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                    <text>DEVELOPING BEGINNER TEACHERS’ PROBLEM SOLVING SKILLS IN POSTLESSON REFLECTIONS

Dr Helen Sherwin
University of Western Hungary, Hungary
Article History:
Submitted: 10.06.2015
Accepted: 27.06.2015

Abstract
Although reflective practice has gained popularity world-wide in recent years, some argue that the
‘reflective’ research has focused too much on different conceptualisations of reflection and not
enough on how teachers actually think when they reflect. This article addresses this issue of teacher
cognition by examining one skill underpinning reflective thinking, problem solving. Specifically,
this study compares the problem solving of six inexperienced and three experienced teachers of
English. It emerged that the experienced teachers developed sophisticated reasoning skills to help
themselves analyse problems in principled ways. This article identifies what principled reasoning
actually consists of and how it may be developed in inexperienced teachers of English to help them
solve teaching problems and so reflect more effectively.
Key words: reflection, cognitive skill psychology, expert-novice problem-solving, subject-specific
pedagogy, generic pedagogy.

�1. Introduction
During the last 40 years, reflective practice and learning to teach by critically examining one’s
practice, has received much support in teacher education. I do believe in the power of reflective
thinking but have always found it a problematic skill to foster with the student teachers I work with
in Hungary who describe rather than analyse their practice, experience difficulties with solving
problems, evaluating their own and pupils’ performance. A desire to understand why beginners
experience difficulties and how they may be helped to reflect triggered the study described
belowthat addresses these questions.
1. Do differences exist in the reflective thinking of nine Hungarian English teachers with
differing levels of teaching experience?
2. What implications do any findings have?
This article focuses on just one aspect of reflective thinking, teachers’ problem solving skills
inpost-lesson reflections.

There is much research into reflective practice investigating reflection in diverse ways. Some
researchers focus on the cognitive (Schön, 1987) or metacognitive dimension (Eraut, 1994) viewing
reflection as a form of elaborate, internal problem solving. Others have investigated the importance
of reflecting with someone rather than alone (Day, 1993) or whether the time when we reflect
(Korthagen &amp; Kessels, 1999) or socio-political contexts influence how we reflect (Boud, 1998).
Still others investigate whether different levels of reflection exist with sophisticated reflections
linked to experience (Collier, 1999). All conceptualizations though share the notion that reflection
involves modifying our existing mental structures through our attempts to analyse our experiences.
Therefore, the cognitive perspective unites somewhat the diverse views that exist and is the one that
underpins this study.
While the ‘reflective’ literature provides rich insight into the substance and nature of reflection,
paradoxically it is vague in that it fails to illuminate what teachers actually do when reflecting, how
they process information and how they learn. Few studies operationalize reflection that is, identify
and illustrate teachers’ reflective thinking (McAlpine et. al., 1999; Ixer, 1999), little guidance is
offered on how to analyse it (Korthagen and Wubbels, 1995; Hargreaves, 2004) all of which is
problematic for researchers.This vagueness is also problematic for teacher educators. Reflective
thinking is a non-visible skill and trainees often struggle to recognise what they are doing, are not
doing and should be doing in order to reflect effectively. Teacher educators must be explicit about
what effective reflection consists of, to make it accessible to trainees. To address this problem,

�reflection here is conceptualised as a complex, cognitive skill encompassing various constituent
sub-skills. This skill-based approach lends clarity to the concept as it allows reflection to be broken
down into individual skills which can then be analysed, illustrated and taught, thus rendering it
visible and tangible to the benefit of teacher education and research alike. This article addresses just
one reflective sub-skill, teachers’ problem solving.

1.1 Problem solving
Problem solving was analysed through the problem solving model developed by Mayer (1996).
Central to Mayer’s model is the notion of problem space which consists of: the problem’s starting
state (its context, its characteristics and how they interact); the goal/desired outcome; the
procedures to move us from the start to goal state and any obstacles that constrain movement
through the problem space. Skilled problem solvers first define their problem space before
attempting a solution, which they do by working through four processes:



‘Representing’ (Mayer, 1996, p.551), mentally defining the problem to ourselves by
identifying the problem space components



‘planning’, calculating how to best achieve a solution



‘executing’, carrying out the plan



‘controlling’, evaluating our progress towards the goal.

Differences between skilled and unskilled practitioners stem from how they address these processes.
For example, expert physicists (Chi et. al., 1981), political scientists (Voss et. al., 1983) and
teachers (Swanson et. al., 1990) spend much time‘representing’ and ‘planning’ but novices tend to
move directly onto ‘executing’, omitting almost the other three processes. Experts ‘represent’
problems in principled ways and consider why problems appear as they do and what inferences can
be drawn but novices just attend to surface features and ‘how’ problems appear (Alexander, 2003).
Interestingly, it was such principled reasoning that was the critical difference in problem solving
capability of this study’s experienced and inexperienced teachers.

2. The Study
The study took place at a Hungarian primary teacher education institution which offers two English
teaching courses: a pre-service degree qualifying trainees to teach Hungarian curriculum subjects
plus English language to 6–12 year olds; an in-service course for qualified, practising Hungarian
teachers, retraining as English teachers (6-12 years). Nine teachers participated in the study.

�Fig. 1Participants
Groups

English teaching

Hungarian teaching

experience

Beginners: 3 pre-service teachers Beginner

Beginner

Accomplished Beginners: 3 in- Beginner

Experienced

service teachers
Experienced: 3 local teachers

Experienced

Experienced

2.1 Data collection and analysis
To research post-lesson problem solving, I observed each teacher’s lessons twice, held two postlesson discussions (Interview 1/Interview 2), analysed documentation. Data consisted of:
observational field notes; interview transcripts; diary entries; lesson plans; local curricular.

Data analysis followed grounded theory procedures (Rubin&amp; Rubin, 1995) so data was broken
down into thematic sections then segments then concepts until eventually thematic categories
emerged that accommodated all data.One category was‘Cognitive Skills’ which refers to the six
skills teachers used to process information in post-lesson reflections: the single descriptive skill,
Describing and five analytical skills: Pedagogic Reasoning, Commenting, Evaluating, Predicting,
Problem solving (Sherwin, 2011).These then, constitute the sub-skills of reflective thinking, one of
which ‘problem solving’, is in focus here.

2.2 Analysing Problem Solving
In the interview/diary data, I could identify Problem Solving episodes when participants reflected
on problematic teaching events. I examined how, during each episode, participants addressed four
problem solving processes adapted from Mayer’s (1996) model.

Problem Solving Processes
1. Identifying the problem’s most significant features. This answers the question, ‘What’s the
problem?’ and corresponds to Mayer’s ‘representing’.

�2. Identifying the problem’s cause: Why did this occur? This focuses on one part of
‘representing’, of recognising the problem’s underlying principles.
3. Identifying solutions: How can I solve it?This refers to participants selecting and/or
carrying out solution strategies. It relates to Mayer’s ‘planning’ and ‘executing’ (ibid).
4. Evaluation: What comments/reflections do I have on this episode? This corresponds to
‘controlling’ where participants comment on some aspect of the problem solving process.

For example,
There are some pupils not interested in studying English (Problem). English is a bit over their head,
they always feel that the others are much better and maybe that’s why they are passive (Cause).
The only thing that worked with them is differentiating and when they create something in groups
and they all do different things. Then they are really interested (Solution). However if we do these
things all the time then they don’t learn the material they should by the end of the school year and
it’s lots of work for me, too(Evaluation).

I then tallied the processes each teacher covered in each Problem Solving episode thus (see
Appendix 1 for complete version).
Fig. 2 Processes of Problem Solving(Sample)

Identify

Identify

Identify

Problem

Cause

Solution

Evaluation

Experienced

Interview 1

5

5

5

5

Teacher Csilla

Interview 2

1

1

1

1

The rows represent Problem Solving episodes, the columns the four processes, the numbers record
when a participant completed a problem solving process. Thus, Csilla dealt with five episodes in
Interview 1 and one in Interview 2 and always worked through all four processes.

3. Findings
It emerged that the inexperienced English teachers (beginners/accomplished beginners) solved
problems in similar ways, differently from and less proficiently than the experienced teachers and I

�illustrate this through a comparison of three episodes. My comparison is structured through: the
number of problem solving processes covered, the accuracy, the depth of participant’s performance.
Beginner Amélia
Amélia aimed to teach present simple through the context of jobs to her 10-year-old pupils. Pupils
consistently made mistakes such as I wears a uniform...He wear a uniforms....she wear a
uniform…They wears a uniforms .Amélia constantly corrected pupils, but mistakes persisted. Postlesson, Amélia commented,
I think they don’t understand every words that “works in a uniform”…not
“wears in a uniform”. Maybe don’t the form was the problem just the meaning
of the words (Problem 1). But somebody change it so they don’t know that the
boy is “he” and the girl is “she” (Problem 2). I tried to help them to show the
picture that he hasn’t a…ponytail (Solution)..but I don’t know what was the
problem with “he” or “she”.
Amélia worked through two processes of identifying a problem and identifying a solution. Indeed,
she identified two problems. Problem 1 concerned concept when Amélia believed pupils made
mistakes because they did not understand the new vocabulary and Problem 2 concerned form when
pupils were confused by ‘he/she’ pronouns. This suggests that Amélia herself was unsure of how to
represent the problematic situation to herself.
The problem was actually grammatical as pupils were confused by the‘s’ verb-ending (I wears),
plurals (uniforms) and ‘he/she/it’ pronouns. Amélia’s solution of showing a picture of a boy referred
neither to the problem nor its cause both of which were grammatical in nature and required a
solution that helped pupils notice the ‘s’ forms. Amélia could not see the underlying cause,
misinterpreted the problem and consequently identified an inappropriate solution. Thus, Amélia’s
problem solving during and post lesson was inaccurate.

Accomplished Beginner Bella
Bella aimed to teach a restaurant dialogue to 12-year-olds. In the lesson, pupils were inattentive and
disruptive. Post-lesson, Bella commented,
Sometimes they talk when they had to listen to me (Problem).....I didn’t want to look like a
witch but I think after that I will....tell them that...”What I promise badly or good, I always
keep it. So, please be quiet and if you don’t then I will write a notice into your book”
(Solution).

�Bella accurately recognised the problem that pupils misbehaved, and suggested a solution that did
refer to the problem, of punishing the miscreants. She did not however, consider the differing
causes to pupils’ misbehaviour: seating arrangements were inappropriate; the lesson was late
afternoon; a visitor (me) was present; the materials were perhaps uninteresting, irrelevant to pupils’
needs. Nor did she evaluate the episode. This suggests that she focused on the problem’s surface
features rather than its underlying structure, creating the impression that her analysis lacked depth.

Experienced Csenge
In Csenge’s lesson, 12-year old pupils in groups had to construct from word cards, sentences
related to a subsequent reading. Word cards were colour-coded to represent parts of speech (e.g. red
= verb). Pupils found this extremely challenging. Csenge commented,
They have the small cards and they were mixed, there was a pattern and they
could not find the place (Problem)...I gave them some help and I think that they
could solve the problem then (In-class solution).

She continued that pupils did not know:
The strategy where to start with and how to work with this pattern
(Cause)........In

previous

lessons,

I....should’ve

tried

some

patterns

(Solution).......it comes from history and we have to learn it...it takes time
(Evaluation).
NB: “it comes from history” means that she believes the traditional Hungarian education system
does not foster the strategic thinking such problem solving tasks require.

Experienced Csenge was more thorough, principled and critically aware in her problem solving
than both Amélia and Bella. First, by working through all four processes, Csenge automatically
considered more aspects of the situation suggesting a more thorough approach than Amélia and
Bella who only considered two processes. Second, Csenge provided a principled, in-depth analysis
and clearly perceived the problem through its cause, that pupils lacked problem solving skills and
matched her solution of training in strategic thinking to this cause. Neither Amélia nor Bella
addressed the cause and only discussed the problem and solution. This suggests they focused on the
problem’s surface features rather than its underlying structure, implying that their analyses lacked
depth. Third, by referring to Hungarian education in Evaluation, Csenge highlighted a constraint to

�her solution that pupils need time to learn problem solving skills. This suggests she was more
insightful and critically aware than Amélia and Bella who omitted this process.
Analysis of all nine participants’ problem solving revealed similar findings. Processes of Problem
Solving(Appendix 1) records the processes participants used when solving teaching problems.The
table reveals that all inexperienced English teachers (beginners/accomplished beginners) worked
through fewer processes and considered causes and evaluation far less frequently than the
experienced teachers who in fact almost always worked through all four processes. This implies
that all beginner/accomplished beginners were less thorough, principled, critically aware problem
solvers than the experienced teachers.

