65 10 3494 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/b40d71c9030ee6c249da5133410d141d.docx f7d387070a38ed639a265fafe6e3e3a2 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/4f924fc424610e288aece5c1ea7c8ae6.pdf 548a99b481f1ce0b5726f16ccf980425 PDF Text Text Human Security in Bosnia, Kosovo and Albania BekirÇinar Epoka University Albania bcinar@epoka.edu.al Abstract: It is clear that human security is one of the main concerns of every individual. This paper is investigating human security issues in Bosnia, Albania and Kosovo in order to assess possible threat to humans. Theoretically, paper is investigating ‘the idea of human security’ with focus on material and metaphysical sources that identifying the real foundation of ‘vulnerability or resilience in a population’. Methodology of this paper is quantitative methods and quasi-experimental design is used. In order to assess the human security secondary sources and available primary sources are used for collecting the required data. The main question of this paper is whether these countries have any concern of security and human security studies at their educational institutions which is vital for future of human being in these countries. The paper suggests that that there is a complex situation that could be best described by a multi-cultural and multi- ethnic variation of human security. Keywords: Human Security, Bosnia, Albanian, Threat 18 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2444 Title A name given to the resource Human Security in Bosnia, Kosovo and Albania Author Author ÇINAR, Bekir Abstract A summary of the resource. It is clear that human security is one of the main concerns of every individual. This paper is investigating human security issues in Bosnia, Albania and Kosovo in order to assess possible threat to humans. Theoretically, paper is investigating ‘the idea of human security’ with focus on material and metaphysical sources that identifying the real foundation of ‘vulnerability or resilience in a population’. Methodology of this paper is quantitative methods and quasi-experimental design is used. In order to assess the human security secondary sources and available primary sources are used for collecting the required data. The main question of this paper is whether these countries have any concern of security and human security studies at their educational institutions which is vital for future of human being in these countries. The paper suggests that that there is a complex situation that could be best described by a multi-cultural and multi- ethnic variation of human security. Keywords: Human Security, Bosnia, Albanian, Threat Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014-04-24 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2303-4564 H Social Sciences (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/242cb2fec02364c54351a1cb38919ff7.docx e55b19f8f064abae21a983b166b9ee55 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/895a355c6f9f4299b0380400afbe2b7b.pdf ecfdbad4123c3a46800e5127a690be64 PDF Text Text The Feldstein–Horioka Puzzle across EU Members: A Panel Approach İbrahim Örnek University of KahramanmarasSütcü Imam Turkey iornek@hotmail.com SelenUtlu University of Gaziantep Turkey selenu@gmail.com Abstract: The degree of integration to the international capital markets is a crucial issue for the economic policy implementations in developing countries. A major determinant of the degree of international capital mobility is the saving-investment association. One of the biggest problems of developing countries is the insufficiency of savings for financing their investments that is crucial for economic growth. This gap is financed by foreign capital in today’s global economies. It is generally believed that, the correlation between national savings and domestic investments becomes weak when there is high capital mobility between countries. The degree of capital mobility through the domestic savinginvestment interaction is first analyzed by Feldstein and Horioka (1980). Feldstein and Horioka (1980) used regression in the investment ratio against a constant and the saving ratio in a cross section of 16 industrialized countries, which are OECD members, over the period 1960-1974 and found that the coefficient on saving was in the range of 0.850.95. They interpreted this finding as indicating that 85-95 % of national savings was invested in the country of origin, which implied a rejection of perfect capital mobility. The basic conclusion of Feldstein and Horioka’s analysis is that an increase in domestic saving has a substantial effect on the level of domestic investment. However, with perfect world capital mobility, there is little or no relation between the domestic investment in a country and the amount of savings generated in that country. This result was known in the literature as the Feldstein-Horioka Puzzle. Feldstein and Horioka (1980) argued that the relationship between domestic investment and domestic saving rates is related with the international capital mobility and thus caused the rise of a puzzle in the economic literature. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the level of capital mobility in European Union members using the Feldstein–Horioka puzzle proposed by Feldstein and Horioka (1980) in order to investigate relations between saving and investment flows. Keywords: Feldstein–Horioka puzzle, Saving-investment, Capital mobility, European Union, Panel 49 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2481 Title A name given to the resource The Feldstein–Horioka Puzzle across EU Members: A Panel Approach Author Author ÖRNEK, İbrahim UTLU, Selen Abstract A summary of the resource. The degree of integration to the international capital markets is a crucial issue for the economic policy implementations in developing countries. A major determinant of the degree of international capital mobility is the saving-investment association. One of the biggest problems of developing countries is the insufficiency of savings for financing their investments that is crucial for economic growth. This gap is financed by foreign capital in today’s global economies. It is generally believed that, the correlation between national savings and domestic investments becomes weak when there is high capital mobility between countries. The degree of capital mobility through the domestic saving-investment interaction is first analyzed by Feldstein and Horioka (1980). Feldstein and Horioka (1980) used regression in the investment ratio against a constant and the saving ratio in a cross section of 16 industrialized countries, which are OECD members, over the period 1960-1974 and found that the coefficient on saving was in the range of 0.85-0.95. They interpreted this finding as indicating that 85-95 % of national savings was invested in the country of origin, which implied a rejection of perfect capital mobility. The basic conclusion of Feldstein and Horioka’s analysis is that an increase in domestic saving has a substantial effect on the level of domestic investment. However, with perfect world capital mobility, there is little or no relation between the domestic investment in a country and the amount of savings generated in that country. This result was known in the literature as the Feldstein-Horioka Puzzle. Feldstein and Horioka (1980) argued that the relationship between domestic investment and domestic saving rates is related with the international capital mobility and thus caused the rise of a puzzle in the economic literature. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the level of capital mobility in European Union members using the Feldstein–Horioka puzzle proposed by Feldstein and Horioka (1980) in order to investigate relations between saving and investment flows. Keywords: Feldstein–Horioka puzzle, Saving-investment, Capital mobility, European Union, Panel Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014-04-24 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2303-4564 H Social Sciences (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/f67d92e62046a721a2b8c58d76d4b293.docx 3792377453647ac08b42d9f60b4aa363 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/b4afd899e170c6be7c6cc79845ebb62b.pdf 05e0749d349e233e2bdf60323a5b323b PDF Text Text The Feldstein–Horioka Puzzle among EU Members: A Panel Approach İbrahim Örnek University of KahramanmarasSütcü Imam Turkey iornek@hotmail.com SelenUtlu University of Gaziantep Turkey selenu@gmail.com Abstract: The degree of integration to the international capital markets is a crucial issue for the economic policy implementations in developing countries. A major determinant of the degree of international capital mobility is the saving-investment association. One of the biggest problems of developing countries is the insufficiency of savings. This gap is financed by foreign capital in today’s global economies. It is generally believed that, the correlation between national savings and domestic investments becomes weak when there is high capital mobility between countries. The degree of capital mobility through the domestic saving-investment interaction is firstly analyzed by Feldstein and Horioka (1980). The purpose of this paper is to investigate the level of capital mobility in European Union members in a period of 1980-2012, with using the Feldstein–Horiokamethod. Feldstein and Horioka (1980) regressed the investment ratio against a constant and the saving ratio in a cross section of 16 industrialized countries, which are OECD members, over the period 1960-1974 and found that the coefficient on saving was in the range of 0.85-0.95. The basic conclusion of Feldstein and Horioka’s analysis is that an increase in domestic saving has a substantial effect on the level of domestic investment. However, with perfect world capital mobility, there is little or no relation between the domestic investment in a country and the amount of savings generated in that country. This result is known in the literature as the Feldstein-Horioka Puzzle. Feldstein and Horioka (1980) argued that the relationship between domestic investment and domestic saving rates is related with the international capital mobility and thus caused the rise of a puzzle in the economic literature. Keywords: Feldstein–Horioka puzzle, Saving-investment, Capital mobility, European Union, Panel 15 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2441 Title A name given to the resource The Feldstein–Horioka Puzzle among EU Members: A Panel Approach Author Author ÖRNEK, İbrahim UTLU, Selen Abstract A summary of the resource. The degree of integration to the international capital markets is a crucial issue for the economic policy implementations in developing countries. A major determinant of the degree of international capital mobility is the saving-investment association. One of the biggest problems of developing countries is the insufficiency of