabe-i

hacat

ceza-yı
daire-i

umur-ı

cùmle
zaman

hakikat
hayriye

kemal

hazret-i

2.

tarik-ı

saadet

AR+AR+TR EK
ameli
Ģùmuldendir

erbab-ı
feyz-i

gayrettir
teavùnden

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hulyayı
iktisa-ı
isnad-ı

hakikatten

nùsha-i

zamandan

saadet-i

beĢeriyeyi

suret-i

mutlakta

ulviye-i

marufu

man-i

miski

ôrf-i

hulyayı

mana-yı

medeniye

vesile-i

ulviyeyi

hùsne

AR.+FAR+AR

Kaim-i

bilgayr
AR+FAR+TR EK

mal-i

sezadır
AR+TR

ahval-i
6.

kisvesi

nuraniye

mal-i

5.

ulviyesi

mertebe-i

teavùnle

latife-i

4.

mani-i

mecazidir

kimya-yı

3.

haylaetten

alem
AR+AR+AR

kelime-i

tayibe-i teavùn
daire-i imkan

teavùn-ù

a)

AR+AR+AR+TR EK
gerde-ehl-I hùkmettir

7.

FAR+AR+AR

ser-levha-i makal

4. ÖN EKLER
bi-haber

2

bitaite

1

bi-hak

1

bil-zarure

1

la

1

bilgayr

1

binane

1

biçare

1

ma-sadak

1

bi-nifad

1

ma-bih-il-iftihar

1

bitaati

1

bi-cevazdır

1

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5.

ARAPÇA KELĠMELER ve KULLANIM SIKLIĞI

Teavùn

15

amin

1

ifade

1

netice

1

asar

7

an

1

ihtar

1

nevi

1

asıl

7

arz

1

iktibas

1

nùkteyi

1

zaman

6

asalet

1

iltifa

1

ômùr

1

saadet

5

asil

1

imkan

1

revnak

1

cehli

4

asl

1

inayet

1

sarfiyat

1

Feyz

4

asliye

1

insan

1

selam

1

muavenet

4

ati

1

intisap

1

Silsile

1

cehalet

3

ayar

1

irem

1

suret

1

emir

3

beyan

1

irfan

1

sùbut

1

hakikat

3

bidayet

1

isnad

1

Ģahıs

1

itibar

3

cehl

1

isnadat

1

Ģan-i

1

kesb

3

cehle

1

istiab

1

Ģehadet

1

nazar

3

cùmle

1

istidadi

1

Ģekil

1

tercih

3

dar-ùl

1

istihzar

1

Ģeref

1

ashab

2

dava

1

itham

1

Ģevket

1

cehil

2

ders

1

kabul

1

Ģey

1

cevher

2

devam

1

kaim

1

talik

1

dahil

2

ebul

1

kitap

1

tarik

1

fasl

2

ehli

1

maarif

1

tasrih

1

Gayret

2

el-absard

1

makal

1

tayibe

1

ilah

2

el-hitam

1

maksat

1

teksir

1

iltizam

2

el-makal

1

mana

1

telakki

1

ittihaz

2

el-mùnteha

1

mastar

1

temsil

1

izah

2

eltabayı

1

mazhar

1

terkip

1

kemal

2

elvech

1

Men

1

teslim

1

kifayet

2

essel-esas

1

mertebe

1

tevekkùf

1

kimya

2

fark

1

mesaibi

1

tevellùd

1

marifet

2

hacat

1

mesned

1

ul-usul

1

mizan

2

hacet

1

mevzu-i

1

unvan

1

ôrf

2

hakiki

1

meymenet

1

vakit

1

sahip

2

halas

1

mirat

1

vazife

1

takdim

2

hayatiyeyi

1

Mizan-ùl

1

vecibe

1

tarif

2

hayrat

1

muhabbet

1

vezn

1

tezahùr

2

hayriye

1

muhalif

1

vird

1

vukuf

2

hikmet

1

mukalide

1

vuzuh

1

adem

1

hilafet

1

mùlahaza

1

zebani

1

ait

1

ıtlak

1

mùrùvvet

1

zikr

1

aklen

1

ibraz

1

mùĢahade

1

ziynet

1

alim

1

ibret

1

nefs-ùl

1

aliye

1

icmal

1

nema

1

973

�1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
6.TÜRKÇE EK ALMIġ ARAPÇA KELĠMELER ve KULLANIM SIKLIĞI
meali