4. Discussion: Developing Principled Reasoning
Principled reasoning emerged as central to the proficient problem solving of the experienced
teachers and refers here to how they automatically asked themselves questions about the problem’s
underlying structures/principles:
Why did this problem occur?
What theory can explain it? How? Why?
How can I break it down?
What are my reasons for….?
What comments do I have on the cause? Solution?

It was the spontaneous posing and answering of these questions that underpinned the experienced
teachers' principled reasoning. Therefore, I have been exploring ways to develop such principled
reasoning with my teacher trainees through the activities presented below, which draw on two
teaching methods: modelling and problem solving heuristics. Modelling gives learners access to the
cognitive processes experts use in principled problem solving (Bandura 1996, has details on
modelling). The problem solving heuristics below combine a task plus on-task questions to foster
learners principled reasoning. Nickerson (2004) contains details on how problem solving heuristics,
King 1991, on how guiding questions, Berry and Broadbent (1984), how on-task rather than pre- or
post-task questions foster principled reasoning). These activities aim to help student teachers notice
the underlying structures of problems and so view them in the principled, insightful ways of
experienced teachers.

4.1 Discussing cases

�Student teachers (STs) compare a real problem scenario (Teacher A) with two fictive scenarios of
the same problem solved differently (Teachers B/C). STs observe how Teachers B and C consider
the problem’s cause prior to selecting an appropriate solution and use theory in their explanations
(differentiation, socialisation skills) whereas Teacher A just attends to surface features.

Fig. 3 Same problem solved differently



Which problem solving do you like best? Why?



What are the differences between them?

TEACHER A
Sometimes they talk when they had to listen to me (Problem). I
didn’t want to look like a witch but I think after that I will....tell them
that...”What I promise badly or well, I always keep it. So, please be
quiet and If you don’t then I will write a notice into your book.

TEACHER B
Sometimes they talk when they had to listen to me (Problem). I
thinkthe exercise was too easy for Juli, Laci, Dani and Zsolti and they
disturbed the others. Next time I will give them harder tasks and I
think this will motivate them more. Children are different so we need
to differentiate between them but I think we Hungarians are just
learning how to do this. It takes time.

TEACHER C
Sometimes they talk when they had to listen to me(Problem).
Daniand Zsolti and Juli and Laci are best friends and they always play
too much when they sit together. Next time I will change the groups so
they don’t work together. And this is also good‚ cos maybe they can
get used to working with new people and develop socialisation skills.

4.2 Decomposing the problem
STs break down the real problem scenario in ‘Teaching the Chant’ through one of the tasks below.

�Fig. 4 Teaching the Chant

Atilla wanted pupils to create new versions of a simple chant, to develop their
speaking skills. Pupils were aged 8, beginner learners of English. Atilla,

1. Taught/revised new words: Snow, snowman, eyes, mouth, nose.

2. Taught and practised the chant.
Snow!
Let’s make a snowman!
OK, 1, 2, 3.
Eyes, mouth nose.
Yippeeee!

3. Createda new version of the chant on the blackboard.
Pizza!
Let’s make a pizza!
OK, 1, 2, 3.
Salami, cheese, tomato.
Yippeeee!

4. Askedpupils to create (in pairs) their own Pizza version by changing food items.

5. Pupils did one of the following
5a. Produced incomplete versions Pizza! 1,2,3, Yippeeee! OR
5b.Produced inaccurate versions Let’s Pizza! 1,2,3, Yippeeee! OR
5c.Copied Atilla’s bb. Pizza version
5d. Did nothing.

6. Atilla scolded pupils.

4.2.1Working Backwards

�STs work backwards though the lesson guided by ‘Why?’ questions: Why did Atilla scold pupils?
Why did some pupils do nothing? Etc…
This task helps STs analyse a problem as experts do. The study’s experienced teachers (and experts
in general, Nickerson, 2004) invariably decompose teaching problems by working backwards from
the goal to start point, which helps them identify the problem’s key features(e.g. problem’s cause,
reasons for their actions) and the causal links between them.

4.2.2 The Grid
STs represent the problem scenario in columns that replicate problem solving processes (2.1). This
task prompts STs to copy how experts decompose a problem for analysis, through the four
processes.

Fig. 5 The Grid

Problem

Cause

Solution

Evaluation

What’s the Why did it happen?

How would you Comments?

problem?

solve

the your

problem?
Pupils

(Will
solution

work?)

Atilla taught wrong words:

didn’t write Snow X  Let’s make a….. 
new version

4.2.3 Concept map
STs draw the teaching steps on individual pieces of paper (individual pictures for steps 5a-5d),
arrange pictures on a poster, draw lines between them to show how they ‘fit together’, then write on
the lines to express any relationships that exist. Prompts include: Why did pupils make the mistakes
in Step 5a-5d? Where Atilla could avoid these mistakes? Etc…
This task focuses STs’ attention on key events and how they interact.

4.3 Grouping problems
STs group seven-eight problem scenarios according to whether they are:
(a) Superficially different but with similar causes: e.g. pupils underachieve because they lack
knowledge of how to fulfil a task(Appendix 2 has example scenarios).

�(b) Superficially similar but with different causes: e.g. pupils are naughty but for different
reasons (see 4.1, Fig. 3).

The discussion generated by this task pushes STs to understand problems by examining the
underlying rather than surface features thus mirroring the principled reasoning of experts.

5. Conclusion
I argued earlier that the diversity and vagueness of the ‘reflective’ literature is perhaps unhelpful
when teaching and researching reflection. I suggested that viewing reflection as a complex
cognitive skill lends the specificity that the reflective literature lacks. It allows reflection to be
decomposed into its constituent sub-skills, one of which is problem solving. I recognise that
reflection is multi-layered, complex and so hard to capture in sub-skills which may not account for
the collaborative, temporal, contextual dimensions mentioned earlier. But, decomposition has
enabled me to identify aspects of expert performance to help beginner teachers. Experienced
teachers address problems in principled ways, through four processes, by asking themselves
principled reasoning questions. I now encourage beginner teachers to do the same by exposing
them regularly and systematically to activities such as those described above. This approach to
developing reflective thinking, I believe may be of use to teacher educators in Hungary and
elsewhere.

�References
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Proficiency’, Educational Researcher, vol. 32, no. 8, pp. 10-14.
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New York, Pergamon.
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Chi, M. T. H., Feltovich, P. J. and Glaser, R. (1981). Categorization and representation of physics
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Collier, S. T. (1999). Characteristics of reflective thought during the student teaching experience.
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Day, C. (1993). Reflection: A necessary but not sufficient condition for teacher development.
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513–527.
King, A. (1991) ‘Effects of training in strategic questioning on children's problem-solving
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McAlpine, C., Weston, C., Beauchamp, J., Wiseman, C. and Beauchamp, C. (1999). Building a
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�Nature of Reasoning, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Rubin, H, J. and Rubin I, S. (1995) Qualitative interviewing: The art of hearing data, Thousand
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Sherwin, H. (2011). A study into the reflective capability of Hungarian primary teachers with
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Schön, D. (1987). Educating the Reflective Practitioner: Toward a New Design for Teaching and
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�APPENDIX 1: Processes of Problem Solving
This table records the problem solving processes used by participants when solving teaching
problems.
Problem

Cause

Solutio

Evaluation

n
Beginners
Amélia

Interview 1

1

1

1

Anikó

*1

1

Interview 2

1

1

Interview 1

1

Interview 2

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Int.

1

1

2

2

2

1

2
Int.
Atilla

Interview 1

1

1
1

1

Interview 2

1
1

Int.

1

Int.

1

1

Accomplished beginners
Bettina

Interview 1

1

Interview 2
Boglárka

Interview 1

3

3

3

Interview 2

1

1

1

1

1

2
Bella

Interview 1

1

1

1
1
Interview 2

*1

Interview 1

5

1
1

1
1

Experienced
Csilla

5

5

5

�Csenge

Interview 2

1

1

1

1

Interview 1

*1

1

1

1

2

2

2

2

1

1

Interview 2
Cecília

Interview 1

3

2

3

3

Interview 2

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

NB: The words “Int.” indicate the problem was identified by the interviewer but the other
processes in this particular episode were completed by the participant.
The * indicates that this episode was illustrated in ‘3. Findings’.

APPENDIX 2: Superficially different, similar causes
These two problem scenarios are superficially different because the lesson context, content,
problem types are different. However in both cases the pupils underachieve because theyhave not
yet learnt how to accomplish the taskof how to: (A) Work in pairs; (B) Guess meaning from the
second language context using intrapersonal skills.

(A)
My 12 year old pupils don’t like each other. When I put them
into groups to work together, they work by themselves, they
don’t share ideas and they don’t help each other. This isn’t good.
What can I do?

(B)
My ten year old pupils are a bit lazy. It’s a new class to me
(They’ve been learning English for 2 years) and if I speak to
them in English, they refuse to understand so I have to translate
everything into Hungarian. This isn’t good. What can I do?

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                    <text>THE EFFECTS OF INTEGRATED FFI AND ISOLATED FFI ON THE
ACQUISITION OF THE ENGLISH PAST TENSE

Danae Tsapikidou
University of Cambridge, Greece
Article History:
Submitted: 10.06.2015
Accepted: 25.06.2015
Abstract
This paper presents the results of a classroom-based study which I conducted for my
PhD thesis. It is an experimental study on the comparative benefits of Isolated and
Integrated FFI in primary EFL education. Greek 5th year primary learners aged 10-11
were exposed to Integrated FFI (n= 75) on the English Past Tense and their learning
gains were compared to the gains of their peers who were exposed to Isolated FFI (n
= 73), as these were first defined by Spada and Lightbown (2008). Integrated FFI was
operationalised as the provision of comprehension and production structure-based
communicative tasks; that is, tasks that were especially crafted to provide meaningful
contexts for the practice of the English Past tense and its progressive aspect. In
completing those tasks, learners focused on comprehension and the expression of
meaning while they produced the target structures and received corrective feedback
on their errors. Isolated FFI was operationalised as the explicit presentation and metalinguistic explanations of the rules that govern the formation and use of the same
target structures, coupled with grammatical consciousness-raising tasks, structural
grammar exercises and controlled oral and written production activities. I taught the
groups myself as a teacher researcher throughout the intervention, which lasted for 12
hours. The two groups were tested four times; each test was given after completing
six hours of treatment and two months after the end of the intervention. The tests
included grammaticality judgments, multiple-choice tests, tense formation tests, an
open cloze, a question formation task, picture description, sentence matching and text
completion tests. I will present the results of the statistical analyses from the
comparisons of these groups. One suggestion is that, planned Integrated FFI targeting
specific structures in context, if applied consistently for some time, produces

�equivalent learning gains to Isolated FFI even for elementary-level EFL learners
whose opportunities for productive use of the language are generally limited within
the classroom context.
Key words: grammar, TESOL, young learners.

�1. Introduction
There is now consensus in the field of foreign language teaching that instruction is
most effective when it includes attention to both meaning and form and discussion
has now moved to the question of when and how it is most effective (Spada and
Lightbown, 2008, p.184). In relation to this particular issue of pedagogical timing of
focus-on-form, two types of FFI, Isolated FFI and Integrated FFI have been proposed
by Spada and Lightbown (2008, p.187). According to the authors, both types of
instruction assume a primary focus on meaning with the inclusion of attention to
form, but they differ in terms of when attention to form is provided. In Integrated FFI,
the learner’s attention is always drawn to form within communicative practice and
activities. In Isolated FFI, the learner’s attention is always drawn to form separately
from communicative practice and activities. The study reported here is a quasiexperimental study of form-focused instruction (FFI) in English-as-a-foreign
language teaching in the Hellenic state primary sector. Specifically, the study
compares the learning gains of 5th year Primary EFL learners aged 10-11 who
received Isolated FFI and Integrated FFI for the acquisition of the English Past tense
and its continuous aspect.
According to the authors, (Lightbown and Spada, 2008, p.182), Isolated FFI has been
hypothesized to work better than Integrated FFI in EFL settings, where the foreign
language is exclusively taught in classrooms with learners and teachers who share the
same mother tongue and there are limited opportunities to use the language outside
the classroom. In order to test this hypothesis, the main research question in this
study was whether there are differences in the grammatical knowledge of 5th year
learners who received Isolated FFI or Integrated FFI as evidenced by written
measures of performance at any time during a 12-hour intervention.
2. Research Methodology
2.1. Sample
The study was conducted in four intact 5th year EFL intact classes that were assigned
into two treatment groups. The research design was quasi-experimental with two
treatments and four written measures (2x4). The treatment groups were named
Integrated FFI and Isolated FFI.