savings. This gap is financed by foreign capital in today’s global economies. It is generally believed that, the correlation between national savings and domestic investments becomes weak when there is high capital mobility between countries. The degree of capital mobility through the domestic saving-investment interaction is firstly analyzed by Feldstein and Horioka (1980). The purpose of this paper is to investigate the level of capital mobility in European Union members in a period of 1980-2012, with using the Feldstein–Horiokamethod. Feldstein and Horioka (1980) regressed the investment ratio against a constant and the saving ratio in a cross section of 16 industrialized countries, which are OECD members, over the period 1960-1974 and found that the coefficient on saving was in the range of 0.85-0.95. The basic conclusion of Feldstein and Horioka’s analysis is that an increase in domestic saving has a substantial effect on the level of domestic investment. However, with perfect world capital mobility, there is little or no relation between the domestic investment in a country and the amount of savings generated in that country. This result is known in the literature as the Feldstein-Horioka Puzzle. Feldstein and Horioka (1980) argued that the relationship between domestic investment and domestic saving rates is related with the international capital mobility and thus caused the rise of a puzzle in the economic literature. Keywords: Feldstein–Horioka puzzle, Saving-investment, Capital mobility, European Union, Panel Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014-04-24 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2303-4564 H Social Sciences (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/5931d3510322e1ced60ff2780d138b0f.docx be6086435ce51a99386f21ba29041a9b https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/debb523514e5280a38077b2aacdd998b.pdf 8ca54a707e13df37221985676217b26e PDF Text Text Female worker in European Union Labor Law and Turkish Labor Law KübraÖz Cumhuriyet University Turkey kubra.oz@hotmail.com Abstract: The European Union social policy includes issues like increasing employment rate, ensuring free movement of labor, improving working conditions and living conditions, providing temporary assistance for unemployed, and freedom of social security and organization within the general lines. Besides all these applications, other European Union social policies can be considered as treating men and women equally, preventing discrimination and social exclusion. Even though the European Union policy developed policies just for workers and unemployed initially, today this policy has become a policy which covers everyone who is economically weak. The first policy which is related to treating women and men equally takes place in Treaty of Rome and according to the provision no. 119. Some arrangements were made which is about balancing the charges for men and women. And this first step taken for equity of wages paved the way for regulations in order to be equal between men and women in the other areas like social security and social welfare. Also European Union Community is established for the purpose of economically this caused many regulations for women. And in this context, up to present EU, there are many legislative work and action programs in order to protect women workers, ensure equal treatment for women and men, and provide equal opportunities for women, increase women employment rate, improve family life and working life. Along these studies, the new approach which is adopted by EU within the framework of equality of women and men is about exposing equality of women and men under the main plan and policies. When we examine Turkish law system, the principle of equal treatment for everyone is guaranteed by the constitution. In true sense, the first embodiment in Turkish work life for women who gained worker status with the industrial revolution took place in Public Health Law in 1930. Although there is no special law for women in our country, there are some provisions to prevent discrimination between men and women. At the same time, in the process of harmonization of Turkish legislation with union acquits, the arrangements for women workers have taken place in Turkish labor legislation. In this paper, the arrangements towards women workers in the context of both European Union labor law and Turkish labor law will be discussed. Keywords:female labor, working life, European Union labor law. 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2440 Title A name given to the resource Female worker in European Union Labor Law and Turkish Labor Law Author Author ÖZ, Kübra Abstract A summary of the resource. The European Union social policy includes issues like increasing employment rate, ensuring free movement of labor, improving working conditions and living conditions, providing temporary assistance for unemployed, and freedom of social security and organization within the general lines. Besides all these applications, other European Union social policies can be considered as treating men and women equally, preventing discrimination and social exclusion. Even though the European Union policy developed policies just for workers and unemployed initially, today this policy has become a policy which covers everyone who is economically weak. The first policy which is related to treating women and men equally takes place in Treaty of Rome and according to the provision no. 119. Some arrangements were made which is about balancing the charges for men and women. And this first step taken for equity of wages paved the way for regulations in order to be equal between men and women in the other areas like social security and social welfare. Also European Union Community is established for the purpose of economically this caused many regulations for women. And in this context, up to present EU, there are many legislative work and action programs in order to protect women workers, ensure equal treatment for women and men, and provide equal opportunities for women, increase women employment rate, improve family life and working life. Along these studies, the new approach which is adopted by EU within the framework of equality of women and men is about exposing equality of women and men under the main plan and policies. When we examine Turkish law system, the principle of equal treatment for everyone is guaranteed by the constitution. In true sense, the first embodiment in Turkish work life for women who gained worker status with the industrial revolution took place in Public Health Law in 1930. Although there is no special law for women in our country, there are some provisions to prevent discrimination between men and women. At the same time, in the process of harmonization of Turkish legislation with union acquits, the arrangements for women workers have taken place in Turkish labor legislation. In this paper, the arrangements towards women workers in the context of both European Union labor law and Turkish labor law will be discussed. Keywords:female labor, working life, European Union labor law. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014-04-24 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2303-4564 H Social Sciences (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/fc3aafcd6280f83c4396c5bf9a3cb314.docx 7abad62cf0dd1fe8bb4953f0e43ceb3e https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/e26029ad1474f739fef75956cf835097.pdf fee15d215505f3d847e01e139bd62cc4 PDF Text Text Legal Perspectives on EU Integration Process of BIH: Analyses ofthe European Commission Progress Report 2013 for BIH ElvirČolak Social Science Research Center Bosnia and Herzegovina elvir.colak@ibu.edu.ba Kemal Balihodžić International Burch University Bosnia and Herzegovina kemal.balihodzic@ibu.edu.ba Abstract: Bosnia and Herzegovina has gained a status of “potential candidate country” for the accession to the European Union by the decision of the European Council in Thessaloniki in 2003, and has thus faced many obstacles in its integration process to the European Union. According to the EU integration criterion that takes a form in the economic, political, social and legal context, the authors of this paper raise the question on the legal context and issues that BH has to overcome in order to come closer to the EU idea. In this regard, the paper analyses the European commission 2013 progress report for BH as the main source as well as other relevant secondary reports in order to outline the issues in hand. The paper aims to elaborate the EU-BH integration process within the framework of legal obligations highlighting the legal instruments, institutions, systems and structures that define the legal context in this regards. Unfortunately, there are many legal challenges and the need to reform core institutional structures within the state as well as developing a practical and theoretical strategy for the BH-EU accession process that harmonizes the regulations within BH of that within the EU. Without analyzing the political criteria and the role within foreign policy, BH still has structural and institutional issues from the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) and lacks sufficient legal requirements, and the insufficient acknowledgement for the rule of law. Keywords: EU integration process, Rule of Law, legal criteria, EU accession, legal obligation, integration strategy, EU progress report 2013 for BH, European commission 25 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2455 Title A name given to the resource Legal Perspectives on EU Integration Process of BIH: Analyses ofthe European Commission Progress Report 2013 for BIH Author Author ČOLAK, Elvir BALIHODŽIĆ, Kemal Abstract A summary of the resource. Bosnia and Herzegovina has gained a status of “potential candidate country” for the accession to the European Union by the decision of the European Council in Thessaloniki in 2003, and has thus faced many obstacles in its integration process to the European Union. According to the EU integration criterion that takes a form in the economic, political, social and legal context, the authors of this paper raise the question on the legal context and issues that BH has to overcome in order to come closer to the EU idea. In this regard, the paper analyses the European commission 2013 progress report for BH as the main source as well as other relevant secondary reports in order to outline the issues in hand. The paper aims to elaborate the EU-BH integration process within the framework of legal obligations highlighting the legal instruments, institutions, systems and structures that define the legal context in this regards. Unfortunately, there are many legal challenges and the need to reform core institutional structures within the state as well as developing a practical and theoretical strategy for the BH-EU accession process that harmonizes the regulations within BH of that within the EU. Without analyzing the political criteria and the role within foreign policy, BH still has structural and institutional issues from the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) and lacks sufficient legal requirements, and the insufficient acknowledgement for the rule of law. Keywords: EU integration process, Rule of Law, legal criteria, EU accession, legal obligation, integration strategy, EU progress report 2013 for BH, European commission Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014-04-24 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2303-4564 H Social Sciences (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/5f3e463de7974477ac944a23ed32868d.docx c5c1bc642729c3bc82285fa5f66e929c https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/515a60d5442346a530d694892173e240.pdf 59205f425d95895af31406b5575797ca PDF Text Text Balkan Orphans HavanurŞahin ÇanakkaleOnsekiz Mart Üniversitesi Turkey akademi06@hotmail.com Abstract: There are social consequences which changed of the structure of society as well as political and economic consequences of 93 War, Balkan War and Great War when occurred in the last period of the Ottoman Empire. Both refugee issue and accommodation of orphaned children was on the agenda because of lost lands and over one million people were to be martyr. Especially in Balkan War, the Empire lost %83 of land and %69 of population in Europe and so important social events occurred. A wave of migration which could not control by Ottoman Empire gave rise to the problem especially as accommodation of immigrants and orphans. 