7

unvanına

1

emirde

1

nemayı

1

zamana

4

adetine

1

emsali

1

nihayeti

1

itibara

2

aidatı

1

eseri

1

racidir

1

manasına

2

ameli

1

hùkmettir

1

rùchani

1

babta

2

asaleti

1

itibariyesi

1

saadettir

1

gayrettir

2

babtaki

1

kafesi

1

Ģeyde

1

isnadı

2

bahsimiz

1

kelimedir

1

Ģeyi

1

iĢtirakı

2

belada

1

kisvesi

1

Ģùmullù

1

itibarı

2

bereketi

1

kitaptır

1

Ģùmulùne

1

nuraniye

2

bereketidir

1

kùlliyeyi

1

tabiyeden

1

vùcudu

2

beĢeriyeyi

1

kùllùdùr

1

teavùndùr

1

ahlaka

1

beyanım

1

mahiyeti

1

temine

1

ahvale

1

beyanına

1

mahiyetinde

1

ulviyesine

1

ihlafa

1

cehalete

1

mahrumiyeti

1

ulviyeyi

1

istiaba

1

cihetle

1

mastarı

1

vaadi

1

makama

1

cihetten

1

mazmunu

1

vukufu

1

manaya

1

cùmledeki

1

mecazidir

1

zahirde

1

meydana

1

cùmlesi

1

menafidir

1

zamanı

1

tafsilata

1

cùmlesini

1

muavenetin

1

umura

1

delaleti

1

mùnasebeti

1

7.FARSÇA KELĠMELER
bağ

1

bend

1

Meyve

1

numune

1

bahĢ

1

menguĢ

1

nem

1

Ģiraze

1

ziver

1

8.FARSÇA + TÜRKÇE KELĠME(TÜRKÇE EK ALMIġ)
bazarda

1

dostla

1

9.FRANSIZCA + TÜRKÇE (TÜRKÇE EK ALMIġ)
Ģimendifere

1

974

�1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
10.TÜRKÇE KELĠMELER
ne

7

ağaç

1

gayrın

1

yardım

1

değildir

5

atayı

1

geri

1

YardımlaĢmak

1

ad

3

Bakın

1

Ġkisi

1

yok

1

alem

2

balada

1

mayesi

1

yùzlerini

1

bundan

2

buyurmakla

1

Öte

1

çekirdek

2

değil

1

tanımaktan

1

gerek

2

dur

1

Ufak

1

nedir

2

durana

1

uluma

1

açık

1

Evet

1

vermeye

1

11.TÜRKÇE FĠĠLLER
eder

5

bilin

1

gôstermeye

1

olmuĢ

4

bilmek

1

kaldı

1

olur

4

bırakmıĢlardı

1

kalıyor

1

bulunması

3

bulunamayacağı

1

kalmak

1

etmek

3

çıkarılmalı

1

kalmıĢ

1

olacak

3

demektir

1

kanasa

1

olmayan

3

dursun

1

kanmıĢtır

1

olunan

3

edebilir

1

olabilir

1

demek

2

edebilirler

1

olabiliyor

1

edilmelidir

2

edecek

1

olacağını

1

ediyor

2

eder

1

olamazlar

1

etmekle

2

ederek

1

olamıyor

1

etmesi

2

edilecek

1

oldum

1

olamayacağı

2

edilmiĢtir

1

olmadığı

1

olmak

2

ediyor

1

olmasıyla

1

olmakla

2

etmeden

1

olmazsa

1

olmaya

2

geçse

1

olsa

1

olunabilir

2

giriyor

1

olunduğundan

1

olunur

2

gôrùlebilir

1

olunmuĢ

1

alabiliyor

1

gôrùlmekte

1

olunup

1

almaları

1

gôrùlmektedir

1

olunuyorsa

1

anlaĢıldığ

1

gôrùlmùĢtùr

1

oluyor

1

anlaĢıldığı

1

gôrùn

1

uğrasa

1

anlaĢılırsa

1

gôrùnmekten

1

anlaĢmaktadır

1

gôrùnùrse

1

12.ÇOĞUL KELĠMELER
AR

ecsam

1

elfaz

1

efradın

1

envayı

1

efraz

1

eslaf

1

975

�1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