�The learner sample consisted of 89 native Greek 5th year primary learners of EFL
aged 10-11 years old, in two state schools in Thessaloniki, Greece. Group sizes were
equal, Isolated FFI N =39, Integrated FFI N=39. However, the number of students
included in the statistical analysis was N=781 . There was a filter in this test and tests
that scored equal to or less than 5% of the total score were excluded from the
analysis. That filter excluded only students who answered just 1 out of 35 items in
each test, and practically handed in a blank test.
2.2 Tests
I designed and administered four different tests of grammatical knowledge on the
target tense form and use in pen-and-paper mode during the intervention. The
Isolated FFI and Integrated FFI groups completed three distinct grammar tests – Test
2, Test 3 and Test 4. The tests had the same format; each consisted of 5 sub-tests
which measured the same construct. The content of each test was different every
time, as variation was necessary in order to eliminate the risk of practice effects. The
test format included grammaticality judgments, selected response and limited
production tasks that emerge from Purpura (2004) and Gass &amp; Mackey’s (2007)
typologies for data elicitation techniques in linguistics- and interaction-based
research.
I administered Test 1, the pre-test, two weeks before the experiment and Test 2, the
mid-test, after 6 hours of experimental treatment; Test 3, the post-test, after 12 hours,
the endpoint of instruction. Each test was administered systematically after 6 hours
of instruction for each group. Test 4, the delayed post-test, was taken two months
after the end of the experiment.
The scoring system was simple; 1 point was allocated for each correct answer out of a
total of 35 answers. No point was given for an incorrect or a missing answer. Also,
there was no partial credit for interlanguage forms. Each test took the whole class
hour - 45 min- to complete. The test task types in all four tests were the following.

1

The reason why the number of subjects was reduced in the repeated-measures GLM was because it is
a condition for running repeated measures that all students should have taken all the tests. Therefore 11
students who either missed one of the four tests or scored lower than 5% were excluded from the
repeated measures analysis.

�Table 1: Test task types
1. Grammaticality Judgement Test (10 items)
2. Multiple –Choice (MC) test (5 items)
3. Tense Formation (TF) task (5 items)
4. Word Order (WO) test (5 items)
5. Open Cloze (OC) test (5 items)
6. Picture description (PD) test (5 items)
7. Match Halves (MH) test (5 items)
8. Verb Completion (VC) test (5 items)
9. Question Formation (QF) (5 items)
10. Dialogue Completion (DC) (5 items)

Table 2: Methodological design of the study
Treatment

Test x Time

0 (h)

6 (h)

12 hours

2 months

Test 1

Test 2

Test 3

Test 4

Integrated FFI
Isolated FFI

2.3 Target structures
The structures under investigation were the English Past Tense and its continuous
aspect. These target structures are part of the prescribed syllabus for the 5th year
Primary English subject. They are problematic for Greek learners of English because
of cross-linguistic differences and because they are difficult to acquire without

�explicit instruction. Furthermore, mastery of the Past Tense is vital for attaining
accuracy in a number of more advanced and complex grammatical phenomena.
In summary, the following structures were taught in this experiment.
Table 3: Target structures
1. Copula be in past tense (was/were)
2. Regular verbs ending in -ed in past tense
3. Past simple questions with did + Subject-Verb inversion
4. Past simple negative sentences with didn’t
5. Irregular verbs
6. Past progressive Affirmative forms (was/were + ing)
7. Past Progressive question forms with Subject-Verb inversion
8. Past progressive negative sentences (wasn’t/weren’t + ing)
9. Wh- Questions in the Past Simple and Past Progressive
2.4 Prior Knowledge
The learners had 2 ½ years of EFL instruction in primary school prior to the
experiment. In addition, many learners in the study attended either a private language
school or received private at-home English tuition. Therefore, their general English
language learning experience was not the same and the four groups may be classified
as mixed-ability classes.
Data collection took place in two phases; from September-October 2009 to December
2009 -February 2010. At that time, I had expected that most learners would have no
prior knowledge of the grammatical phenomena in focus. The past tense is commonly
taught toward the end of the school year around April. However, I administered Test
1, the pre-test, two weeks before the experiment to control for the possibility of
learner prior knowledge. Test 1 showed that all groups were initially comparable to
each other in terms of grammatical knowledge of the target structures. Hence,
random assignment to the conditions was adopted. Since that point, I taught each
group for three periods of 45 minutes every week over the course of four weeks.
2.5 Description of treatments
Following Spada &amp; Lightbown’s definition of Isolated FFI (2008, p.187), instruction
in this group was operationalised as explicit FFI and form-focused practice plus

�separate communicative tasks without feedback on form. Instructional time was
equally allocated for both phases of this treatment; this means that, from the 12 hours
of instruction, 6 hours in total were allocated to explicit FFI and 6 hours for
communicative tasks. In the first phase of this treatment, Isolated FFI was provided
through presentation of rules regarding the forms and use of the Past tense paired
with practice in the form of controlled production exercises, oral and written ones as
well as and grammatical consciousness-raising tasks. When students completed their
exercises in this first phase of Isolated FFI, I provided whole-class feedback. In the
second phase of the Isolated FFI treatment, students were given meaning-based
comprehension and production tasks to complete, for which the use of the target
structures was essential, useful or natural (Loschky &amp; Bley-Vroman, 1993). During
this phase, I did not give any corrective feedback on form, but only addressed pupils’
questions related to meaning and task procedure.
In contrast, Integrated FFI (Spada &amp; Lightbown, 2008) was operationalized as FFI
within meaning-based activities which elicited the use of the target structures.
Throughout the duration of instruction in this treatment, learners received FFI as in
brief explanations, corrective feedback, explicit elicitations of correct forms and input
enhancement provided within the process of completing a meaning-based
comprehension or production task. I used structure-based tasks, oral and written ones,
which necessitated either comprehension or production of the target structures in
order to complete the task successfully. This treatment also experienced FFI
implicitly through task modeling, and task-planning in the course of communicative
tasks; at no point during the 12 hour intervention were they given a formal
presentation of the structures or any form-related exercises to do as in the previous
treatment.
The materials for both the Isolated FFI and the Integrated FFI groups followed the
school course book with some supplementary material that I brought specifically for
this study. Both treatments were taught Unit 7 titled Going back in time and Unit 8
titled All about stories of the prescribed state-published 5th year Primary English
course book series ((Kolovou &amp; Kraniotou, 2008).
Here, a short description of representative task types is provided for illustration, due
to space constraints.

�In the Isolated FFI group, students listen to an interrogation scene between a
policeman and a suspect concerning a bank robbery. Then, they read the audio
transcript for this dialogue which comes with a worksheet. The text has gaps for the
Past verbs but the verb infinitive form is given in brackets. They listen and write
down the correct verb forms on the worksheet.

Example:

What time 1. __________ _______ _________ (leave) the restaurant?
Jack: Well, I don’t remember exactly, but I think it 2._________ (be) at about 3.30.
In the Integrated FFI group, students listen to the same input but they are not given
the dialogue transcript. Instead, they do a True or False activity based on this input
and then they reconstruct the dialogue and role-play the above scene as in the
example:
1. Where were you during the afternoon of May a. I was out of the restaurant.
4th?

A rich variety of related tasks and activities were implemented that could not be
replicated in more detail due to space constraints. In table, I provide a summary of the
characteristics and activities for the two treatments.

�Table 4: Summary of the characteristics and activities for the two treatments
Characteristics of the treatments
Integrated FFI

Isolated FFI

Attention to form always embedded in meaning-based

Attention to form always separate from meaning-based

and communicative practice

and communicative practice

Focus on form and focus on meaning integrated in Equally divided instructional time for focus on form and
communicative activities at the same time

focus on meaning

Task-essential, task useful or task natural use of form Explicit presentation of rules before practice
through need to communicate
Attention to form
feedback,

brief

explicitly through corrective Attention to form explicitly through language analysis
metaliguistic

explanations

and

negotiation of meaning during communicative activities
Task modelling and task planning

Corrective and meta-linguistic feedback provided ONLY
in form-focused activities but NOT provided during
communicative activities

Noticing-the-gap between TL/IL

Noticing through grammatical awareness activities

Focus on accuracy within guided communicative Focus on accuracy
practice

in controlled structural pattern

practice

Activities
Common for Isolated and Integrated FFI treatments

For Isolated FFI treatment only

Interactive information exchange tasks

Controlled

pattern

questions/answers

visual/verbal prompts
Story comparison tasks

Tense formation exercises with gap-filling

Role-play

Dictation

Listening and reading comprehension tasks (True or Cloze task with verbal prompts
false? answering questions)
Picture-sentence and sentence matching,

split Multiple choice exercises

sentences

Sentence writing
Picture/sentence/paragraph
arrangement

Verb recognition
ordering

text

re- Error correction grammar exercises

using

�Guessing activities

Jumbled sentences: Word order

Writing activities: story summarizing, text reconstruction, Consciousness-raising

and

dialogue creation,

activities

Dictogloss

Text manipulation activities

Jigsaw

Word-order exercises
Substitution

tables,

language

transformations,

restorations question/answer drills

3. Results
The overall performance of the 2 groups in the 4 tests was examined using a repeatedmeasures general linear model (GLM); The Group factor contained 2 levels (Isolated
FFI and Integrated FFI) and the Test factor contained 4 levels (Test 1 (0h), Test 2
(6h), Test 3 (12h), Test 4 (2m). The number of participants was originally 89 students
but the number of students included in the RM GLM was N=78 2 . There was a filter
in this test and tests that scored equal to or less than 5% of the total score were
excluded from the analysis. That filter excluded only students who answered just 1
out of 35 items in each test, and practically handed in a blank test. Mauchly’s test
showed the results did not meet the assumption of sphericity, Mauchly's W = ,788,
χ²(5)=.17,766, p=.003. Two corrections were applied; the Greenhouse-Geisser p=.870
and Huynh-Feldt p=.916. The assumption of equality of covariance was met with
Box’s Test p=.501. Also, the assumption of equality of error variances was also met
(See Table 1 below)

Table 5: Levene's Test of Equality of Error Variancesa

2

F

df1

df2

Sig.

Test 1 (0h)

1,491

1

76

,226

Test 2 (6h)

,092

1

76

,763

Test 3 (12h)

6,153

1

76

,015

Test 4 (2m)

,241

1

76

,625

The reason why the number of subjects was reduced in the repeated-measures GLM was because it is
a condition for running repeated measures that all students should have taken all the tests. Therefore 11
students who either missed one of the four tests or scored lower than 5% were excluded from the
repeated measures analysis.

awareness

sentence

�Within subjects analysis showed a significant main effect of the Test factor
F(3,228)=15,185, p&lt;.001, effect size

=.030, observed power=.588. The between-

subjects comparison showed no significant group difference F (1,76)= 2,296, p=,134,
=,029, observed power=.322. The interaction between Test and Group was not
significant F (3,228)=2.366, p&gt;.05,

=.030, observed power=.588. The above

results are displayed in Table 2.
Table 6: Repeated Measures Anova for the two experimental groups in the four tests

SS

df

MS

F

p

η²

Noncent.

Observed

Parameter

Powera

Within-subjects effects
Test

,85

3

,28

15,18

,000

,16

45,555

1,000

Test * Group

,133

3

,04

2,36

,072

,03

7,097

,588

Error

4,26

22

,01

116,71

1

116,71 991,12

,000

,92

991,123

1,000

Group

,27

1

,27

,134

,02

2,296

,322

Error

8,95

76

,11

Between-subjects effects
Intercept

2,29

a. Computed using alpha = ,05

From Table 3 and Figure 1, it appears that both treatment groups improved from Test
1 to Test 2, Test 3 and Test 4. Specifically, the Integrated FFI group started off in Test
1 with an average mean score of 49%, which became 56% in Test 2, after 6 hours of
treatment and 64% in Test 3, after doubling the duration of the treatment to 12 hours.
This group managed to maintain stable performance in Test 4 with 62%, a result
which shows that the effect of Integrated FFI was maintained in the long-term, two
months after the study had ended. Table 3 displays the mean scores, standard
deviations and number of students for this analysis.