75 thousand children orphaned at the end of the war only in Bulgaria. As a result of this situation, it was established accommodation facilities called as Daruleytam in the last period of Ottoman. The purpose of this institutions was accommodation, education and crafting lessons to children of martyr’ and orphans. Keywords:children orphans,Balkan War, education of orphans. 40 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2472 Title A name given to the resource Balkan Orphans Author Author ŞAHIN, Havanur Abstract A summary of the resource. There are social consequences which changed of the structure of society as well as political and economic consequences of 93 War, Balkan War and Great War when occurred in the last period of the Ottoman Empire. Both refugee issue and accommodation of orphaned children was on the agenda because of lost lands and over one million people were to be martyr. Especially in Balkan War, the Empire lost %83 of land and %69 of population in Europe and so important social events occurred. A wave of migration which could not control by Ottoman Empire gave rise to the problem especially as accommodation of immigrants and orphans. 75 thousand children orphaned at the end of the war only in Bulgaria. As a result of this situation, it was established accommodation facilities called as Daruleytam in the last period of Ottoman. The purpose of this institutions was accommodation, education and crafting lessons to children of martyr’ and orphans. Keywords:children orphans,Balkan War, education of orphans. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014-04-24 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2303-4564 H Social Sciences (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/f624c0666e26c87d5bccb242bb6332e5.docx 730f078d743b9e5e9c1672da30cad95c https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/f3aae4ed68e558a7dc04a3120304d442.pdf 900df602bbdbcecb7b7a94d715cd6d1d PDF Text Text Econometric Analysis of Natural Disasters’ Macro-economic Impacts İsmail Şahin ÇanakkaleOnsekiz Mart Universty Turkey ismails@comu.edu.tr ÖmerYavuz ÇanakkaleOnsekiz Mart Universty Turkey omeryavuz@comu.edu.tr Abstract:Recently the frequently occurring disasters have caused many deaths and injuries. In addition, in parallel with the size of the devastation of disaster, the economy of countries has disrupted and prosperity and development which have been gained through years of economic policies has suffered. Natural disasters affect the economy in three ways: directly, indirectly and macro-economically. In this paper, the macro-economic impacts of the disasters occurring in the 10 countries which were selected as OECD in a period of 2005 2014 were examined. As macroeconomic indicators, the data such as population, GDP, growth, public expenditures and schooling over 15 were employed. Moreover, this paper consists of two parts. Firstly, the macroeconomic impacts of natural disasters have been viewed in the literature. Finally, the impacts of the natural disasters on certain macroeconomic indicators which compose the base of work were analyzed econometrically. Keywords: Macro-economy, Natural Disaster, OECD. 88 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2523 Title A name given to the resource Econometric Analysis of Natural Disasters’ Macro-economic Impacts Author Author ŞAHIN, İsmail YAVUZ, Ömer Abstract A summary of the resource. Recently the frequently occurring disasters have caused many deaths and injuries. In addition, in parallel with the size of the devastation of disaster, the economy of countries has disrupted and prosperity and development which have been gained through years of economic policies has suffered. Natural disasters affect the economy in three ways: directly, indirectly and macro-economically. In this paper, the macro-economic impacts of the disasters occurring in the 10 countries which were selected as OECD in a period of 2005 - 2014 were examined. As macroeconomic indicators, the data such as population, GDP, growth, public expenditures and schooling over 15 were employed. Moreover, this paper consists of two parts. Firstly, the macroeconomic impacts of natural disasters have been viewed in the literature. Finally, the impacts of the natural disasters on certain macro-economic indicators which compose the base of work were analyzed econometrically. Keywords: Macro-economy, Natural Disaster, OECD. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014-04-24 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2303-4564 H Social Sciences (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/893e475d204c6fa324e0a2530ccd9c68.docx b1217355a0d928aee03d50ce0d3eb159 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/7aa7710e002ed824c804cad242a57e74.pdf 99099e4860f0a6ccf6b93c67affac0df PDF Text Text Energy Challenges and Regional Electricity Markets: Opportunities, Barriers and Prospects for Bosnia and Herzegovina MirzaŠarić JP EP B&H -did. Sarajevo Bosnia and Herzegovina msaric@yahoo.com Abstract: Electricity networks have traditionally been built and managed by government owned, vertically integrated companies. Modern systems are undergoing significant organizational, structural and technological changes. These changes are driven by two processes. The first process is market liberalization which requires reorganization of state owned monopolies, unbundling, establishment of independent system and market operator and regulatory authority. The second process is the energy transition from conventional energy sources to renewable energy. These two processes present a new energy paradigm. The process of market liberalization is mature in European Union while its practical initiation is still expected in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Important step for Bosnia and Herzegovina is integration in Southeastern Europe Regional Electricity Market. European Union policy goal is creation of a single Internal Electricity Market. This implies that electricity future of Bosnia and Herzegovina lies within the large European Electricity Market. This paper investigates Bosnia and Herzegovina's sector and market specific policy priorities, challenges and opportunities with respect to electricity market liberalization and integration process. Main objective of this paper is to present current situation of electricity market in Bosnia and Herzegovina, identify steps required to achieve full market liberalization and assess the regulatory framework required to face challenges of a new energy paradigm. This research seeks to determine what are the opportunities and challenges of electricity market liberalization in Bosnia and Herzegovina and how do the regional integration help in overcoming current and future energy challenges. Research is undertaken by collecting and analyzing relevant electricity consumption and production data and relating them to specific market and structural policies within national and regional framework. It was determined that sector specific priorities are unbundling, restructuring and reorganization. Market specific issues such as demand and supply side imperfections can only be partially solved within national framework. Regional regulatory issues, interconnection management and global investment policy cannot be adequately managed from the national perspective and need to include adequate regional coordination mechanisms. Key words: regional electricity market, deregulation, liberalization. 72 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2507 Title A name given to the resource Energy Challenges and Regional Electricity Markets: Opportunities, Barriers and Prospects for Bosnia and Herzegovina Author Author ŠARIĆ, Mirza Abstract A summary of the resource. Electricity networks have traditionally been built and managed by government owned, vertically integrated companies. Modern systems are undergoing significant organizational, structural and technological changes. These changes are driven by two processes. The first process is market liberalization which requires reorganization of state owned monopolies, unbundling, establishment of independent system and market operator and regulatory authority. The second process is the energy transition from conventional energy sources to renewable energy. These two processes present a new energy paradigm. The process of market liberalization is mature in European Union while its practical initiation is still expected in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Important step for Bosnia and Herzegovina is integration in Southeastern Europe Regional Electricity Market. European Union policy goal is creation of a single Internal Electricity Market. This implies that electricity future of Bosnia and Herzegovina lies within the large European Electricity Market. This paper investigates Bosnia and Herzegovina's sector and market specific policy priorities, challenges and opportunities with respect to electricity market liberalization and integration process. Main objective of this paper is to present current situation of electricity market in Bosnia and Herzegovina, identify steps required to achieve full market liberalization and assess the regulatory framework required to face challenges of a new energy paradigm. This research seeks to determine what are the opportunities and challenges of electricity market liberalization in Bosnia and Herzegovina and how do the regional integration help in overcoming current and future energy challenges. Research is undertaken by collecting and analyzing relevant electricity consumption and production data and relating them to specific market and structural policies within national and regional framework. It was determined that sector specific priorities are unbundling, restructuring and reorganization. Market specific issues such as demand and supply side imperfections can only be partially solved within national framework. Regional regulatory issues, interconnection management and global investment policy cannot be adequately managed from the national perspective and need to include adequate regional coordination mechanisms. Key words: regional electricity market, deregulation, liberalization. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014-04-24 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2303-4564 H Social Sciences (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/e568a75e281265b31fbeb75038ddac57.pdf 95f0df51e9eb4d80ab96328ec7cda260 PDF Text Text Journal of Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics Active participation within written and spoken argumentation: The use of engagement markers across different genres Zorica Trajkova Cyril and Methodius University Submitted: 16.04.2014. Accepted: 16.11.2014. Abstract This paper aims to demonstrate how writers and speakers actively engage readers and listeners within the argumentation through the use of engagement markers as a metadiscourse category. More precisely, it sets out to explore the function and use of engagement markers, i.e. personal pronouns, directives and questions, in three different genres, one written (editorials from newspapers) and two spoken (excerpts from talk shows and closing arguments from trials) in two different languages, Macedonian and English. The analysis is carried out on nine editorials from American and nine from Macedonian newspapers, nine excerpts from American and nine from Macedonian talk-shows, as well as five closing arguments from American trials and five from Macedonian. It is essential for writers and speakers to know how to balance the use of these markers in order to avoid being intrusive and appear more persuasive to the readers and listeners. The research shows that there are differences in the use of the markers in the three genres in both languages. They were most frequently used in the English spoken texts (talk shows and closing arguments) and least frequently in the Macedonian closing arguments. As for their use in editorials, they were used moderately in both languages. So, on the whole, the analysis reveals that the choice of markers within the same genre depends on cultural differences, i.e. the format and perception of the type of text by the different societies. Furthermore, it also shows differences in the choice of markers across the three genres in both languages. Finally, although carried out on a relatively small corpus, this research gives insight into the dialogic nature of argumentation and its impact on the persuasive effect of written and spoken texts in different genres and languages. Key words: metadiscourse, argumentation, engagement markers, editorials, talk shows, closing arguments Introduction �Active participation within written and spoken argumentation: The use of engagement markers across different genres This article explores the role of engagement markers, as interpersonal metadiscourse markers, in building the writer’s/speaker’s authority and establishing an appropriate relationship with the readers/listeners. The aim is to see to what extent these markers are used in three different genres (one written and two spoken) in two different societies (Macedonian and American) and how the use of the specific subcategories of these markers defines the types of genres in both societies. Interpersonal metadiscourse: engagement markers Metadiscourse offers a way of understanding language in use, representing a writer’s/speaker’s attempts to guide a receiver’s perception of a text (Hyland, 2005a, p. 3). Interpersonal metadiscourse1 offers a framework for understanding communication as social engagement and refers to the features writers/speakers use to express their views concerning the propositional material and help readers/listeners accept and share their views (ibid, p. 4). Engagement markers are a type of interpersonal metadiscourse markers employed by speakers/writers to address listeners/readers explicitly and focus their attention to the given arguments and at the same time to include them as direct participants in the discourse. More precisely, according to Hyland (2005a), they help the writers/speakers to express their need to adequately meet readers’/listeners’ expectations of inclusion and solidarity, addressing them as participants in the argument with pronouns (you, your, inclusive we) and interjections, and at the same time they pull the readers/listeners into the discourse at critical points, predicting possible objections and guiding them to particular interpretations with the use of: questions, directives (mainly imperatives) and asides (references to shared knowledge) (p. 53). The choice of the markers depends mainly on the aim the speakers/writers want to achieve in the text as well as the expectations of the listeners/readers (Hyland, 2004, p.110). In this paper, the analysis focuses on only three types of engagement markers: pronouns, directives and questions. Methodology and corpus When trying to define metadiscourse, linguists followed Halliday’s classification (1974), according to which language has three main metafunctions: ideational (the proposition itself), interpersonal and textual, so they mostly classify metadiscourse (Crismore et al., 1993; Hyland, 2005a,b) in two categories: textual and interpersonal. 1 �Journal of Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics The corpus consists of texts from three different genres, one written (editorials from newspapers) and two spoken (excerpts from talk shows and closing arguments from trials) in two languages, Macedonian and English. As for the written genre, the analysis was carried out on nine editorials from American newspapers (The New York Times and The Arizona Republic) and nine from Macedonian newspapers (Utrinski vesnik (Утрински весник) and Dnevnik (Дневник)), on similar topics in both languages, i.e. of social interest for both societies. As for the spoken genres, the analysis included nine excerpts from American talk shows (recorded from various TV shows) and nine from Macedonian talk shows (the talk show Piramida), as well as five closing arguments from American trials and five from Macedonian. All the excerpts from the talk shows were two to three minutes long and speakers discussed socially important topics. The closing arguments were about five to seven minutes long and were delivered by either a prosecutor or a lawyer. The analysis was carried out both manually and with the help of computer software. First, a list of all the uses of a certain word/phrase in the corpus was obtained. Then, the ones that had a metadiscourse function in the texts were selected and analysed semantically and then formally. Distribution and analysis The analysis showed that engagement markers were most frequently used in the talk shows in both languages. As for their use in each genre separately, they were more frequently used in the Macedonian editorials compared to the English, and in the English talk shows and closing arguments compared to the Macedonian. Тable 1 and Table 2 below show the separate distribution of engagement markers in both languages. As it can be seen, the biggest discrepancy in use was found in the closing arguments as a genre. �Active participation within written and spoken argumentation: The use of engagement markers across different genres Table 1. Distribution of engagement markers in the English corpus editorials talk shows n n 9 3 8 8 7 - freq. per 1000 words 1.62 0.54 1.44 1.44 1.26 - 61 14 14 93 25 1 closing arguments freq. per n freq. per 1000 1000 words words 14.7 17 3.93 3.38 1 0.23 3.38 22.47 104 24.05 6.04 8 1.85 0.24 6 1.39 5 6 n=46 0.90 1.08 8.26 1 10 2 3 6 n=230 0.24 2.42 0.48 0.72 1.45 55.57 English corpus we (inclusive) us (inclusive) оur (inclusive) you your folks/ ladies & gentlemen one questions rhetorical short/tag cognitive directives physical textual Total 37 3 17 10 1 n= 204 8.55 0.69 3.93 2.31 0.23 47.17 Table 2. Distribution of engagement markers in the English corpus editorials talk shows 3 freq.per n 1000 words 0.55 6.24 9 closing arguments freq.per n freq.per 1000 words 1000 words 2.69 12.26 0.26 31 5.69 9.57 - - 6 1.10 Macedonian corpus n Inclusive we (ние) you (ти, вие) explicit we 1p.sg. coded in the verb form explicit you 2p.sg. coded in the verb 32 1.10 10 2.99 2.99 1 0.26 - - - - - �Journal of Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics form your ( ваш/а,е, и) our (наш/а,е, и) us (нас не/ нам ни) directives cognitive (директиви) physical textual questions rhetorical (прашања) short/tag Total 5 7 1 19 1 n= 73 2 0.92 14 1.29 7 0.18 0.18 3.50 3.68 5 0.18 8 13.43 n= 87 0.60 4.19 2.10 1.50 3.89 2.39 26.02 1 1 n = 3 0.26 0.26 0.26 0.78 In the next part, the analysis of the separate categories of engagement markers in the corpus is presented. Personal reference Personal pronouns for first and second person are considered personal reference (or personal metadiscourse) because they are used by the writers/speakers to refer to the members in the communication. А. First person plural pronoun ‘we’ (ние) The inclusive we includes both the speaker/writer and listener/reader in the discourse. When presenting information, its use lowers the potential risk of the listeners’/readers’ rejection of arguments. The analysis2 showed that the inclusive we was most frequently used in the talk shows in both languages. Furthermore, it was used more frequently in the Macedonian corpus of editorials compared to the English, and in the English corpus of closing arguments, compared to the Macedonian. Example 1(a) below is from the corpus of talk shows and it presents the way in which speakers in both languages include the listeners in the discourse as if they already agree with them. So, speakers create this, so called, relationship of solidarity, in which they make the listeners share the responsibility for the arguments. 