feyza

1

AR+FAR+TR TOPLAM

fezail

1

AR+TR

fùruidir

elfazın

1

1

itibarlarla

1

fùyuzat

1

kimyaların

1

hikayet

1

mevcudiyetlerini

1

hikemiye

1

misaller

1

istidadat

1

fùyuzattan

1

menafi

1

varidattır

1

muktesabat

1

AR+TR TOPLAM

nuraniyet

1

TR

AR TOPLAM

16

AR+FAR+TR

1

kemalat

1

ve

AR

Fakat

2

gôzleri

1
3

14.EDATLAR

45

AR

3

AR TOPLAM
AR+FAR

gôzlere

TR TOPLAM

13.BAĞLAÇLAR

AR

7

48

kadar

3

AR TOPLAM

3

AR+TR

1

hale

veya

1

AR+TR TOPLAM

vey h t

1

TR

da / de

1
12

AR+FAR TOPLAM

2

gibi

6

FAR

ki

5

ise

7

zira

1

iĢte

2

FAR TOPLAM
TR

6
bile

1

dahi

7

ile

TR TOPLAM

27

11

yoksa

1

TR TOPLAM

20

15.SIFATLAR
AR

mahrum

3

cehalene

1

maddiye

1

mùmkùn

3

celili

1

mahsus

1

muvaffak

3

cemi

1

makbul

1

cahil

2

cemiyle

1

marufu

1

hasıl

2

hadim

1

masum

1

ibaret

2

hakiki

1

menfurdur

1

lazım

2

iradi

1

mùdahil

1

muhtaç

2

kati

1

mùfid

1

mùyesser

2

kùlli

1

muhtevi

1

cari

1

lazımdır

1

mùmin

1

976

�1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
mùnasip

1

diniye

1

hangi

3

mùĢrik

1

ibarettir

1

nice

3

mùstelzemdir

1

ibarettir

1

Aksi

2

mùsteniddir

1

maneviyesi

1

az

2

noksan

1

nuraniler

1

Bùtùn

2

raci

1

ruhiyesi

1

biraz

1

sabit

1

zıddı

1

birçok

1

birkaç

1

bôyle

1

bunca

1

bùyùk

1

çok

1

derindir

1

doğru

1

5

dolayı

1

9

gayri

1

gayrı

1

kalan

1

Ģùphesizdir

1

1

ulu

1

vardır

1

zavallı

1

sahih-ùl

1

Ģamil

1

tabii

1

vahid

1

zahir

1

zaruri

1

ziyade

1

AR
TOPLAM

AR+TR
TOPLAM
FAR

kıymetdar

AR+FAR+TR
AR+FAR+TR
TOPLAM

karibanı

AR+TR

bedihidir

1

cahildir

3

cahili

2

aĢikardır

1

Ģayan

1

Ģayeste

1

sezadır

1

Ģirin

1

FAR
TOPLAM

56

AR+FAR
AR+FAR
TOPLAM

13

1
1
1
1

FAR
FAR
TOPLAM

her

FAR+AR
FAR+AR
TOPLAM

na-layıkada

TR

bir

36

ġu

9

TR

baĢka

4

TR TOPLAM

var

4

9
1

168

16.ZARFLAR
AR

hiç

Elbette

1

Elhasıl

1

FAR TOPLAM

4

evvel

1

TR

ancak

1

Filhakika

2

daha

2

muntazamin

1

dolayısıyla

1

Naklen

1

gôre

1

sırf

1

hakkında

1

AR TOPLAM

8

Herhalde

1

AR+FAR

1

olarak

5

AR+FAR TOPLAM

1

olmakla

1

AR+TR

gayeti

1

olmakta

1

nezdinde

1

olmaktan

1

2

orada

1

Gerçi

1

sonra

1

Gùya

1

Ģôyle

1

hep

1

nice

3

Belki

AR+TR TOPLAM
FAR

1

977

�1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
ùzere

6

TR TOPLAM

27

17.ZAMĠRLER
FAR

herkes

FAR TOPLAM
diğerleri

FAR+TR

FAR+TR TOPLAM
TR

1

buna

1

1

bunlar

1

2

bunların

1

2

kendisinden

1

bu

15

kendisiyle

1

o

10

kime

1

Ģu

9

kimsenin

1

birisinin

3

kimseye

1

kim

2

ne

1

birçoğunun