�The Isolated FFI group started off with an average mean score of 56%, which shows
that this group was somewhat better in their knowledge of the English past tense than
the other group in the beginning of the study. This group also improved by scoring
64% in Test 2 and maintaining approximately the same result in Test 3 with 63% at
the end point of the study. It is important to point out that there were no significant
differences between the two groups in any of the tests, and it is noteworthy that in
Test 3 even the minor differences of the previous scores had been completely evened
out. The Isolated FFI class however, showed significant pre-to delayed post-test
improvement with a final score of 71% versus the start-off score of 56%. This result
shows that the Isolated FFI had more significant long-term effects than Integrated FFI
for the acquisition of the English past tense in this EFL young learner sample of our
study.
Table 7: Descriptive Statistics for the Effect of Isolated and Integrated FFI

Test 1 (0h)

Test 2 (6h)

Test 3 (12h)

Test 4 (2m)

Group

M

SD

N

Integrated FFI

.49

.26

39

Isolated FFI

.56

.23

39

Total

.53

.24

78

Integrated FFI

.56

.20

39

Isolated FFI

.64

.18

39

Total

.60

.19

78

Integrated FFI

.64

.15

39

Isolated FFI

.63

.19

39

Total

.63

.17

78

Integrated FFI

.62

.21

39

Isolated FFI

.71

.19

39

Total

.67

.21

78

�1.

4. Discussion
The main research question was answered with a no-difference result; that is, there
was no significant difference between Isolated FFI and Integrated FFI at any point
during the 12-hour experimental intervention. The pedagogical timing issue of FFI
brings up the question of whether Isolated FFI should precede Integrated FFI of a new
language feature. The answer from these results is that it may be beneficial, but not

�necessary. Isolating a specific grammar feature to present it formally and practise it
separately before any other input or output-based practice is a useful teaching
technique, especially for young learners who need time to build up their interlanguage
and should not be pushed to communicate before they are ready; developmentally or
psychologically. Nevertheless, the provision of isolated structural practice outside of
communicative tasks is not necessary for the proceduralization of these forms.
Instead, explicit FFI during the completion of structure-based communication tasks
can lead to equal levels of grammatical performance as more structural gap-filling
exercises on forms. In this study, explicit knowledge of the target structures (form and
use) gained either by presentation of the rules before practice – in the Isolated FFI
groups- or during communicative activity as explicit corrective feedback – in the
Integrated FFI groups- led to equal levels of proceduralization of the target structures
after 12 hours of instruction. Hence, the answer to the issue of timing of focus on
form as raised by Spada and Lightbown (2008) is that there is no difference as to
when exactly FFI will be provided within the larger time span of a series of lessons.
This outcome may be explained as the product of explicit grammatical knowledge that
both groups cultivated throughout the study. Explicit rule knowledge may have been a
more prominent feature in the Isolated FFI treatment which aimed at building correct
use of the target structures in controlled pattern practice for half the instructional time
- 6 hours out of 12. Explicit knowledge of the rules facilitated accuracy in these
exercises; The Isolated FFI classes received feedback on the grammar exercises,
explicit recasts and corrections with metalinguistic explanations and rule elicitations.
The explicit knowledge gained during form-focused practice in the Isolated FFI
treatment may have somewhat facilitated these learners in the subsequent tests; hence
their small improvement from 56% to 63% after 12 hours of instruction.
On the other hand, the Integrated FFI classes were also aware of the rules, which were
taught not in a presentation format but through a range of explicit corrective feedback
techniques, such as explicit correction, brief metalinguistic explanations, recasts, and
prompts. Corrective feedback on form was given during task work. Learners were
given time to work out the content of their task and to negotiate meaning as they
engaged in oral pair work. It is known that corrective feedback gives learners the
opportunity to notice the gap between the interlanguage form and the target structure
(Sheen and Ellis, 2011). Thus, the Integrated FFI classes also built explicit knowledge

�of the target forms as they engaged in focused communication tasks with the target
structures embedded in them. It appears that focused corrective feedback on form in
integrated practice of form and meaning can be particularly beneficial, equally just as
Isolated FFI (Spada, Jessop, Tomita, Suzuki, &amp; Valeo, 2014 ). However, the Isolated
FFI classes were not provided with form-focused feedback on the oral and written
output communicative tasks; only the Integrated FFI group received on-task feedback.
One feature of the Integrated FFI treatment was the provision of a task model before
a task was implemented that directed learner attention to the use of the target
structures during task-work. This was done upon Mercer and Littleton’s definition on
effective scaffolding that is “the sensitive supportive intervention of a more expert
other in the progress of a learner who is actively involved in some specific task, but
who is not quite able to manage the task alone” (Mercer &amp; Littleton, 2007, p. 18) p.
18). The young learners in this study relied on the task model as a frame of reference
and they restructured their interlanguage after noticing the grammatical structures in
the task model (Mochizuki &amp; Ortega, 2008; Skehan &amp; Foster, 1999; Yuan &amp; Ellis,
2003). As suggested by Ellis and Yuan, “guided planning can succeed in creating
favourable conditions for striking a pedagogical balance between communication and
grammar” (ibid, 2003, p.11) even with young learners in an EFL context.
5. Conclusion
From the perspective of the language teacher, Spada (Spada, 2014 ) maintains that
teachers use both Isolated and Integrated FFI as they see fit and that they realize the
benefits of both approaches (2008, p.199). The results of this study also show that
Isolated FFI and Integrated FFI constitute complementary instructional techniques
that the English teacher may utilise to maximize the benefits of instruction.

References

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�Loschky, L., &amp; Bley-Vroman, R. (1993). Grammar and task-based methodology. In
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                <text>THE EFFECTS OF INTEGRATED FFI AND ISOLATED FFI ON THE ACQUISITION OF THE ENGLISH PAST TENSE</text>
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                <text>Tsapikidou, Danae</text>
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                <text>This paper presents the results of a classroom-based study which I conducted for my PhD thesis. It is an experimental study on the comparative benefits of Isolated and Integrated FFI in primary EFL education. Greek 5th year primary learners aged 10-11 were exposed to Integrated FFI (n= 75) on the English Past Tense and their learning gains were compared to the gains of their peers who were exposed to Isolated FFI  (n = 73), as these were first defined by Spada and Lightbown (2008). Integrated FFI was operationalised as the provision of comprehension and production structure-based communicative tasks; that is, tasks that were especially crafted to provide meaningful contexts for the practice of the English Past tense and its progressive aspect. In completing those tasks, learners focused on comprehension and the expression of meaning while they produced the target structures and received corrective feedback on their errors. Isolated FFI was operationalised as the explicit presentation and meta-linguistic explanations of the rules that govern the formation and use of the same target structures, coupled with grammatical consciousness-raising tasks, structural grammar exercises and controlled oral and written production activities. I taught the groups myself as a teacher researcher throughout the intervention, which lasted for 12 hours. The two groups were tested four times; each test was given after completing six hours of treatment and two months after the end of the intervention. The tests included grammaticality judgments, multiple-choice tests, tense formation tests, an open cloze, a question formation task, picture description, sentence matching and text completion tests. I will present the results of the statistical analyses from the comparisons of these groups. One suggestion is that, planned Integrated FFI targeting specific structures in context, if applied consistently for some time, produces equivalent learning gains to Isolated FFI even for elementary-level EFL learners whose opportunities for productive use of the language are generally limited within the classroom context.</text>
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                <text>International Burch University</text>
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                <text>2015-09</text>
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PeerReviewed</text>
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                    <text>THE ATTRITION OF PORTUGUESE AS A THIRD OR ADDITIONAL LANGUAGE
OVER THE SUMMER HOLIDAYS

Teresa Maria Wlosowicz
Casimir the Great University, Poland

Article History:
Submitted: 13.06.2015
Accepted: 30.06.2015

Abstract:
The present study aims to investigate the attrition of Portuguese as a third or additional
language (L3, L4, etc., cf. de Angelis, 2007) over the summer holidays. The research
questions concern the correctness of the participants’ responses, the language areas in which
attrition is observed, the ways in which it manifests itself and the students’ perception of their
own attrition. Since multilingual systems are dynamic and the languages are in constant
interaction, when a language is not used, attrition sets in (Herdina &amp; Jessner, 2002). However,
some elements of linguistic knowledge are more prone to attrition than others (SharwoodSmith, 1989). The study was carried out with 42 Polish (L1) learners of Portuguese, 30 of
whom were second-year students of Portuguese philology, and 12 were students of other
Romance philologies who followed a Portuguese language course. After the summer holidays,
they completed a vocabulary and grammar test and participated in oral interviews, followed
by a questionnaire. In general, they produced more incorrect and partly correct (e.g. the right
verb in the wrong form) than correct responses. Attrition could be observed in various
language areas, from speaking fluency to grammar and vocabulary, though the subjunctive,
which they had only started to study before the holidays, caused them the most difficulty. The
attrition of Portuguese manifested itself in various forms, from avoidance and the inability to
retrieve certain items, through the confusion of Portuguese forms, to interference from other
languages. As the questionnaire indicates, the students were aware of the areas in which
attrition occurred. It can be concluded that attrition is connected mainly with a decrease in the
activation of a language. Given the interference from other Romance languages, it can be
supposed that, as the activation of Portuguese items is lower, Spanish, French and Italian
items compete for selection.

�Key words: multilingualism, language attrition, interference, Portuguese.

�1. Introduction
The purpose of the study has been an investigation of the attrition of Portuguese as a
third or additional language (term introduced by de Angelis, 2007, to include L3, L4, L5, etc.)
over the summer holidays. The study investigated attrition observable in both oral and written
production. On the one hand, fluency in oral communication deteriorates fastest (BardoviHarlig &amp; Stringer, 2010, p. 32), but on the other hand, it may be reflected mainly in an
increased number of hesitations and attempts to retrieve forgotten words, while errors in
writing may constitute more substantial evidence of language attrition. On the basis of the
results, it is attempted to draw some conclusions concerning language attrition in multilingual
systems.

2. The phenomenon of language attrition
In general, “language attrition may refer to loss of language as a result of contact with
majority languages, loss of language by communities, or loss of language by individuals in
both pathological and non-pathological settings” (Bardovi-Harlig &amp; Stringer, 2010, p. 2).
However, Köpke and Schmid (2004, p. 5, as cited in Herdina &amp; Jessner, 2013, p. 753)
propose a narrower definition, according to which language attrition is “the non-pathological
decrease in a language that had previously been acquired by an individual” and is therefore
distinct from such phenomena as language loss in aphasia.
It often occurs in situations of language contact, for example, in the case of L1 attrition
in immigrants living in a foreign country (Cherciov, 2013; Sharwood-Smith, 1989), but there
can also be attrition of a foreign language learnt at school and not used any more, that is why
in multilingual repertoires the chronological order of language acquisition does not
necessarily correspond to language dominance, which is determined by the proficiency levels
and the frequency of use of the particular languages (Herdina &amp; Jessner, 2013, p. 754).
According to Herdina and Jessner (2002), multilingual systems are dynamic and competence
in each of them changes with time, due to constant cross-linguistic interaction (an umbrella
term covering transfer, interference, borrowing, code-switching, etc., Herdina &amp; Jessner,
2002, p. 29). Consequently, if a language is not used for some time, attrition sets in.
Therefore, language learning does not take place “once and for all”, but, in order to prevent
attrition, language users have to make an effort to maintain the competence they have
acquired.
Even though the patterns of language attrition can offer interesting “insights into the
structure of the linguistic system” (Fase, Jaspaert &amp; Kroon, 1992, p. 9, as cited in Herdina &amp;

�Jessner, 2002, p. 94), this phenomenon remains insufficiently researched for the following
reasons: First, “language attrition is a gradual and much less spectacular phenomenon than
abrupt complete language loss” (Herdina &amp; Jessner, 2002, p. 96). Second, if language attrition
becomes noticeable, speakers try to counteract it by using compensatory strategies. Third, “at
least at an early stage, it expresses itself in the form of an increased scatter of performance”
(Herdina &amp; Jessner, 2002, p. 96). Indeed, errors in performance do not have to reflect a
corresponding loss of competence. As Sharwood-Smith (1989, p. 190) remarks in reference to
L1 attrition, “subjects in a loss situation can demonstrate their possession of native
competence by various means, including self-correction and also the selection and rejection of
test items exemplifying standard and deviant forms respectively.”
To explain the order of language attrition, several hypotheses have been proposed, two
of which are discussed by Riemer (2005, p. 217-218): “last learned - first forgotten”, with
emphasis on the temporal sequence, and “best learned – last forgotten”, with emphasis on the
depth of cognitive processing (Schöpper-Grabe, 1998, as cited in Riemer, 2005, p. 218).
However, language attrition does not involve only the loss of language skills, because the
incubation period, when the language is no longer studied actively, also involves language
retention, or “the maintenance or improvement of proficiency in a language following its
initial acquisition” (Gardner, 1982, p. 24, as cited in Riemer, 2005, p. 218) and even some
residual learning, or a kind of cognitive maturation which can lead to an increase in
competence (Riemer, 2005, p. 217-219). Moreover, if a critical threshold, or a level of
competence which protects information from being forgotten, is reached (Neisser, 1984, as
cited in Riemer, 2005, p. 218), a certain amount of knowledge remains permanently in the
learner’s mind.
Furthermore, some features of language are more prone to attrition than others.
Preston (1982, as cited in Sharwood-Smith, 1989, p. 191) enumerates several sites of “high
attrition likelihood”, such as marked items, low-frequency items, items learnt last,
irregularities, etc.
Moreover, the availability of a language for production and/or comprehension largely
depends on its activation level, which is connected with the frequency and recency of its use.
According to Green’s Inhibitory Control model (Green, 1986, p. 215), “a language can be
selected (and hence controlling speech output), active (i.e., playing a role in ongoing
processing), and dormant (i.e., residing in long-term memory but exerting no effects on
ongoing processing)”. If a language is not used, its activation falls (Green, 1986, p. 215). Thus