2 It should be noted that all the uses of the pronouns in citations and indirect speech were excluded from the analysis. Furthermore, in the analysis of the Macedonian texts, both the examples of the first-person pronouns as well as the examples in which the person is coded in the form of the verb (како што видовме) were included. �Active participation within written and spoken argumentation: The use of engagement markers across different genres 1(a) We don't have enough... so that the little that we have we hold on to it so tightly. That our hands literally are not open to receive that which is meant to come our way. (ETS3-2) In editorials, the use of the inclusive we is a significant metadiscourse strategy employed by the journalists to help them establish a relationship with the readers, especially because there is no direct contact between the writers and readers. The use of the inclusive we shows the readers that their opinions, desires and attitude are taken into consideration. The analysis of the closing arguments showed that American lawyers/prosecutors use this metadiscourse strategy much more frequently than their Macedonian counterparts, with the purpose of involving the jury in their argumentation as if the members already agree, and in this way persuade them to accept it. So, in example 1(b), for instance, the lawyer in a way ‘manipulates’ the jury by involving them actively in the discourse, and ‘making’ them responsible in case they do not reach a decision in favour of his client (all the jury can do is to recompense his client for his injury caused by the company Ford). 1(b) We can't do that. We can't give that to him. All we can do is compensate for the loss... (ECA4-3) B. Second person pronoun ‘you' (ти/ вие) The second-person pronoun ‘you’ has a metadiscourse function and can refer not only to the imagined reader/listener but can also be used generically and be replaced with we or one. Both uses of this pronoun were included in the analysis, the one for direct address to the readers/listeners and the generic use, because we believe that they both include the audience: in the first case to directly address them, and in the second one to hint at them. The analysis showed that the use of these pronouns was more frequent in spoken texts. For instance, in the English closing arguments, you was frequently used by the lawyers/prosecutors to directly address the judge and jury and try to convince them that they should reach a decision in favour of their client. In the Macedonian closing arguments, on the other hand, this pronoun was not used at all. In 1(c), for instance, the prosecutor directly addresses the members of the jury, as if he is an expert, ‘telling’ them what they should do and what decision they should reach. 3 4 ETS – English talk show ECA – English closing arguments �Journal of Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics 1(c) Use your collective memories and think inside when you get in that jury room. (ECA-4) In the excerpts from talk shows, the use of you was mostly generic, as in example 1(d). Here, you refers to all the people in general, and not only to the listeners and it can be replaced with one/човек(а). In this example the second person is coded in the form of the verb (e.g. да научите (you must learn)). We believe that this use has a metadiscourse function because it indirectly includes the listener in the group of those who should learn, understand, etc. In comparison, in 1(e), you, your, refers to the listeners. 1(d) За да бидете толерантен треба првенствено да научите да живеете самите со себе за да можете да ги разберете и другите. (MTS5-7) // If you want to be tolerant, then you must primarily learn to live with yourselves so you could be able to understand others. 1(e) Listen, would you rather a heroin addict break into five houses a day […]then not break in your home to steal everything you've got and then… (ETS-2) In the editorials, this marker was mostly generic and it was used rarely, probably because in written genres there is no direct contact between the writer and reader and the writer uses other ways to involve the readers in the discourse. Directives Directives are another type of engagement marker. By using them, the writers/ speakers are trying to take control over the text and the readers/ listeners and to show authority (Hyland 2005b: 371). This analysis follows Hyland’s classification (Hyland 2002b) of three main functions of directives: textual, physical and cognitive (depending on whether they are used to lead the listeners/readers towards some textual (understand parts of text), physical (do a physical activity) or cognitive act (use their common sense to understand some point) (Hyland, 2005b, p.372; 2004, p.101). Hence, directives should not be treated as simple commands, but as complex rhetorical strategies used by the writers/speakers to build a relationship with the readers/ listeners and direct them as to how they should understand the text. 5 MTS - Macedonian talk show �Active participation within written and spoken argumentation: The use of engagement markers across different genres The results of the analysis showed that directives as a metadiscourse strategy were almost not used at all in the Macedonian corpus, which shows that Macedonian speakers/writers avoid directly addressing the listeners/readers, compared to the English, who consider it an efficient strategy for establishing a closer relationship with the listeners/readers and persuading them to accept the presented arguments. In the English editorials, all the directives had a cognitive function, i.e. they were used to urge the listener/reader to think clearly and understand the speaker’s/writer’s point of view (see 2 (a) where the writer tries to persuade the readers to think properly and accept his/her arguments). In the talk shows there were both physical and cognitive directives used. In example 2(b), for instance, the writer urges the listeners to engage in a physical activity i.e. to be generous whenever they can. 2(a) Think about it properly, and it leads you to a profound critique… (EE6-2) 2(b) So, just don’t give once. Give once a month for the rest of your life! (ETS-2) Directives were not used at all in the Macedonian closing arguments, but were frequently used in the English. Obviously, lawyers and prosecutors believe that this strategy can help them persuade the members of the jury to vote in favour of their client. The directives used in the English corpus were mostly cognitive, although there were few physical, which were used to urge the listeners to see or do something in order to understand it (cognitive). For instance, in 2(c), the speaker uses directives to persuade the listeners to take a physical activity (send a message) but in fact refers to a cognitive act (make Ford understand that their cars can damage people’s lives by making it pay a huge amount of money and admit its mistake). 2(c) I suggest that you come up with a significant amount for every day he's been hurt for the rest of his life. Make it fair. Then send the message to Ford [...]. Send them a message that it is not acceptable to make junk sardine cans [...] Award three to five times to compensate for the damage. (ECA-3) Questions Questions7 are one more type of engagement marker used by the writers/speakers to connect with the readers/listeners and invite them to answer a question, while 6 7 EE – English editorial The use of rhetorical questions is only presented here. �Journal of Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics suggesting the right answer (Hyland, 2005b, p.373). In this way, they indirectly try to persuade them to accept the presented arguments. The analysis showed that questions were frequently used in all the three genres, although their use was most significant in the English closing arguments. As for their use in the other two genres, it can be noted that rhetorical questions were much more frequently used in the Macedonian editorials compared to the English (significant 3.68 versus 0.90 – frequency per 1,000 words), while in the talk shows, they were used more or less the same in both corpuses. The writers/speakers used rhetorical questions as an efficient strategy for directing the attention of the readers/listeners towards some specific stance. There were examples in which the writers gave the correct answer – the one that should be accepted as one and only (as in 3(а)), or they just indirectly hinted at it (as in 3(b) where, the prosecutor tries to persuade the jury that the defence has given no substantial proof, but some statement by an amateurish dermatologist). 3(a) Why does all this matter? Because just as the United States has relied on foreigners… (EE-8) 3(b) And what does the defense have against this? They brought in, with all due respect to Dr. Underwood, a dermatologist, whose last autopsy was 18 years ago? (ECA-5) Conclusion The research showed that there were differences in the use of personal pronouns, directives and questions as engagement markers in the three genres in both languages. They were most frequently used in both types of English spoken texts and least frequently in the Macedonian closing arguments. They were used moderately in the editorials in both languages. So, on the whole, the analysis revealed that the choice of markers within the same genre depends on the format of the text, i.e. the perception of the type of text by the different societies. So, in this sense, the greatest discrepancy in the use of engagement markers was found in the closing arguments. It seems that they have a completely different format in the two societies. English lawyers/prosecutors perform a whole show by engaging the jury in their speech as much as they can with the inclusive we, by addressing them directly with the secondperson pronoun, by employing directives or by asking them questions. On the other hand, the Macedonian closing arguments employ set and fixed phrases and the speakers mostly summarize everything that has been mentioned during the trial. They don’t try to involve the judge (or jury) at all. So, overall, although carried out on a relatively small corpus, this research gives insight into the dialogic nature of �Active participation within written and spoken argumentation: The use of engagement markers across different genres argumentation and its impact on the persuasive effect of written and spoken texts in different genres and languages. References Crismore, A., Markannen, R., Steffensen, M. (1993). Metadiscourse in persuasive Writing. A Study of Texts Written by American and Finnish University Students. Written Communication 10 (1): 39-71. Halliday, M.A.K. (1974). Explorations in the Functions of Language. Edward Arnold Publishers Ltd. Hyland, K. (2002а). Authority and invisibility: authorial identity in academic writing. Journal of Pragmatics 34, 1091-1112. Hyland, K. (2002b). Directives: Power and engagement in academic writing. Applied Linguistics, 23(2): 215–239. Hyland, K. (2002c). What do they mean? Questions in academic writing. Text, 22(4), 529–557. Hyland, K. (2004). Disciplinary Discourses: Social Interactions in Academic Writing. The University of Michigan Press. Hyland, K. (2005a). Metadiscourse. Exploring Interaction in Writing. MPG Books Ltd, Bodmin, Cornwall. Hyland, K. (2005b). Representing readers in writing: Student and expert practices. Linguistics and Education 16, 363-377. Vande Kopple,W. (1985). Some explanatory Discourse on Metadiscourse. College Composition and Communication 36, 82-93. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2829 Title A name given to the resource Active participation within written and spoken argumentation: The use of engagement markers across different genres Author Author Trajkova, Zorica Abstract A summary of the resource. This paper aims to demonstrate how writers and speakers actively engage readers and listeners within the argumentation through the use of engagement markers as a metadiscourse category. More precisely, it sets out to explore the function and use of engagement markers, i.e. personal pronouns, directives and questions, in three different genres, one written (editorials from newspapers) and two spoken (excerpts from talk shows and closing arguments from trials) in two different languages, Macedonian and English. The analysis is carried out on nine editorials from American and nine from Macedonian newspapers, nine excerpts from American and nine from Macedonian talk-shows, as well as five closing arguments from American trials and five from Macedonian. It is essential for writers and speakers to know how to balance the use of these markers in order to avoid being intrusive and appear more persuasive to the readers and listeners. The research shows that there are differences in the use of the markers in the three genres in both languages. They were most frequently used in the English spoken texts (talk shows and closing arguments) and least frequently in the Macedonian closing arguments. As for their use in editorials, they were used moderately in both languages. So, on the whole, the analysis reveals that the choice of markers within the same genre depends on cultural differences, i.e. the format and perception of the type of text by the different societies. Furthermore, it also shows differences in the choice of markers across the three genres in both languages. Finally, although carried out on a relatively small corpus, this research gives insight into the dialogic nature of argumentation and its impact on the persuasive effect of written and spoken texts in different genres and languages. Key words: metadiscourse, argumentation, engagement markers, editorials, talk shows, closing arguments Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014-04-16 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed L Education (General),P Philology. Linguistics,PE English,PN Literature (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/c45b2ddb1e01ee2cdf0310360b892875.pdf d84a7cb00d0dac65dd17a33f1814c5b9 PDF Text Text Gender Differences in Political Discourse Marijana Sivrić, University of Mostar Dijana Jurčić University of Mostar Abstract Public speakers have always had a sense of authority and power upon them, and this area was male area for a long time. Together with different social changes such as Women’s Movement, women became more emancipated, participating in public sphere to a larger extent influencing thus the area of political discourse too. Key question is whether gender and supposed gender characteristics and differences connected to interaction styles and public speaking affect creation of political discourse and differences in its structure between male and female politicians or they are not an important factor for political discourse. In other words, does gender affect a person’s political subjectivity? The thesis is that gender specific differences in language use and use of syntactic, semantic, pragmatic structures, lexical style and rhetorical strategies create differences in political discourse between male and female politicians. Can these differences help the hegemonic construction of female identity in political discourse? The aim of the paper is to analyze language differences in connection with supposed gender characteristics and place them into context of political discourse. Key words: gender, discourse, political discourse, language, interaction, female identity Article History: Submitted: 12.04.2014. Accepted: 17.11.2014. DOI Number: 10.14706/JFLTAL152227 �1. Introduction From the age of ancient civilizations up to present time, language has been and will continue to be a source of power and control. For example, Aristotle makes a very important connection between language and society by calling human beings “zoon politikon”. He emphasizes cultural and social role of language, not just its communicative purpose. Concept of politics in everyday communication is mostly presented as negative due to various social attitudes connected to politicians and their work. Politics and political discourse depend on the use of language, both for formulating their ideas and passing them onto their audience. Politicians must choose the right time and right manner in passing their ideas and beliefs onto the audience so that the process would have maximum effect. This can be done at the micro and macro level. Chilton analyses both levels: “At the micro level there are conflicts of interest, struggles for dominance and efforts at co-operation between individuals, between genders, and between social groups of various kinds” (Chilton 2004:3). This can be applied to everyday communication whereby people persuade or try to persuade other people to follow their opinions and approve their perceptions of various situations. Macro level requires specific use of language, language which will persuade masses and audience that beliefs and concepts of a certain party are right. This claim implies that there are certain strategies through which these aims are realized and they require specific use of language. Chilton and Schaffner (1997:211-15) introduce three strategic functions, namely coercion, legitimization and delegitimization and representation and misrepresentation. Coercion includes not only linguistic acts but it is closely connected to the power of speaker and different kinds of resources connected to this power such as laws, commands, edicts or other kinds of sanctions. Legitimization and delegitimization is connected to presentation of the ‘Self’, the inner group and the ‘Other’, world outside the Self. Actions and beliefs of the inner group must be perceived as right and proper, while the actions of the ‘outer’ group must be delegitimized, made wrong and inappropriate. Different linguistic and semantic ‘tools’ are used for this purpose and shall be further discussed later. As politics presupposes communication, it requires language use, which is also necessary to persuade the audience. This connection works both ways as language reflects conditions of the community and social changes, which again connects to the politics influencing social changes. New questions come out of these claims: what kind of language is used in politics and by politicians? What are the linguistic “tools” used? How does this specific language use operate within a wider social context? Sunderland (2004:7) discusses this in post-structuralism discourse context, expanding the definition of discourse: “Discourses are not themselves visible. However, as a ‘way of seeing the world’ a given discourse may be recognizable to analysts and other language users through its manifestation in characteristic linguistic ‘traces’ in talk or written text, i.e. speakers’ and writers’ own words.” Different discourses can thus be connected to various social area and phenomena, i.e. gender discourse, ideology discourse, legal discourse, political discourse etc. each having its own specific features, ‘rules’ and linguistic, semantic and lexical characteristics. Apart from political discourse, gender discourse is also brought to attention as a field which has quickly become an issue of everyday communication. Study of gender is relatively new, but views and perceptions of gender, gender differences and differences in speech between men and women were pointed out and emphasized for a long time before actual scientific study of gender. We will refer here to later work on language and gender which has produced three �frameworks: deficit, dominance and difference. The views of these three frameworks vary from men’s language seen as a norm (Lakoff 1975), through men dominating the world and thus dominating language (Spender 1985) to men and women perceived as two different cultures (Gumperz 1982, Tannen 1991). As for their conversational style differences, women are connected to their feminine side, acting sympathetic and listening to their interlocutor, they are supportive in conversation, accept the topic and help it with various linguistic tools. On the other hand, men are connected to their ‘primal role’ of showing strength and problem solving, whereas their conversational style is seen as public, which would possibly mean an advantage in public speaking. Sunderland (2004:170) claims that gender can be constructed through specific use of discourse, thus meaning intentionally constructed, not visible from certain ‘characteristics’ as earlier research proposes. Each person could create a wanted perception of themselves, also being able to create a gender for themselves. Matching of political discourse to gender discourse should be observed through media created identities of politicians. Not only do the media mediate the identities of public figures to their mass audiences, they also have an active role in creating these identities, which Bucholtz and Hall (2005:588) call emergent identities. According to them identity is viewed as “the emergent product, rather than the pre-existing source, of linguistic and other semiotic practices, and therefore as fundamentally a social and cultural phenomenon.” Identity is therefore not considered as a characteristic of an individual, it is a product which emerges gradually during discursive interaction, and can be modified at any stage of it. The creation of a political identity involves the collaboration of media and politician but the emergent identity does not necessarily correspond to the self of the politicians when they are not in the media. The emergent identity is not simply determined by politicians, but is a joint product, as the media search for an identity they can sell to the public. As Bucholtz and Hall (2005:606) put it, identities are understood to be “in part an outcome of others’ perceptions and representations.” It remains to see through the analysis of discourse samples how gender identity functions in relation to discourse and how it is constructed in the context of political discourse. 2. Method and Material The method we are going to apply in the analysis of political discourse examples is Critical discourse analysis (CDA). Van Dijk (2005:1) defines it as “a type of discourse analytical research that primarily studies the way social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context.