1

ona

1

biri

1

ondan

1

birisi

1

onun

1

birisine

1

onunla

1

bize

1

TR
TOPLAM

60

18.ÜNLEMLER
AR

vesselam…

AR TOPLAM

1

TR

ah

3

1

TR TOPLAM

3

19.SIFAT-FĠĠLLER
biçtiği

1

eden

1

isteyenler

1

bilmeyen

1

edene

1

kaldığı

1

olan

8

eğdiğini

1

kalmadıktan

1

olduğu

8

etmediğinden

1

kamaĢtıran

1

gelen

3

girmesi

1

olanlar

1

edilen

2

gôrùnmeyen

1

olmadıktan

1

etmediği

2

istediğini

1

olması

1

20.ZARF-FĠĠLLER
getirmeğe

1

olup

5

bakup

1

deyùp

1

dikilip

1

bulup

2

978

�1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
Zùlfikar, BasılmamıĢ Yùksek Lisans Tezi, Ankara
Ünv,Sos.Bil.Enst.), Ankara

References

http://www.balkangunlugu.com
http://www.rumelibalkanfederasyonu.org/site/index

Behar 1906/7(Godina VII), (H.M. Dzemaluddin
Çauşeviç), Islamska Dıonıçka Ştamparıja (Tıskara),
Sarajevo(tarihsiz)

http://sancak.ihh.org.tr
http://tdkterim.gov.tr/bts/

ZaĦinoviĤ , N.(2003) Bosna Kùtùphanelerindeki
Eski Tùrkçe Gazetelerin Dili, (DnĢ.Prof. Dr. Hamza

979

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                <text>Functional Categories in the L2 Acquisition of English Morpho-Syntax: A  Longitudinal Study of Ten Farsi-Speaking Children(conclusion)</text>
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                <text>There has been considerable debate during the last several decades regarding  child and adult second language acquisition of morpho-syntax. This is a longitudinal case  study of ten Farsi-speaking children learning English. The research deals with the initial  state and further development in the child second language (L2) acquisition of syntax  regarding the presence or absence of functional categories, as well as the role and degree  of L1 influence in this regard. Some studies in the field of child L1 acquisition are  discussed to determine similarities or differences between child L1 and child L2  acquisition. Examining data collected from the children‘s speech over a period of 9  months, the competing claims of the two most prominent hypotheses about early L2  grammars are tested: Vainikka &amp; Young-Scholten‘s (1996) Minimal Trees/Structure  Building hypothesis and Schwartz &amp; Sprouse‘s (1996) Full Transfer/Full Access  hypothesis. Word order, suppliance of copula be are investigated and the conclusion is  reached that functional categories are absent at thei nitial state and that they emerge  without the learners‘ reliance on their L1, consistent with Minimal Trees/Structure  Building.</text>
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                    <text>1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo

Functional Categories in the L2 Acquisition of English Morpho-Syntax: A
Longitudinal Study of Ten Farsi-Speaking Children
Dr. Mohsen Mobaraki
Assistant Philosopher, Department of linguistics, Birjand University of Birjand Iran,
Mohsenmobaraki@yahoo.com
Elaheh Mohammadpour
MA student in Linguistics of Birjand University
elahehmohammadpour@gmail.com
Abstract:There has been considerable debate during the last several decades regarding
child and adult second language acquisition of morpho-syntax. This is a longitudinal case
study of ten Farsi-speaking children learning English. The research deals with the initial
state and further development in the child second language (L2) acquisition of syntax
regarding the presence or absence of functional categories, as well as the role and degree
of L1 influence in this regard. Some studies in the field of child L1 acquisition are
discussed to determine similarities or differences between child L1 and child L2
acquisition. Examining data collected from the children‘s speech over a period of 9
months, the competing claims of the two most prominent hypotheses about early L2
grammars are tested: Vainikka &amp; Young-Scholten‘s (1996) Minimal Trees/Structure
Building hypothesis and Schwartz &amp; Sprouse‘s (1996) Full Transfer/Full Access
hypothesis. Word order, suppliance of copula be are investigated and the conclusion is
reached that functional categories are absent at thei nitial state and that they emerge
without the learners‘ reliance on their L1, consistent with Minimal Trees/Structure
Building.

Introduction
There has been considerable debate during the last several decades regarding child and adult second
language acquisition of morpho-syntax in a naturalistic environment to find the source of knowledge responsible for
the developmental stages observed in the data provided from the learners in those studies. While all these hypotheses
of initial second language (L2) acquisition claim that the initial state is a specific grammar involving the first
language (L1) grammar, the existence of functional categories in the learners‘ initial state productions, the extent of
L1 involvement in the process of L2 acquisition, the reason behind the omission of verbal inflection and use of
nonfinite forms in finite contexts, and the morphology/syntax relationship are among those issues left unresolved.
The present research is based on L2 English data collected longitudinally from ten L1 Farsi children to
investigate the mechanisms involved in the learners‘ development. The data will be discussed in the light of some of
the studies discussed in child and adult second language acquisition syntax. This study has a twofold target. It
primarily hopes to be able to show which of the adult second language hypotheses is on the right track with regard to
the issues mentioned through comparing the results of the present study with those of all these studies. Moreover, the
results of this study determine the similarities and differences between child L1 and child L2 acquisition.
Whereas numerous studies have been carried out on L1 and adult L2 acquisition, research on child L2
acquisition seems to be scarce.
One of the first approaches regarding the second language (L2) acquisition based on structural linguistics
and behaviourist psychology was Contrastive Analysis Hypothesis (CAH). In 1957, Robert Lado claimed that
individuals tend to transfer the forms and meanings, and the distribution of forms and meanings of their L1 to the L2
both productively when attempting to speak the language and to act in the culture, and when attempting to grasp and
understand the L2. These ideas have proved to be influential in the field of second language acquisition (SLA)
although the applicability of contrastive analysis hypothesis is nowadays under question. The linguistics part of this
hypothesis dealt with providing a comprehensive description of particular languages based on the utterances made
by the native speakers of that language. The psychological aspect of the theory was based on the logic that the
acquisition of the L1 involves the formation of a set of habits acquired through linking language forms and meanings
via reinforcement. Many researchers have doubted the plausibility of the basic ideas of the CAH for not being able
to accurately predict transfer phenomena in L2 acquisition.
The inability of CAH to accurately predict transfer phenomena in L2 acquisition led researchers in late
1960s and early 1970s to change their attitudes regarding transfer and pay most of their attention to staged
development and cross-learner systematicity.
955