�a language that has undergone some attrition due to non-use can also be assumed to be partly
deactivated.
In order to speak a particular language, one has to suppress the other language(s),
which requires inhibitory resources (Green, 1986, p. 217-218). As a means of ensuring that
the speech plan is produced only in the selected language, Green (1998, p. 101) postulates the
existence of language tags. In the Inhibitory Control model, the main role of language tags is
that played in lemma selection (Green, 1998, p. 101).
Finally, apart from linguistic factors, an important role is played by social and affective
factors, such as language attitudes and motivation (e.g. Riemer, 2005). However, as Cherciov
(2013) has shown, the relationship between attitudes and language proficiency is ‘neither
clear-cut nor linear across all bilinguals’ (Cherciov, 2013: 730). A positive attitude does not
constitute a guarantee of avoiding language attrition, but, as Cherciov (2013: 730) concludes,
it can counterbalance attrition if it is “conducive to an active effort to maintain the L1.”

3. The study
3.1. Participants
The study was carried out with 42 Polish (L1) learners of Portuguese, including 30
second-year students of Portuguese philology (22 from Maria Sklodowska-Curie University
in Lublin and 8 from Jagiellonian University in Cracow) and 12 students of other Romance
philologies (Spanish, French or Italian), who studied Portuguese as an additional foreign
language at Jagiellonian University.
They had a variety of language combinations, that is why Portuguese was not
necessarily their L3, but rather a third or additional language (L4, L5, etc.). Apart from Polish
and Portuguese, the participants’ language combinations included English (41 participants),
Spanish (33), German (17), French (11), Italian (11), Russian (6), Romanian (5), Latin (3),
Swedish (1) and Chinese (1).

3.2. Method
The study consisted of a written grammar and vocabulary test, followed by oral
interviews with the students, carried out by the researcher, and, finally, a questionnaire
concerning the students’ language combinations and experience, and the study they had just
participated in, paying special attention to the areas of attrition observed by the participants in
their own performance.

�The test consisted of three parts: cued translation (e.g. Se ________ esse livro,
____________ amanhã), gap-filling and a multiple-choice test. It involved items and
structures which were either marked and specific to Portuguese (for example, the first
conditional with the future subjunctive instead of the present indicative, e.g. Se encontrar esse
livro,…, not: Se encontro esse livro), marked but common to Portuguese and Spanish (for
example, certain uses of the subjunctive), or items slightly different in Portuguese in Spanish,
which could lead to interference (for example, Vais tomar duche agora? vs. ¿Vas a ducharte
ahora?). However, the items were typical and fairly simple, because they could not be
completely new to the participants, but rather, the participants were expected to have already
encountered and possibly forgotten them.
Similarly, the topics of the oral interviews, which were randomly drawn out by the
participants, were quite simple in terms of the background knowledge they required (hobbies,
favourite animals, favourite books, travelling, etc.).
The research questions were as follows:
1) How correct are the participants’ responses?
2) What areas of linguistic competence can attrition be observed in?
3) How does the attrition of Portuguese manifest itself?
4) How do the students themselves perceive their attrition?

3.3. Results and discussion
In general, the participants produced a large number of errors, as well as partly correct
responses (e.g. the right verb in the wrong form). The “partly correct” category was
introduced to take into account responses which indicated that the students had retained some
of the necessary knowledge, and only some of it had been affected by attrition.
In the cued translation test, as Table 1 shows, most of the answers were partly correct,
followed by incorrect and correct ones and, finally, avoidance.
Table 1: The contingency table comparing the groups’ performance on the cued translation
task
Lublin

Cracow Other

Cracow Port.

Correct

30

16

29

75

Partly correct

89

58

41

188

Incorrect

51

32

7

90

�Avoidance

50

14

3

67

220

120

80

420

df = 6
The difference between the groups, calculated by means of a chi-square test, is
statistically significant at p&lt; 0.001.
By contrast, in the gap-filling task, most of the answers were correct (in most cases,
more than one answer was possible), followed by incorrect answers, avoidance and partly
correct answers.
Table 2: The contingency table comparing the groups’ performance on the gap-filling task
Lublin

Cracow Other

Cracow Port.

Correct

90

45

48

183

Partly corr.

23

16

9

48

Incorrect

55

48

17

120

Avoidance

52

11

6

69

220

120

80

420

df =6
The difference between the groups, calculated by means of a chi-square test, is
statistically significant at p&lt; 0.001.
In the multiple-choice test, most of the answers were correct, followed by incorrect
ones and avoidance.
Table 3: The contingency table comparing the groups’ performance on the multiple-choice
test
Lublin

Cracow Other

Cracow Port.

Correct

197

77

70

344

Incorrect

19

41

10

70

Avoidance

4

2

0

6

220

120

80

420

df =4
The difference between the groups, calculated by means of a chi-square test, is
statistically significant at p&lt; 0.001.

�The comparisons of all three groups indicate that there were indeed significant
differences, and that the students of Portuguese as an additional language, not of Portuguese
philology, performed significantly worse. On the one hand, they spent less time studying
Portuguese, as their main foreign languages were Spanish, French or Italian, and on the other
hand, the higher level of activation of the dominant foreign language probably led to more
interference.
Moreover, the correctness of the students’ answers also depended on the task.
Table 4: The contingency table comparing the groups’ performance on all three tasks
Translation

Gap-filling

MCT

Correct

75

183

344

602

Partly corr.

188

48

0

236

Incorrect

90

120

70

280

Avoidance

67

69

6

142

420

420

420

1260

df =6
The difference between the tests, calculated by means of a chi-square test, is
statistically significant at p&lt; 0.001.
All three groups performed significantly best on the multiple-choice test, which proves
that recognition is easier than production. As the items were presented to the students, access
to their meanings was easier than retrieving them from memory. Moreover, they performed
significantly better on the gap-filling task, which was mainly lexical (though some items were
located between grammar and vocabulary, such as inserting the right preposition) than on the
translation task, which was predominantly grammatical (even if, for example, a verb had to be
retrieved from the mental lexicon, it had to be given in the right form, for example, the
subjunctive). On the one hand, it is possible that grammar is more prone to attrition than
vocabulary, but this would require further research. On the other hand, it is possible that
grammar requires greater precision and if a structure requires, for example, the subjunctive,
an indicative form is incorrect, whereas in the case of vocabulary, a gap can allow several
synonyms, their hyperonym, etc., as long as they fit in the context.
Qualitatively, the errors can be said to have been the result of interference from several
languages, especially Spanish, but also French and Italian, and, possibly, also a combination
of languages, including Polish. However, as the present author remarked elsewhere
(Wlosowicz, 2012), in the case of a foreign language distant from the native one, L1 influence

�can be subtle, such as the preference of certain structures over others. Some examples of
errors in the cued translation task are presented below.
Table 5: Examples of errors in the cued translation task
Student’s version

Target version

Problems detected

Se a Sílvia não tivesse Se a Sílvia não rejeitou, The past tense (Pretérito
recusado, trabalharia agora _____ agora numa empresa Perfeito) instead of the past
numa empresa multinacional.

multinacional.

subjunctive: possible transfer
from

Polish;

inability to

retrieve the conditional form
(trabalharia).
Se

encontrar

esse

livro, Se encontro esse livro, o lhe Interference from Spanish (Si

emprestar-lho-ei amanhã.

prestarei amanhã.

encuentro ese libro, se le
prestaré mañana); possibly
also from English (If I find
this book…).

Enquanto o sol se punha, Mentre o sol tramontava, Interference
estavam

sentados

terraça junto à praia.

from

Italian

numa sentiam-se numa terraça à (mentre – while, tramontare
praia.

– to set); the confusion of
two Portuguese verbs: sentarse (to sit down) and sentir-se
(to feel).

Não te preocupes!

Não te preocupa!

Retrieval of the wrong rule in
Portuguese:
imperative

the

negative

takes

the

subjunctive form (‘não te
preocupes’ instead of ‘não te
preocupas’); instead of the
subjunctive, the student used
the indicative form of the
third person singular.
As for transfer from Polish, it was possibly due to the fact that it was the source
language of the cued translations. While Portuguese was partly deactivated, the students’
native language remained constantly active, which may have made them fall back on L1
routines (cf. Sharwood-Smith, 1986).

�In the gap-filling task, the sentences which posed the participants particular difficulty
were Sentence 4 (Se ________ quente no domingo, __________ um piquenique), Sentence 6
(Não gosto que vocês _______ palavrões na escola), Sentence 8 (________-me ver o novo
filme sobre Robin dos Bosques) and Sentence 10 (Como te __________ o exame ontem?).
Sentence 4 required both the idiomatic use of two verbs (Se estiver quente no domingo,
faremos um piquenique – If it’s warm on Sunday, we’ll have a picnic) and the correct forms
(the future subjunctive and the future tense, which is irregular in the case of the verb ‘fazer’.
Errors included, for example: “Se está (present indicative) quente no domingo, faziamos
(past tense, also used as the second conditional) um piquenique.”
Sentence 6 required the subjunctive: Não gosto que vocês usem (or: digam) palavrões
na escola (I disapprove of your using (or: saying) swear words at school). As the participants
had only started the subjunctive before the holidays, it posed them problems, just like the
translation items which required the subjunctive.
Sentence 8 was idiomatic (Apetece-me ver o novo filme sobre Robin dos Bosques – I
feel like seeing the new film about Robin Hood), which proved quite difficult to retrieve and
resulted in such errors and non-target responses as: Queria-me ver o novo filme sobre Robin
dos Bosques (I would like me to see the new film…) or Deixa-me ver o novo filme sobre
Robin dos Bosques (Let me see the new film… - actually, the latter version was accepted, as
it was possible in the context).
Finally, Sentence 10 was also idiomatic (Como te correu o exame ontem? – How did you do
at the exam yesterday?). However, the participants tended to write: Como te passou o exame
ontem?, which was most probably an interference from Spanish (¿Cómo te pasó el examen
ayer?)
The multiple-choice test was not very difficult, but Sentences 2 and 7 proved to be
quite problematic. In Sentence 2 there were actually two possible options: Quando encontrei a
Ana, usava/ vestia sandálias brancas (When I met Ann, she was wearing white sandals).
However, the choice of the option “portava” reflected interference from French (“porter”) or
from Italian (“portare”), while “trazia” (she was carrying) may have been an
overgeneralization based on Polish, which does not differentiate between wearing and
carrying (the verb “nosić” has both meanings).
By contrast, Sentence 7 (No verão muita gente gosta de apanhar cogumelos – In
summer many people like picking mushrooms) required the collocation “apanhar cogumelos”.
However, especially the students of other philologies with Portuguese as an additional
language (9 out of 12 chose non-target responses) tended to choose the other options, namely:

�“coleccionar”(to collect – theoretically possible, but not idiomatic), “picar” (possibly under
the influence of English) and “pegar” (to catch/grab – a loose synonym, but incorrect in the
context).
On the other hand, the oral interviews mostly revealed attrition in the form of a loss of
fluency, which was also noticed by the students themselves (see below), however, some
interference from other languages was also observed.
The signs + and _ _ in the examples indicate the lengths of the pauses: + - a short
pause, and _ _ - a medium pause.

Example 1:
eh sou + uma estudante de: + eh + leitetura eh + e língua + ehm + italiana
(er I’m + a student of: + er + literature er + and language + erm + Italian)
The example reflects interference from Italian: 1) an interlingual blend (cf. Dewaele, 1998):
“leiteratura” instead of “literature”, cf. “letteratura”; 2) sou uma estudante: in Portuguese,
professions with the verb “to be” do not require an article, e.g. sou estudante (I am a student;
cf. sono una studentessa).