“ Fairclough (1995:5) states that CDA is special because it explores the tension between socially shaped language use and socially constitutive language use, rather than opting for one or the other. As CDA addresses social problems, it deals with power, dominance and inequality between social groups. Different ideologies use different linguistic, lexical, semantic, pragmatic and other tools to explain their goals. Discourse and language used for creating discourse can be seen as a mirror image, a reflection of ideology which created it. This is the reason why discourses can be recognized, analyzed and positioned within a certain social context or social group. Political discourse can be seen as a presentation of politics behind it and thus it carries its main characteristics and agendas in it. All of these can be recognized, analyzed and explained through �interpretation of discourse and it is crucial to look at power and power relations from this perspective. For this purpose we have analyzed six speeches delivered by six politicians. There are three speeches delivered by male politicians and three speeches delivered by female politicians and they are ordered chronologically. Politicians are from Croatia and the United States of America, namely: George Bush, Hillary Clinton, Condoleezza Rice, Ivo Josipović, Jadranka Kosor and Franjo Tuđman. All of the speeches were delivered upon important occasions where some kind of action or social change was included and had to be passed onto the wider audience. Focus of this analysis will be political discourse as such, paying special attention to gender differences in political discourse, if there are any present. The goal is also to show how different language elements and strategies found in these examples help to promote politics behind the discourse, and whether the discourse differences, if they exist, are based on gender. The speeches are analyzed through the following categories: syntactic structures (word order, topicalization); semantic structures (explicit and implicit, detail and level of description, e.g. what is said and what is actually meant, what is not said but is in the discourse); lexical style (positive and negative words, use of pronouns, use of specific vocabulary); rhetoric (understatement and overstatement, euphemisms, repetition, metaphors); pragmatics (assertion and denial; assertive and directive speech acts); ideological square (description of the ‘inner’ and ‘outer’ group) and gender (supposed gender characteristics and differences in interactional styles). The key question is whether gender and supposed gender characteristics and differences connected to interaction styles and public speaking affect creation of political discourse and differences in its structures between male and female politicians or they are not an important factor in political discourse. This paper will try to analyze these differences in connection with supposed gender characteristics and place them into context of political discourse. 3. Results and Discussion Discussion will follow categories of analysis identified in the previous chapter aiming at differences mentioned. Syntactical level of analysis shows no differences between male and female politicians. They both equally use strategies of different word order, topicalization, different tenses, personal, possessive, relative and indefinite pronouns fitting them into aimed purposes of discourse such as emphasizing certain parts, erasing identity, positively evaluating actions of in-group etc. What is especially emphasized in this respect is the use of forms of address, i.e. the use of ‘we’ and ‘you’ to refer to the audience, soldiers or all the people together on one side against the ‘enemy’, e.g.: ’My fellow citizens, on my orders, to all the men and women of the United States armed forces now in the Middle East, the peace of a troubled world and the hopes of an oppressed people now depend on you, I want Americans and all the world to know, for your sacrifice you have the gratitude and respect of the American people’ (Bush) “Siguran sam da će današnja presuda biti poticaj, Naši generali nisu krivi za zločine koji im se stavljaju na teret, svi zajedno smo opet ovdje; bili ste žrtve nepravedne optužbe; nosili ste teret nečijih tuđih zločina.” (Josipović) “Obraćam Vam se u ovom dramatičnom i sudbonosnom trenutku Hrvatske, Na našu se domovinu sručio val neprijateljske velikosrpske soldatesk; Mi smo željeli mir u slobodi i demokraciji, To smo pravo izvojevali na našim prvim demokratskim izborima…” (Tuđman) �“Mi smo snaga koja jamči, nećemo posustati, obećala sam da će Hrvatska završiti pregovore do kraja lipnja 2011., Ja želim jak HDZ koji će biti uvijek spreman slušati glas svojeg naroda, Jer sam ja predsjednica Hrvatske demokratske zajednice, a HDZ ispunjava svoja obećanja.” (Kosor) “How could this happen in a country we helped liberate, in a city we helped save from destruction[…] and we will not turn our back on that, nor will we rest until those responsible for these attacks are found and brought to justice” (Clinton) “I traveled last week to the region, I consulted widely with our many friends and allies, and I am pleased to have this opportunity to share with you, we want to help the Palestinians to lay the political foundations of a successful state; we supported the free and fair election in January 2005” (Rice) Semantic levels of discourse show slight differences in usage. There are more implicatures found in female political speeches which can be connected to female need for being superpolite and not using harsh vocabulary, but it could also be connected to characteristics traditionally pinned to female gender speech style. Condoleezza Rice’s discourse is especially good example of this implicit meaning use as in her political speech much more is implied than said explicitly: I realize that the continuing problems of security are also a great challenge for many Palestinian-Americans living in Gaza and the West Bank – and for so many others, including many of you, who travel there often, who work for greater tolerance and understanding, and who invest your time, and your knowledge, and indeed your capital in the Palestinian territories. People like you have a vital role to play in the Middle East, and I will continue to do everything in my power to support your good work.” Hillary Clinton and Jadranka Kosor also imply a lot, especially when it would be insulting to do otherwise: Neki ne mogu oprostiti što se više ne ide u Beograd po dozvolu i što novac koji mi ovdje zaradimo ne ide u Beograd.’ (Kosor) But let me be clear – there is no justification for this, none. And as long as there are those who would take innocent life in the name of God, the world will never know a true and lasting peace. (Clinton) Male politicians also tend to use detailed descriptions, language feature not characteristic to supposed male gender speech style: A campaign on the harsh terrain of the nation as large as California could be longer and more difficult than some predict and helping Iraqis achieve a united, stable and free country will require our sustained commitment. (Bush) Siguran sam da će današnja presuda biti poticaj da gradimo Hrvatsku koja voli svoje ljude i brine se o njima, ali da se brine i o tome da svatko nevin bude oslobođen i svatko tko je počinio zločin da ga kazne. (Josipović) This is especially seen is Tuđman’s speech whose descriptions are at times purely poetic with usage of archaic Croatian words: No oni nisu mogli – niti će ikada moći – ubiti našu žudnju za slobodom i potrebom da živimo u ljudskom dostojanstvu, u miru sa sobom i sa slobodnim narodima Europe. Za ovo pravo i za svetu svoju zemlju spremni smo i mrijeti. Not to get confused, both male and female use combination of implicit and explicit meaning and detailed descriptions but some cases like Tuđman’s are particularly unusual for perceived gender speech styles. �Lexical style also shows common characteristics as there are no significant differences in the use of vocabulary. Vocabulary and words are equally strong in discourse for both male and female politicians, and vocabularies are usually connected to war, peace, freedom, slavery, terrorism, family relations etc.: …troubled world and the hopes of an oppressed people now depend on you, meet that threat now with our army, air force, navy, coastguard and marines, decisive force’ (Bush) I can only tell you that I, too, have a personal commitment to that goal because I believe that there could be no greater legacy for America than to help to bring into being a Palestinian state for a people who have suffered too long, who have been humiliated too long, who have not reached their potential for too long… (Rice) Usprkos tomu što je demokratski svijet stao na stranu Hrvatske, agresori, ne samo da nisu obustavili svoje napade već su ih iz dana u dan, iz mjeseca u mjesec pojačavali rabeći sve bezobzirnija, razornija i neljudskija sredstva sile i uništavanja.(Tuđman) Dan kada smo dobili i sudsku potporu, da je pravda pobijedila i da naši generali nisu krivi za zločine koji im se stavljaju na teret.’(Josipović) What is different is greater tendency in female political discourse to make contrasting images with help of this vocabulary, especially good examples are Clinton’s and Rices’s speeches, full of such images. Male politicians are prone to using strong vocabulary, in Tuđman’s case even poetic, but not contrasting as much as female politicians. Kosor’s lexical style is also interesting because of usage of vocabulary connected to war while delivering speech upon future elections. Her lexical style is also quite aggressive even if measured against criteria of male gender speech style: Naši neprijatelji ne mogu nam oprostiti pobjednički duh. Nema što nam nisu radili kako su nas blatili kao što su radili i Franji Tuđmanu jer misle da će nas tako skršiti. E neće!’ As far as rhetoric is concerned, use of metaphors, understatements and overstatements, and repetition are equal in discourses of both male and female politicians. These rhetorical strategies are equally present and serve similar purposes, depending on the context of speech. A campaign on the harsh terrain; our nation enters this conflict; we will meet that threat’. (Bush) …the United States must be a force for peace and progress in the world, that these aspirations are worth striving and sacrificing for.’