�1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
The L2 morpheme acquisition order studies on L2 children by Dulay &amp; Burt (1973, 1974), and on L2 adults
by Bailey, Madden &amp; Krashen (1974) inspired by the same work on L1 acquisition by Brown (1973), were among
the first studies related to staged development and systematicity. Refinements in linguistic theory within the
framework of Government and Binding (GB) (Chomsky 1981, 1986a, 1986b) have had considerable impact on the
areas of L1 and L2 acquisition. Different proposals have been offered in this area regarding the properties of
Universal Grammar (UG) which are believed to constrain all languages. Within a generative framework, Chomsky
defines UG as the systems of principles, conditions and rules that are elements or properties of all human languages
(Chomsky, 1972).The terms principles and parameters theory, however, have become more popular in recent years
as this conveys the unique central claim of the theory that language knowledge consists of principles universal to all
languages and parameters that vary from one language to another. Acquiring language means learning how these
principles apply to a particular language and which value is appropriate for each parameter (Cook &amp; Newson, 1996).
Linguists motivate UG by pointing to the end result of language acquisition, arguing that there is no way
that adult grammar is acquired in its complexity without some kind of prior knowledge (Hornstein &amp; Lightfoot,
1981). White (1989) points out that this prior knowledge can not be the input that children are exposed to in the
course of acquisition for the reasons that input underdetermines the final grammar, it is often degenerate and it
doesn‘t contain negative evidence. For such reasons, language acquisition is often described in terms of a projection
problem, a logical problem, or a learnability problem. This means that there is a mismatch between the primary
linguistic input or data and ultimate attainment. The proposed solution to this problem is that the final grammar must
be mediated by Universal Grammar.
UG provides constraints on acquisition stages without necessarily explaining why stages occur in the order
that they do (White 1989). Under the most recent version of generative syntax, the Minimalist Program (Chomsky
1995, 2000, 2001), the role of syntax is reduced to Merge and Move operations and in a perfect language the features
are mostly semantic or phonetic. Although Minimalism may in itself be desirable, the development of the Minimalist
Program has resulted in a situation where there is in effect no established theory of syntax. On the one hand, because
many of the fundamental assumptions of the previous version of the theory, Government-Binding Theory, are being
questioned by Minimalism, the working syntactician cannot freely continue to maintain the old assumptions, but on
the other hand, the new theory is not sufficiently developed to be usable, nor does its future usability appear
promising in the area of language acquisition (Vainikka &amp; Young-Scholten, 2006). This study, as a result, does not
adopt minimalism as a theory of syntax and works in the domain of Government and Binding. In spite of similarities
between L1 and L2 acquisition in terms of the acquisition task, considerable differences have been proposed
indicating that L1 and L2 acquisition is different as far as UG is concerned. These differences, according to White
(1989), are degree of success attained by L1 versus L2 learners, the role of mother tongue for L2 learners, input, and
age. In L2 acquisition, learners are faced with a similar task to that of L1 acquirers, namely the need to arrive at a
system accounting for L2 input. L2
Learners are also faced with complex and subtle properties of grammar that are underdetermined by the L2
input (Schwartz &amp; Sprouse 2000; White 1985, 1989).
There are many proposals regarding the acquisition of functional categories in child language. According to
the maturational hypothesis, child grammars initially project only lexical categories and functional categories
develop aturationally (Guilfoyle &amp; Noonan 1992, Lebeaux 1989, Ouhalla 1991, Platzack 1990, Radford 1990,
Tsimpli 1992). Syntactic properties related to functional categories are absent in the speech of children and early
grammars are different from adult grammars. Radford‘s (1990, 1992, 1995) ‗small clause‘ hypothesis is based on
this hypothesis.
Within the generative framework, syntactic categories are divided into lexical and functional categories
(Abney, 1987). Lexical categories include nouns, verbs, adjectives, prepositions and their projections (NP, VP, PP &amp;
AP), and contribute to the meaning of the sentence whereas functional categories refer to determiners, inflections as
well as complementizers (DP, IP, CP) and deal with the grammar of the language.
The Strong Continuity hypothesis, argues that child grammars have the same structure as the adult one
(Boser, Lust, Santelmann &amp; Whitman 1992; Hyams, 1992; Pierce, 1992; Pinker, 1984; Poeppel &amp; Wexler, 1993).