Example 2:
estudo anche inglês + com- + como: + os todos
(I also study English + li- + like + everyone)
“Anche” (also) is a switch into Italian; possibly the unfinished word (com-) was also an
interference which the participant managed to control (“come” in Italian, instead of “como”
(as) in Portuguese).

Example 3:
queria especialmente visitar eh + eh Lisboa + claro + eh: + e + otras + cidades + mais grandes
acho + como Porto + ou Faro
(I would especially like to visir er + Lisbon + obviously + er + and + other + cities + bigger I
think + like Porto + or Faro)
Interference from Spanish includes “otras” instead of “outras” (other) and “mais grandes”
instead of “maiores” (cf. más grandes); the omission the article (“o Porto” takes the definite
article, unlike other cities) may be either an overgeneralization, or interference from Polish,
which has no articles.

�Example 4:
agora + gosto d’ameliorai + ameliorar a minha + eh conhecidade deste + hm + desta língua
(now + I like to improve + improve my + er knowledge of this + hm + this language)
“Conhecidade” instead of “conhecimento” (knowledge) is a spontaneous creation in
Portuguese, but, possibly, Polish interfered with the speech plan, as in Polish “knowledge”
(“wiedza”) is feminine (masculine in Portuguese), while “a language” (“język”) is masculine,
that is why the student first wanted to say “deste língua”, but immediately corrected it to
“desta língua”.

Example 5:
penso em + traduzir + eh + documentos + leies
(I’m thinking of + translating + er + documents + laws)
Interference from Spanish resulted in the form “leies” instead of ‘leis’, cf. “leyes”.
Finally, as for the students’ own perception of the attrition of Portuguese, they
mentioned a variety of problems in the questionnaires:
They noticed attrition in the following areas: grammar (33 participants), fluency in oral
production (31), vocabulary (30), writing skills (11), auditory comprehension (9), and one
person wrote: “all of these, to different degrees” (translation mine). Only two did not report
any decrease in language skills. Some of them mentioned particular structures, such as
conjuntivo (the subjunctive), past tense forms, conditionals, some vocabulary items, some
forms of the imperfect, or grammar in general. One person wrote: “all that I haven’t written, I
forgot it over the summer holidays” (translation mine).

4. Conclusions:
To answer the research questions, first, apart from the multiple-choice test, which
required recognition rather than retrieval from memory, there were more incorrect and partly
correct answers and avoidance, than correct ones. Quite a lot of interference was observed,
from other Romance languages, especially from Spanish, but also French and Italian, as well
as from Polish and possibly from English (the errors in the conditionals, such as “se encontro
esse livro” may have been due to interference from Spanish or to combined interference from
Spanish and English). It is possible that English, as the foreign language they have studied
and/or used the longest, plays a special role in the participants’ language repertoires. Even
though it cannot serve as a source of lexical transfer, it may be a point of reference at the

�grammatical level, and transfer from Spanish which is also confirmed by the existence of a
similar structure in English may seem to the learner more likely to be correct. However,
Polish, as the native language, also remains active and is difficult to inhibit, that is why the
participants sometimes fell back on L1 routines, probably without even realising it.
Second, attrition can be observed in all areas, including fluency, pronunciation (some
Portuguese words, e.g. “especialmente”, were pronounced the Spanish way), grammar,
vocabulary and, as the students indicated, also writing skills and listening comprehension.
However, it can be assumed that this attrition is only temporary, that is, it is reflected in
performance, which is more prone to interference, but the underlying competence may not
have been affected. In fact, some of the students who did not remember how to form the
subjunctive at least wrote the word “conjuntivo” next to the sentences which required it, so
they remembered the rule, but not the verb forms. As they had only just started studying the
subjunctive before the holidays, the difficulty in using it suggests that the “last learned – first
forgotten” hypothesis may be true in this case.
Third, the attrition of Portuguese manifests itself, on the one hand, in the decreased
availability of words and structures, which is visible not only in the hesitations in speech, but
also in the gaps left in the test. On the other hand, the amount of interference from other
languages suggests that, while interference leads to attrition, a language which has not been
used for some time and has been partly deactivated may be even more prone to interference
from languages which remain more active.
Finally, as mentioned above, the students are aware of the attrition process and of the
areas it occurs in. The only dubious cases are the two participants who did not indicate any
decrease in language skills. The lack of attrition is quite unlikely; rather, it is possible that
either they did not monitor their production well enough, or they lacked metalinguistic
awareness. In fact, one person had visited Portugal during the summer holidays and worked
there as a volunteer on an ecological farm, but she indicated some problems with vocabulary
and writing and, rather surprisingly, speaking fluency. It is possible that while working on the
farm, unlike at university, she had little opportunity to speak about different topics.
In conclusion, one should agree with Herdina and Jessner (2002: 96) that attrition is
reflected mainly in a scatter of performance and that, over such a short period as the summer
holidays, it is performance rather than competence that undergoes attrition. In fact, in
multilingual systems, attrition can be accelerated by constant cross-linguistic interaction.
Given the interference from Spanish and other Romance languages (Italian and French), it can

�be supposed that, as two similar languages are coactivated to a comparable degree, they
influence and restructure each other more than less similar languages would.
In fact, the whole phenomenon of attrition can be attributed to a decrease in language
activation. As the activation of Portuguese items is lower, Spanish (and other) items compete
for selection (cf. Green, 1993) and can be overlooked by control mechanisms, which leads to
increased interference. It is also possible that not only does attrition increase the activation
thresholds of languages, but it also weakens the control mechanisms which keep them apart;
to use Green’s (1986) terms, attrition depletes the resources necessary for the inhibition of the
non-target language. Another possibility is that the tags which indicate which language each
item belongs to are also partly deactivated and thus less available, that is why an item from a
non-target language may slip in.

References
Bardovi-Harlig, K. &amp; Stringer, D. (2010). Variables in Second Language Attrition. Advancing
the State of the Art. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 32, 1-45.
Cherciov, M. (2013). Investigating the impact of attitude on first language attrition and
second language acquisition from a Dynamic Systems Theory perspective.
International Journal of Bilingualism, 17(6), 716-733.
De Angelis, G. (2007). Third or Additional Language Acquistion. Clevedon/Buffalo/Toronto:
Multilingual Matters.
Dewaele, J.M. (1998). Lexical inventions: French interlanguage as L2 versus L3. Applied
Linguistics, 19, 471-490.
Green, D.W. (1986). Control, Activation and Resource. Brain and Language, 27, 210-223.
Green, D.W. (1993). Towards a Model of L2 Comprehension and Production. In Schreuder,
R.

&amp;

Weltens,

B.

(Eds.),

The

Bilingual

Lexicon

(pp.

249

–

277).

Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Green, D.W. (1998). Schemas, tags and inhibition. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition, 1,
100-104.
Herdina, P. &amp; Jessner, U. (2002). A Dynamic Model of Multilingualism. Perspectives of
Change in Psycholinguistics. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd.
Herdina, P. &amp; Jessner, U. (2013) The implications of language attrition for dynamic systems
theory: Next steps and consequences. International Journal of Bilingualism, 17(6),
752-756.

�Riemer, C. (2005). Erwerb und Verlust von Fremdsprachen. Pilotstudien zum Verlust der L2
Französisch. Zeitschrift für Fremdsprachenforschung, 16 (2), 217-233.
Sharwood-Smith, M. (1986). The Competence/Control Model, Crosslinguistic Influence and
the Creation of New Grammars. In Kellerman, E. &amp; Sharwood-Smith, M. (Eds.),
Crosslinguistic Influence in Second Language Acquisition. (pp. 10-21). New
York/Oxford/Toronto/Sydney/Frankfurt: Pergamon Press.
Sharwood-Smith, M.A. (1989). Crosslinguitic influence in language loss. In Hyltenstam, K. &amp;
Obler, L.K. (Eds.) Bilingualism across the lifespan: Aspects of acquisition, maturity
and loss. (pp. 185-201). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Wlosowicz, T.M. (2012). Cross-Linguistic Interaction at the Grammatical Level in L3
Comprehension and Production. In Gabryś-Barker, D. (Ed.), Cross-Linguistic
Influences in Multilingual Language Acquisition (pp. 131-150). Berlin/Heidelberg:
Springer.

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                <text>The present study aims to investigate the attrition of Portuguese as a third or additional language (L3, L4, etc., cf. de Angelis, 2007) over the summer holidays. The research questions concern the correctness of the participants’ responses, the language areas in which attrition is observed, the ways in which it manifests itself and the students’ perception of their own attrition. Since multilingual systems are dynamic and the languages are in constant interaction, when a language is not used, attrition sets in (Herdina &amp; Jessner, 2002). However, some elements of linguistic knowledge are more prone to attrition than others (Sharwood-Smith, 1989). The study was carried out with 42 Polish (L1) learners of Portuguese, 30 of whom were second-year students of Portuguese philology, and 12 were students of other Romance philologies who followed a Portuguese language course. After the summer holidays, they completed a vocabulary and grammar test and participated in oral interviews, followed by a questionnaire. In general, they produced more incorrect and partly correct (e.g. the right verb in the wrong form) than correct responses. Attrition could be observed in various language areas, from speaking fluency to grammar and vocabulary, though the subjunctive, which they had only started to study before the holidays, caused them the most difficulty. The attrition of Portuguese manifested itself in various forms, from avoidance and the inability to retrieve certain items, through the confusion of Portuguese forms, to interference from other languages. As the questionnaire indicates, the students were aware of the areas in which attrition occurred. It can be concluded that attrition is connected mainly with a decrease in the activation of a language. Given the interference from other Romance languages, it can be supposed that, as the activation of Portuguese items is lower, Spanish, French and Italian items compete for selection.</text>
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                    <text>THE ACQUISITION OF ENGLISH L2 BY IMMIGRANT CHILDREN: EAL AND
INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION IN MULTILINGUAL IRELAND

Bronagh Ćatibušić
Trinity College Dublin, Ireland
Article History:
Submitted: 10.06.2015
Accepted: 24.06.2015

Abstract
Since the 1990s, Ireland has experienced considerable immigration. Currently, 12% of its
schoolchildren come from immigrant backgrounds. The majority of these children learn
English as a second (additional) language (ESL/EAL). The Irish Department of Education
and Skills (DES) provides a programme of English language support for young ESL learners.
To guide this programme, English Language Proficiency Benchmarks were developed by
Integrate Ireland Language and Training (IILT), a campus company of Trinity College,
Dublin. IILT produced two sets of context-appropriate ‘Benchmarks’, for primary and
secondary education, derived from the Council of Europe’s Common European Framework
of Reference for Languages (CEFR). This paper focuses on English L2 acquisition in Irish
primary schools. It reports on how the primary level Benchmarks describe L2 proficiency
development across CEFR levels A1, A2 and B1 in a manner sensitive to age/cognitive stage
and curriculum requirements. It discusses assessment resources based on these Benchmarks –
a version of the European Language Portfolio (IILT 2004) and the Primary School
Assessment Kit (DES 2007). These tools enable assessment of and assessment for learning
and promote learner autonomy. Research conducted by the author of this paper (published in
2014) into the relation between learning outcomes expressed in the Benchmarks and
immigrant children’s English L2 acquisition is presented. It reports on mixed-methods
analysis of data from a longitudinal study of L2 acquisition involving 18 children, aged four
to ten years, from ten language backgrounds (including Croatian and Serbian). The children’s
acquisition of English oral and literacy skills indicate that the Benchmarks appropriately
describe L2 proficiency development. Individual and interactional influences on L2

�acquisition and their pedagogical implications are discussed. The paper considers how CEFRrelated approaches can support language learning, teaching and assessment in an intercultural
educational environment.
Key words: language education, intercultural education, curriculum development, language
assessment, teaching English as a second language, child second language acquisition,
Common European Framework of Reference for Languages, immigration, Ireland.