(Clinton) Such strategies are of great help for different presentations of in- and out-group in ideological square, this showing to be their main purpose in the six speeches. Rice’s case is especially interesting as she uses these strategies for creating compassion and sympathy but actually only creating this illusion in order to make better contrasts and present in-group’s actions in positive light: I believe that there could be no greater legacy for America than to help to bring into being a Palestinian state for a people who have suffered too long, who have been humiliated too long, who have not reached their potential for too long, and who have so much to give to the international community and to all of us. There is a combination of assertive and directive speech acts in all speeches delivered. Usually many assertive speech acts precede one or two directive speech acts. This is done for creating an image of state of things which is usually chaotic and then calling in action through �directive speech acts. All of the examples show equally strong directive speech acts and equally descriptive assertive speech acts, not depending on gender at all. It follows certain pattern, respected by both male and female politicians in the discourses analyzed. Difference is in creating contrasting images and implicit and explicit meanings used to create positive and negative presentations: The friendship between our countries, borne out of shared struggle, will not be another casualty of this attack. A free and stable Libya is still in America’s interest and security, and we will not turn our back on that, nor will we rest until those responsible for these attacks are found and brought to justice. (Clinton) In this conflict America faces an enemy that has no regard for conventions of war or rules of morality. (Bush) Use of disclaimers is common to both male and female politicians with difference in their creation. When it was time for parliamentary elections earlier this year, we again supported the Palestinians’ right to choose their own leaders, and as you know, a plurality of voters cast their votes for Hamas. (Rice) Mi smo željeli mir u slobodi i demokraciji, a nametnut nam je prljavi i razorni rat. (Tuđman) Sometimes, disclaimers can be found only at the level of implicit meaning. Male politicians are prone to standard use and creation of disclaimers, while female politicians tend to ‘mask’ this into implicit meaning and sometimes even in the following paragraphs. Focus on gender differences, gender talk and interactional styles showed interesting results. Male and female politicians mix these styles; there was not a politician with clear male or female gender speech style. Male politicians tended to use characteristics of female gender speech style and vice versa, at times even abandoning their ‘supposed’ gender speech style. 4. Conclusion Discourse analysis, more precisely political discourse analysis has shown gender differences as very interesting leaving enough space to be perceived through various aspects. Thesis from the beginning has been confirmed as there are differences between male and female politicians in political discourses, differences connected to different interactional styles and different use of syntactic, rhetoric, semantic, lexical, pragmatic and ideological structures. Bush can be seen as an aggressive speaker, he uses strong vocabulary and claims property and right to act against the enemy. He also uses a lot of metaphors, overstatements and euphemisms, rhetorical and also often literary resources, which can be connected to perceived female gender speech style. His discourse aims at problem-solving, he lectures about the events and crisis’ preferable values for American citizens which are also characteristics of male gender interactional speech style. Bush takes leader position through constant use of pronoun I. His style is oppositional, again perceived style connected to male gender speech style. Bush’s political discourse can be described as mainly having characteristics of male gender speech style but also showing traces of female gender speech style. Kosor’ s political discourse shows some characteristics specific to male gender speech style, such as strong vocabulary, aggressive performance, emphasis of independence and open oppositional beliefs in relation to other parties. She claims her position and status freely which is �obvious from her discourse. There are also some of the characteristics of female gender speech style, such as frequent aiming at sympathy and emotions in the audience making connections to glorious fatherly figure of the past - Franjo Tuđman. Her discourse shows combination of male and female gender speech style, with greater number of characteristics specific to male gender speech style. Tuđman’s political discourse shows characteristics of male gender style such as lecturing to the audience and maintaining status and authority. Discourse of his political speech is full of problem-solving, with clearly defined problem and offered solutions. There is a great deal of independence vocabulary and claiming independence, also a supposed characteristic of male gender speech style. Interesting and unusual feature of Tuđman’s political discourse is use of language which is at times poetic, almost as in heroic poetry with metaphors and archaic Croatian words. There are also parts supposed to evoke emotions in the audience, emotional parts describing Croatian battle and history which could be perceived as characteristics of female gender speech style. Such political discourse can be seen as consisting of elements of male gender with a significant amount of characteristics connected to female gender speech style. Clinton’s discourse has characteristics of presidential style, claiming her status and position of a ruler from the beginning, which are supposed characteristics of male gender speech style. There are parts of discourse which could be labeled as intimate, full of sympathy and supportive, but in this case it seems as a carefully chosen strategy to provoke emotional reaction from the audience. A striking feature of this political discourse is her aggressive manner of talking about future actions and strong vocabulary while condemning actions of the out-group. Both of these are perceived as characteristics of male speech gender style, and her political discourse can be defined as having more male gender speech style characteristics than female gender speech style characteristics. Josipović’s political discourse does not show many characteristics of supposed male gender speech style. He shows sympathy and support, creating intimate and private atmosphere, and makes connections between past and present, this way also making a connection between Croatian people and liberated generals. Overall impression is quite emotional, which is done through constantly showing respect, gratitude and talking about troubled past. This emotional component is also perceived as characteristic of female gender speech style. Josipović does not try to claim his status nor is he acting in an oppositional way, characteristics connected to male gender speech style. His political discourse can be labeled as having numerous characteristics of female gender speech style outnumbering male gender characteristics, although delivered by a male president. Rice’s political discourse shows characteristics of clear male gender speech style. From the beginning to the very end of discourse she establishes her position and status, using report to talk about state of things and lecturing on changes that have to be made. She shows clear opposition to the out-group and aims at problem solving through many directive speech acts in her discourses. Only elements of supposed female gender speech style are connected to creating intimate, supportive and sympathetic image of American government, but this is done out of rhetorical purpose solely and its aim is to achieve as positive representation of in-group as possible. What is especially interesting is that binary division cannot be made as speech styles and gender characteristics overlap in all speech samples. Some male politicians show characteristics of female gender speech style in their political discourse and vice versa. Generally, the examples �of political discourse analyzed cannot be clearly labeled as either male gender speech style or female gender speech style. It can be concluded, however, that overlapping and mixing of gender characteristics in connection with different contexts and occasions are the result of emergent identities, i.e. identities created in those particular situations or contexts and it is not clear how much they can be a result of female or male politician’s style. However, it is obvious that female politicians more frequently use the discourse strategies which are typical for male politicians than vice versa. We can connect it to the idea that you are not a successful politician if you do not show strength in your speech, as well as in the actions. 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Dr. Marijana Sivric is an Associate Professor at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Mostar where she teaches courses in Sociolinguistics, Syntax, Introduction to Discourse Analysis and Language and Gender. Dr.Sivric received her doctoral degree at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb in March 2008. Her research interests include critical discourse analysis and sociolinguistics and she is primarily focused on language and gender and political discourse. Dijana Jurčić is a high school Latin language teacher currently teaching at Grammar school Mostar. She graduated English language and literature and Latin language and Roman literature at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Mostar. Her research interests include critical discourse analysis and sociolinguistics, primarily focused on language and gender studies. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2839 Title A name given to the resource Gender Differences in Political Discourse Author Author Sivrić, Marijana Jurčić, Dijana Abstract A summary of the resource. Public speakers have always had a sense of authority and power upon them, and this area was male area for a long time. Together with different social changes such as Women’s Movement, women became more emancipated, participating in public sphere to a larger extent influencing thus the area of political discourse too. Key question is whether gender and supposed gender characteristics and differences connected to interaction styles and public speaking affect creation of political discourse and differences in its structure between male and female politicians or they are not an important factor for political discourse. In other words, does gender affect a person’s political subjectivity? The thesis is that gender specific differences in language use and use of syntactic, semantic, pragmatic structures, lexical style and rhetorical strategies create differences in political discourse between male and female politicians. Can these differences help the hegemonic construction of female identity in political discourse? The aim of the paper is to analyze language differences in connection with supposed gender characteristics and place them into context of political discourse. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014-04-12 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed JA Political science (General),JC Political theory,P Philology. Linguistics