According to the weak continuity/gradual development hypothesis (Clahsen, Eisenbeiss &amp; Penke 1996; Clahsen,
Eisenbeiss &amp; Vainikka 1994; Vainikka 1993/1994), functional categories are not initially available and emerge
gradually via interaction between input and X-bar theory. As far as the nonavailability of functional categories is
concerned, this hypothesis is similar to the maturation hypothesis, however, in weak continuity the functional
categories develop gradually (see truncation hypothesis in 2.8.2). The child starts with a grammar containing only
lexical categories and functional categories emerge developmentally in a way that VP is acquired first followed by
IP which is then followed by CP (Clahsen et al.1994).
Methodology
Collecting data from children is a challenging and demanding activity which requires patience and
accuracy. The investigator should make the data collection a pleasant task for the children to feel comfortable while
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being studied. The questionsshould be related to their interests and free of repetitions. If the children are given lots of
input regarding a specific structure through repetition, their production will likely e unnatural and based on
memorization. There should be, on the other hand, enough production by the learners of a construction under study
since a small number of productions can not be a good indication of the subjects‘ underlying grammars related to
that structure (Cox, 2005). This contradiction makes data collection a difficult task.
The English data in this study is based on oral production gathered longitudinally from ten Farsi-speaking
children(range of their ages was 4-6) who at the start of data collection had not been exposed to English. At school
there was a teacher responsible for working with elementary students.
They had three-hours sessions per week for six months during which the teachers gave them some pictures to
describe or ask questions.
Data collection started on 20 February 2010 which is about 50 days after the learners‘ exposure to English,
and the learners can be considered as being in their initial states of L2 acquisition. This study is different from some
child L2 studies (e. g. Grondin &amp; White, Lakshmanan &amp; Selinker) based on data being collected relatively long after
initial exposure. The data were collected for 9 months. Audio-recordings were made roughly once a week, but
sometimes every other week or even once a month when the assistants were away. Recording would start after five
or ten minutes of greetings and warm-up. Each recording varied in length from 90 to 120 minutes. 41 samples were
audio-recorded, transcribed and analyzed.
Discussion
Farsi is an Indo-European language. The standard analyses of Farsi show that VP is always head final both
in main clauses (1) and embedded clauses (2) and it has a SOV word order (Mahootian, 1997). When a prepositional
phrase is present it typically occurs between the subject and direct object, therefore, a more complete description of
constituent order is S PP O V. Verbs are marked for tense and aspect and agree with the subject in person and
number and the subject is derivable from bothagreement marking on the verb and from pragmatic clues in the
discourse and can be empty. Although Persian is verb-final at the sentential level, it behaves like headinitial
languages in noun phrases and prepositional phrases. The head noun in an NP is often followed by the modifiers and
possessors and the preposition precedes the complement NP. Sentences in Farsi are negated by attaching the
negative prefix næ-/ne- to the left of a main verb or a copula or the beginning of the verbal part of the compound
verbs.
Early production of copulas shows the nature of early stages of L2 acquisition. Copula be is among the first verbs
appearing in the earliest production of subjects mostly in the form of It’s a…., It is a…… .
(1)It‘s a flower.
It is a duck.
Despite the high frequency of these two forms, a high percentage of copulas were non-target-like
(inappropriate use, lacking consistent agreement with the subject), which may indicate the unanalyzed nature of
early copulas. Although copula is is used in obligatory contexts, there are also many is used out of context.
(2)Where is the cup?
It is a cat.
The researcher devised the following categorization for an accurate picture of the subjects‘ copula be
acquisition. The produced copulas are divided into correct suppliance, incorrect suppliance, and missing. To clarify
the categorization, an example is given for every category:
Correct suppliance: How many are they? - They are two horses
Incorrect suppliance: What are they?- Its are animal.
Missing: Where is the monkey? The monkey on the lap.
The counting procedure for copula adopted in this study is to divide the number of correct suppliance
copulas by the total production for it.
For convinience the number and percentage of the production of copula be is represented in form of
graphs.