�1. Introduction
1.1 Ireland and immigration
Ireland, a country with a long history of emigration, has experienced substantial immigration
since the 1990s. Among the early arrivals were up to 1200 refugees from Bosnia and
Herzegovina who were admitted as part of a United Nations resettlement programme for
victims of conflict in the Balkans (UNHCR Ireland, 2004). Increasing numbers of refugees
and asylum-seekers from other national backgrounds also sought to build new lives in
Ireland. At the same time, Ireland’s economy was developing rapidly and, during this socalled ‘Celtic Tiger’ period, employment opportunities attracted people from across the
world. The enlargement of the European Union in 2004 brought a further rise in the annual
immigration rate which, data from the Central Statistics Office (CSO) show, peaked at
151,100 in 2007 (CSO, 2014)1.
From 2008 onwards the rate of immigration slowed due to the impact of the global economic
crisis on Ireland. As the country fell into recession, emigration –mostly of Irish nationals –
again took precedence2. However, the results of the 2011 census reveal that immigration has
far from ceased and that many immigrants have decided to stay in Ireland. At least 12% of
residents are classified as ‘non-Irish nationals’, with 122.585 people of Polish nationality the
largest ‘non-Irish’ group (CSO, 2012).
1.2 Consequences for education
The 2011 census results further indicate that an increasing proportion of Ireland’s immigrant
population is aged fifteen years and younger (CSO, 2012). Therefore, as acknowledged by
the Irish Department of Education (DES) and Office of the Minister for Integration (OMI) in
their Intercultural Education Strategy 2010–2015, ‘immigrants will remain a definite feature
of the Irish education system’ (DES and OMI, 2010, p.10).
Currently, it is estimated by the DES that around 12% of children at school in Ireland come
from immigrant backgrounds (DES, 2011;2014). The majority of these children speak a home
language other than English or Irish – the two official languages of Ireland. Consequently, as
most of them attend schools in which English is the main medium of instruction, they are
1

The current population of the Republic of Ireland is 4.59 million (CSO, 2014).
By 2013 the annual immigration rate was 55,900 (having fallen to 41,800 in 2010) with annual emigration of
89,000 (mostly of Irish nationals) recorded in that year (CSO, 2014); recent indicators suggest that net outward
migration is now decreasing.
2

�learning English as an additional (second) language (EAL/ESL) in order to engage with the
school curriculum and integrate into the wider community.
2. Responding to diversity
2.1 EAL teaching
According to the DES ‘about 200 languages are used every day in Ireland’ (2014, p.4). The
fact that Irish society has become so multilingual has significant implications for education.
Clearly, it is crucial that immigrant children are enabled to acquire the language of schooling
(generally English) in order to fulfil their full academic and social potential. To this end, the
‘English language support programme’ was established by the DES in the late 1990s. This
programme provides EAL instruction for immigrant children during the first two years of
their education in Ireland (see Ćatibušić and Little, 2014 for an overview). Schools have
discretion as to how this support is organised. Typically it is provided through daily EAL
lessons of 35–45 minutes duration but English language support teachers may also assist
children in the mainstream classroom. Even if withdrawal lessons are the sole mode of
provision, EAL learners spend over 80% of their time in mainstream education during their
two-year entitlement to English language support3. After their support period has ended, they
must continue to develop English L2 skills without this additional language-focused
assistance.
2.2 Intercultural education
Another key issue in responding to linguistic and cultural diversity in Irish schools is
ensuring intercultural education for all children. This involves recognising and respecting the
home languages and cultures of children from immigrant backgrounds. Guidelines for
intercultural education for both primary and secondary level have been produced by the
National Council for Curriculum and Assessment (NCCA, 2005; 2006). The Intercultural
Education Strategy 2010–2015 (DES and OMI, 2010) has set further goals in this regard.
However, implementation of this strategy has been seriously affected by Ireland’s economic
problems which have led to reductions in state support for EAL and intercultural education in
recent years. Nevertheless, initiatives taken in this field prior to the recession still serve as
worthwhile models for responding to challenges faced by immigrant children.
3

The two-year limit on English language support was briefly rescinded in 2007 but was reimposed in 2009.
Thereafter, appeals could be made for an extension of this support, based on the assessment of children’s
English L2 proficiency.

�3. A framework for English language support
3.1 English Language Proficiency Benchmarks
The rapid transformation of schools into multilingual and culturally diverse environments
was a shock to the Irish education system. A major concern among teachers was that most of
them had little or no previous experience of teaching children who were non-native speakers
of the language of education. Guidance and training was required in relation to EAL teaching.
The DES assigned responsibility for delivering this to Integrate Ireland Language and
Training (IILT), a campus company of Trinity College Dublin which was also involved in the
provision of English language support for adult migrants. An essential first step in this
process was the development of two sets of English Language Proficiency Benchmarks – one
for primary and one for secondary education. These were derived from the Common
European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR) (Council of Europe, 2001) but
adapted to meet the specific language learning needs of immigrant children at school in
Ireland. They provided frameworks for English language support at both primary and
secondary level and served as a basis for the development of resources for EAL teaching and
in-service teacher training.
3.2 The Primary Benchmarks
Since this chapter concerns the acquisition of English L2 among primary school children, it
will focus on theEnglish language proficiency benchmarks for non-English-speaking pupils at
primary level(IILT, 2003), hereafter referred to simply as the Benchmarks. As pointed out
above, these Benchmarks are a context-appropriate adaptation of the CEFR designed for EAL
pupils in Irish primary schools. They share the same ‘action-oriented’ approach to language
learning adopted by the CEFR (Council of Europe, 2001, p.9) and use ‘can do’ descriptors to
describe the development of communicative skills and communicative language
competences. However, there are important differences between the CEFR and the
Benchmarks. The CEFR was designed with the language learning experience of adult and late
adolescent learners in mind. It describes language proficiency development across six
Common Reference Levels (A1 to C2) spanning four wide-ranging domains of language use
(public, personal, educational and occupational). The Benchmarks, on the other hand, are
much narrower in their focus. Considering the L2 learning needs of EAL pupils at primary
school in Ireland, they concentrate on the educational domain.

�In addition, the Benchmarks cover only the three lower Common Reference Levels of the
CEFR (A1, A2 and B1). Given the cognitive range of children at primary school, this
restriction is necessary and appropriate. From level B2 upwards, many of the CEFR
descriptors relate to academic or vocational uses of language which are beyond the cognitive
abilities of most primary school children. Also, as the Benchmarks serve as guidelines for a
two-year programme of English language support, progression from level A1 to level B1
seems a realistic target to be attained within this limited period. It also reflects the purpose of
the Benchmarks: to ‘specify the minimum proficiency required for full participation in
mainstream schooling’ (IILT, 2003, p.3). Setting B1 as an exit level does not mark an endstage in the child’s ongoing acquisition of English L2. Rather, it recognises that at this level
the learner may be considered an ‘independent user’ of the language he/she is learning
(Council of Europe, 2001, p.23) who can function in an L2 environment without direct
assistance.
Another fundamental feature of the Benchmarks is that they are deeply rooted in the Irish
Primary School Curriculum (NCCA, 1999). Designed in consultation with teachers, they
focus on key themes which recur across the curriculum. Therefore, the Benchmarks may be
viewed as a ‘curriculum-within-the-curriculum’ (Little, 2010, p.19) which addresses the
specific needs of EAL pupils. Furthermore, taking into account the age range of children in
primary education in Ireland (from four to twelve years), the Benchmarks are expressed in a
manner that allows their flexible application to pupils of different ages and stages of
cognitive development. They thus recognise children’s ‘individual pathways of learning’
(IILT, 2003, p.4) which may also be affected by their home language backgrounds,learning
styles and previous educational experience4.
3.3 Basis for language learning, teaching and assessment
The Benchmarks ‘can do’ descriptors express anticipated L2 learning outcomes for EAL
pupils. As such, they suggest suitable teaching activities and can be used as criteria for
assessment. The Benchmarks have also served as a core document in the development of
further resources for EAL teaching and intercultural education. These include the teachers’
handbook Up and Away (IILT, 2006) which outlines a wide range of classroom activities,
explains aspects of second language acquisition, and highlights the importance of home
language maintenance and engagement with immigrant parents.
4

The Benchmarks and their associated resources are available at www.ncca.ie/iilt.

�Assessment tools based on the Benchmarks have also been produced. The European
Language Portfolio, Primary (IILT, 2004) is a version of the CEFR-linked European
Language Portfolio (ELP) specifically designed for EAL pupils in Irish primary schools.
Essentially, it is a child-friendly, edited version of the Benchmarks which uses ‘I can’
descriptors for guided self-assessment. Its ‘passport’ and ‘biography’ sections enable both
summative and formative assessment, while its ‘dossier’ section facilitates the storage of
evidence of the child’s English L2 development. By encouraging reflection on the learning
process and the setting of new goals, use of the Primary ELP can thus promote learner
autonomy. To assess EAL pupils’ development of underlying L2 linguistic competence, the
Primary Schools Assessment Kit (Little, Lazenby Simpson, and Finnegan-Ćatibušić, 2007)
was also developed. This kit comprises short tests, based on communicative activities
expressed in the Benchmarks descriptors, through which teachers can assess EAL pupils’
development of L2 vocabulary, grammatical, phonological and orthographic competences.
While the Benchmarks were designed to guide EAL teaching, their approach to language
learning, teaching and assessment reflects the CEFR’s promotion of plurilingualism as ‘a
communicative competence to which all knowledge and experience of language contributes
and in which languages interrelate and interact’ (Council of Europe, 2001, p.4). Ensuring that
children’s linguistic and cultural identities are recognised is a cornerstone of intercultural
education. Practical ways of doing this are presented in resources associated with the
Benchmarks, for example, Together Towards Inclusion –a ‘toolkit for diversity’ produced by
IILT in collaboration with the Southern Education and Library Board (SELB) in Northern
Ireland in 2007. This toolkit, which was distributed to all primary schools in Ireland, outlines
classroom and whole school approaches to EAL and emphasises the value of home
languages. EAL pupils can also record their home language abilities in the Primary ELP.
Although present economic conditions in Ireland have curtailed efforts in this area, some
schools have developed highly successful initiatives which demonstrate the benefits of
plurilingual education (see Kirwan, 2013).
4. English L2 acquisition among EAL pupils
4.1 Empirical research
Over the years, feedback from teachers has indicated that the Benchmarks and their
associated resources are effective in supporting EAL learning, teaching and assessment.
However, research was required to investigate the relation, if any, between the Benchmarks

�and actual English L2 acquisition among EAL pupils. For this reason, a longitudinal study
into English L2 development among EAL children within the context of their English
language support lessons was conducted over the school year 2007–2008 in three Irish
primary schools. Ćatibušić and Little (2014) report the results of this research in depth; some
of its main findings are briefly summarised in the sections below.
The study involved 18 EAL pupils, aged between four and ten years, from ten national
backgrounds5. Eleven of these children were in their first year and seven were in their second
year of English language support. To determine the appropriateness of the Benchmarks based
on evidence obtained from EAL pupils’ actual English L2 use, 154 English language support
lessons were recorded and transcribed. Examples of the pupils’ L2 written work were also
collected.
This data was then analysed to discover whether and, if so, how the 18 EAL pupils’
development of L2 oral and literacy skills related to the Benchmarks (see Ćatibušić and Little
2014 for discussion of methodology). A form-function analysis was carried out on the pupils’
English L2 usein activities that focused on the development of L2 oral skills. This mixed
methods analysis examined the linguistic features of each pupil’s turns-at-talk within these
activities and the functional characteristics of these turns, as determined from their links to
the Benchmarks descriptors6. In all, 7,455 spoken turns which linked to specific descriptors
were analysed. Although most of the teachers involved in this study used the Benchmarks
only as a loose guide in their lesson planning, the vast majority of the pupils’ recorded turns
related to existing descriptors. Any turns which did not were noted and, from these,
suggestions were made regarding (generally minor) revisions to the Benchmarks (Ćatibušić
and Little, 2014, p.41). The pupils’ L2 literacy development was then investigated through
qualitative analysis of recorded activities which focused on L2 reading and writing and the
examples of the children’s written work.
Possible influences on the pupils’ English L2 acquisition were also considered. These
included individual factors such as age, home language, personality and learning style. As
interaction patterns appeared to impact on pupils’ L2 production, applied Conversation
Analysis was used to ‘supplement the form-function analysis by providing information about
the interactional context of pupils’ recorded turns’ (Ćatibušić and Little, 2014, p.43). Through
5

Children from Poland, Romania, Pakistan, Serbia, Croatia, China, India, Latvia, Lithuania and Portugal
participated.
6
Regarding linguistic features, the study focused on grammatical and lexical indicators of L2 development.