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Conclusion
In this study the acquisition of English morpho-syntax by ten Farsi-speaking children has been examined in
light of different proposals on child and adult L2 acquisition. Here I will review the main findings of this study while
comparing them with the general theoretical issues discussed in the literature to find plausible answers for the
questions raised in this study.
The first issue addressed in this study to provide an answer for is the acquisition of functional categories.
Despite Haznedar (1997, 2001, 2003) and FT/FA proponents who take suppliance of a morpheme as the evidence of
underlying grammar, following Hawkins (2001) the present study shows that the mere suppliance of morphemes is
not indicative since a morpheme may also be used in a context where it should not have been. Although copula as an
INFL-related element is found in learners‘ early productions, these copulas are missing when the subjects are lexical,
oblique or null. This shows how rote-learned the nature of early copulas is, where the nominative subject and the
following copula are memorized as a chunk and a small change in the form of the utterance leads to the omission of
copula. Although the results of this study also show the copula (as trigger for IP projection) is more productive than
other morphemes (-ed, -s, -ing), the nature of these structures makes them more difficult for learners in the initial
stages. Following Zobl &amp; Liceras (1994) and Hawkins (2001) the present study explains late emergence of auxiliary
be compared to copula by proposing that complex selectional requirements of auxiliary be make it more difficult to
produce.
The degree of L1 transfer is the second question raised in the abstract. To see whether the headedness of
functional categories is transferred from the L1, the learners‘ negative utterances were taken into consideration. The
verbal negation marker in Farsi, just like in English, precedes the lexical verb, where Farsi also has a head-initial
NegP. Looking at the early utterances with negative thematic verbs produced by the learners, we see that they
produce structures which violate the headedness parameter of Farsi and English NegP since there is no specific order
at the earliest stages and the position of the negative marker is determined by the meaning of the verb rather than the
syntactic position of the verb. This can be especially noticed in Farsi compound verbs which consist of an element
(noun, adjective or preposition) followed by a light verb such as the verbs do, give or hit among others. In these
structures, the verb loses its original meaning and joins the preverbal element to form a new verb. In all early
negative compound verbs, the negative marker follows the verb, which shows that these verbs have not been
identified by the learners as verbs. This, above all, means that early L2 structures are only lexical and the lexical
meaning of the verb plays an important role in the syntactic position of the elements. This provides counter evidence
for Full Transfer/Full Access hypothesis of Schwartz &amp; Sprouse (1996), which claims the entire L1 grammar
constitutes the initial states of L2 acquisition. This also argues against Haznedar (1997) who claims that Erdem
transfers the headedness of NegP from his L1 Turkish. Assuming that NegP is a functional projection, the present
study supports Minimal Trees Hypothesis of Vainikka &amp; Young-Scholten which argues for the mere transfer of
lexical categories.
It was found that in line with some of the studies mentioned in the domain of child L1 English (Radford,
1990) and adult L2 (structure building of V &amp; Y-S, 1994, 1996a, b, and modulated structure building of Hawkins,
2001), the results of the present study show that child L2 acquisition is similar to child L1 and adult L2 at least with
regard to the absence of functional categories in the initial stages.

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References
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                <text>Functional Categories in the L2 Acquisition of English Morpho-Syntax: A  Longitudinal Study of Ten Farsi-Speaking Children</text>
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Mohammadpour, Elaheh</text>
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                <text>There has been considerable debate during the last several decades regarding  child and adult second language acquisition of morpho-syntax. This is a longitudinal case  study of ten Farsi-speaking children learning English. The research deals with the initial  state and further development in the child second language (L2) acquisition of syntax  regarding the presence or absence of functional categories, as well as the role and degree  of L1 influence in this regard. Some studies in the field of child L1 acquisition are  discussed to determine similarities or differences between child L1 and child L2  acquisition. Examining data collected from the children‘s speech over a period of 9  months, the competing claims of the two most prominent hypotheses about early L2  grammars are tested: Vainikka &amp; Young-Scholten‘s (1996) Minimal Trees/Structure  Building hypothesis and Schwartz &amp; Sprouse‘s (1996) Full Transfer/Full Access  hypothesis. Word order, suppliance of copula be are investigated and the conclusion is  reached that functional categories are absent at thei nitial state and that they emerge  without the learners‘ reliance on their L1, consistent with Minimal Trees/Structure  Building.</text>
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