�these multiple strands of analysis, it was possible to develop a ‘pupil profile’ for each of the
18 participants, indicating features of each child’s English L2 development over the study
period. These ‘pupil profiles’ could then be cumulatively analysed to obtain overall results.
4.2 Development of L2 oral skills
Cumulative analysis of the 18 profiles showed that, over the two-year period of English
language support, progression in the EAL pupils’ L2 oral proficiency reflected the trajectory
described by the Benchmarks (see Ćatibušić 2013, Ćatibušić and Little 2014). At the
beginning of pupils’ English language support allocation, all or most of their turns linked to
level A1 Benchmarks descriptors. The proportion of A2-linked turns in pupils’ L2 oral
production increased during their first year of English language support. B1-linked turns
emerged during the pupils’ second year of support and these began to dominate towards the
end of this two-year period.As pointed out above, most of the turns produced by pupils in
activities which focused on L2 oral skills could be linked to Benchmarks descriptors; i.e.
descriptors for spoken interaction and spoken production. Links to descriptors for listening
were likewise evident in the listening-focused activities which featured in the recorded
lessons.
Overall results were also obtained for indicators of English L2 grammatical and lexical
development which emerged in the 18 EAL pupils’ recorded L2 use. Regarding the
morphological indicators analysed, it was found that as the pupils’ English L2 proficiency
progressed from level A1 to B1 their use of nouns, verbs, personal pronouns, articles,
prepositions and auxiliaries increased. The accuracy of their production of these indicators
also rose, albeit with considerable fluctuation. L2 syntactic development was similarly
evident across proficiency levels A1 to B1. While pupils’ L2 production at level A1 was
predominantly of noun-based structures, it became syntactically more complex as their turns
began to be associated with levels A2 and B1. The range and accuracy of the negative
structures and question forms they produced also increased, as did their ability to link clauses.
Pupils’ L2 lexical range also expanded with proficiency. As they progressed beyond A1
proficiency their semantic range became broader and deeper. Production of verb lexemes
grew from a minimal base when the pupils’ turns linked to A1 descriptors to the use of a wide
variety of more complex verbs at level B1. Likewise, lexical diversification of nouns and

�adjectives was apparent and the range of lexico-grammatical indicators (e.g. adverbs)
produced by the children increased substantially across levels A1 to B17.
4.3 Development of L2 literacy skills
Pupils’ writing and recorded literacy-related activities also linked to Benchmarks descriptors
for reading and writing, thus indicating that these descriptors appropriately describe L2
literacy development8. It emerged that younger EAL pupils were capable of engaging with
emergent literacy activities typical of the first two years of mainstream primary education in
Ireland. However, older pupils faced the challenge of having to meet a rapidly ‘moving
target’ (Cummins, 2012, p.67) to keep up with literacy demands of the primary school
curriculum beyond the early years.
4.4 Possible influences on L2 acquisition
Regarding individual influences on the pupils’ L2 acquisition it appeared that the older
children in this study (those aged between seven and ten years) progressed slightly faster in
their English L2 proficiency development than the younger children (those under seven
years). However, as mentioned above, meeting age-appropriate curriculum requirements
proved more challenging for older EAL pupils than for those who were younger.
Cross-linguistic influence was apparent, particularly in relation to phonology and some
aspects of grammatical development (Ćatibušić and Little, 2014, p.198). It also emerged that
children with literacy skills in their home language made more progress in their development
of L2 literacy than those who did not. This supports international research which stresses the
value of biliteracy (see Cummins 2000, 2012).
Personality factors and learning style were observed to be further potential influences on
pupils’ L2 development. Some children who seemed more extraverted were good
communicators but their L2 oral proficiency sometimes masked challenges they still faced,
especially in relation to literacy. Two of the younger participantsin this study appeared to be
going through a ‘silent period’ of largely receptive L2 acquisition.
The analysis of classroom interaction revealed that responsive forms of discourse, typically
‘known-answer’ questions asked by the teacher, tended to dominate. However, when pupils

7
8

For a detailed analysis of pupils’ L2 grammatical and lexical development, see Ćatibušić and Little (2014).
Pupils’ L2 literacy development is discussed in depth by Ćatibušić and Little (2014).

�engaged in more ‘active’ forms of discourse – such as taking initiatives in classroom talk or
elaborating on topics of interest – their L2 oral use was often associated with the highest L2
proficiency level they had thus far attained. This suggests that pedagogical practice which
encourages more active classroom discourse could be beneficial regarding L2 acquisition (cf.
Swain 2000). Increased peer discourse rather than pupil-teacher interaction, which was
predominant in the recorded lessons, could facilitate this kind of classroom talk by offering
children a wider range of discourse roles.
5. Conclusion
The results of this research demonstrate that child second language acquisition is a complex
phenomenon which is subject to considerable individual variation. This study also shows that
context-sensitive adaptations of the CEFR can appropriately map young learners’ L2
development.These findings have implications for pedagogical practice. They also indicate
that the Benchmarks ’positively focused ‘can do’ approach to language learning, teaching and
assessmentcould be relevant beyond the Irish context. Internationally, it could be applied to
immigrant children learning any language of schoolingor to children learning modern
languagesin the primary school. This could have many benefits for young learners. For
example, assessment tools such as versions of the ELPcould be used to support more
effective and autonomous language learning.
Finally, the plurilingual and intercultural approach underpinning the Benchmarks is one that,
as outlined above, recognises the linguistic and cultural identity of each child. This allows the
language learning experience to become an affirmation of children’s unique identities and an
opportunity for intercultural sharing from an early age. Encouraging plurilingualism in this
way can thus be an important aspect of developing democratic citizenship, as advocated by
the Council of Europe (2001, p.4). Training with regard to such approaches, through initial
teacher education and continuing professional development, is therefore essential.

References
Ćatibušić, B. (2013).Investigating the development of immigrant pupils’ English L2 oral
skills in Irish primary schools, in Little, D., Leung, C. and Van Avermaet, P. (Eds), Managing
Diversity in Education: Languages, Policies, Pedagogies (pp.111-131). Bristol: Multilingual
Matters.

�Ćatibušić, B. and Little, D. (2014).Immigrant Pupils Learn English: A CEFR-related
empirical study of L2 development. (English Profile Studies 3). Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Central Statistics Office. (2012). Profile 6: Migration and Diversity. Stationery Office:
Dublin.
Central Statistics Office. (2014, 21 January). Measuring Ireland’s Progress 2012.Retrieved
June

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http://www.cso.ie/en/releasesandpublications/ep/p-

mip/measuringirelandsprogress2012/society/society-population/#.VXGqMc-6fiq
Council of Europe. (2001).The Common European Framework of References for Languages:
Learning, Teaching, Assessment. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Cummins, J. (2000). Language, Power and Pedagogy: Bilingual Children in the Crossfire.
Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.
Cummins, J. (2012) Nurturing identities of competence among EAL learners.In ELSTA (Ed)
English Language Support Teachers’ Association: Five Year Anniversary Journal(pp.59-76).
ELSTA: Dublin.
Department of Education and Skills. (2011).Literacy and Numeracy for Learning and life:
The National Strategy to Improve Literacy and Numeracy among Children and Young People
2011-2020. Dublin: DES.
Department of

Education and Skills.(2014).Framework for Consultation on a Foreign

Languages in Education Strategy for Ireland. Dublin: DES.
Department of Education and Skills/Office of the Minister for Integration. (2010).
Intercultural Education Strategy 2010–2015. Dublin: DES/OMI.
Integrate Ireland Language and Training. (2003).English Language Proficiency Benchmarks
for non-English-speaking pupils at primary level. Dublin: IILT.
Integrate Ireland Language and Training. (2004).European Language Portfolio, Primary:
Learning the language of the host community. Dublin: IILT.

�Integrate Ireland Language and Training and Southern Education and Library Board.
(2007).Together Towards Inclusion: Toolkit for diversity in the primary school.
Dublin/Armagh: IILT/SELB.
Kirwan, D. (2013). From English language support to plurilingual awareness, in Little, D.,
Leung, C. and Van Avermaet, P. (Eds), Managing Diversity in Education: Languages,
Policies, Pedagogies (pp.191–205). Bristol: Multilingual Matters.
Little, D. (2010).Concept Paper: The linguistic and educational integration of children and
adolescents from migrant backgrounds. Council of Europe: Strasbourg.
Little, D., Lazenby Simpson, B. and Finnegan-Ćatibušić, B. (2007).Primary School
Assessment Kit. Dublin: Department of Education and Science.
National Council for Curriculum and Assessment.(1999).Primary SchoolCurriculum. Dublin:
NCCA.
National Council for Curriculum and Assessment.(2005). Intercultural Education in the
Primary School.Dublin: NCCA.
National Council for Curriculum and Assessment.(2006). Intercultural Education in the PostPrimary School. Dublin: NCCA.
Swain, M. (2000). The output hypothesis and beyond: mediating acquisition through
collaborative dialogue, in Lantolf, J. P. (Ed), Sociocultural Theory and Second Language
Learning (pp. 97-114). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
UNHCR Ireland. (2004, 30 June). UNHCR urges Ireland to resettle more refugees 25 years
after first Vietnamese arrive. UNHCR

Ireland. Retrieved June 5, 2015 from

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                <text>Since the 1990s, Ireland has experienced considerable immigration. Currently, 12% of its schoolchildren come from immigrant backgrounds. The majority of these children learn English as a second (additional) language (ESL/EAL). The Irish Department of Education and Skills (DES) provides a programme of English language support for young ESL learners. To guide this programme, English Language Proficiency Benchmarks were developed by Integrate Ireland Language and Training (IILT), a campus company of Trinity College, Dublin. IILT produced two sets of context-appropriate ‘Benchmarks’, for primary and secondary education, derived from the Council of Europe’s Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (CEFR). This paper focuses on English L2 acquisition in Irish primary schools. It reports on how the primary level Benchmarks describe L2 proficiency development across CEFR levels A1, A2 and B1 in a manner sensitive to age/cognitive stage and curriculum requirements. It discusses assessment resources based on these Benchmarks – a version of the European Language Portfolio (IILT 2004) and the Primary School Assessment Kit (DES 2007). These tools enable assessment of and assessment for learning and promote learner autonomy. Research conducted by the author of this paper (published in 2014) into the relation between learning outcomes expressed in the Benchmarks and immigrant children’s English L2 acquisition is presented. It reports on mixed-methods analysis of data from a longitudinal study of L2 acquisition involving 18 children, aged four to ten years, from ten language backgrounds (including Croatian and Serbian). The children’s acquisition of English oral and literacy skills indicate that the Benchmarks appropriately describe L2 proficiency development. Individual and interactional influences on L2 acquisition and their pedagogical implications are discussed. The paper considers how CEFR-related approaches can support language learning, teaching and assessment in an intercultural educational environment.</text>
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                    <text>(RE)CONSTRUCTION OF NATIONALISM IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA INSTRUMENTALISATION OF LANGUAGE IN THE ONLINE-MEDIA FOR
PROMOTING NATIONALISM
Ružica Čubela
University of Vienna, Austria

Article History:
Submitted: 12.06.2015
Accepted: 30.06.2015

Abstract
The nation as an "imagined community"1 mirrors the creation of personal senses of identity, which
can lead to feelings of belonging to one group but excluding the other one. Exclusive nationalism
has created many brutal conflicts in the 20th century, and a particular example of it was seen in
Bosnia and Herzegovina. This kind of nationalism still exists in everyday life supported by an
uncontrolled rapid spread of (dis)information on web portals. This paper deals with the
reconstruction of the nationalist discourse on web portals in Bosnia and Herzegovina through
different concepts of nationalism with a comparative approach using methods of linguistics and
cultural and social anthropology. It is a continuation of the contemporary discourse on the concept
of nationalism, personal and collective national identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as a
personal empirical research in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Key words: language and culture, hate speech, nationalism, discourse analysis, ethnolinguistics,
interdisciplinarity, Bosnia and Herzegovina

1 Anderson 1996

1

�1. Uvod
Kada govorimo o višejezičnosti, promociji jezičine raznolikosti i međukulturalnoj komunikaciji, ne
smijemo zaobići i činjenicu jezične seperacije u situacijama kada se jezik poistovjećuje sa nacijom
ili instrumentalizira za nacionalističke svrhe. Rekonstrukcija ove separacije iznimno je relevantna
za znanstveno istraživanje, ne samo kao jezični, već i kao kulturni fenomen, budući da se radi o
mehanizmu kojim se ostvaruju nacionalistički ciljevi. To, pored ostalih primjera u svijetu, potvrđuje
aktualna situacija u Bosni i Hercegovini. Stoga je svako istraživanje ovog tipa relevantno za
međukulturno razumijevanje i učenje, procjenu jezičnog purizma, kao i viđenje nacionalnog
identiteta u kontrastu sa globalnim identitetom.
Nacionalizam predstavlja jednu vrstu diskursa koji najčešće vodi do isključenja pojedinaca ili
zajednice iz društva. Prošlogodišnje demonstracije u BiH bile su, između ostalog, usmejerene protiv
takvih praksi i potvrđuju da je nacionalizam u toj zemlji još uvijek aktualna i bitna tematika za
znanstveno istraživanje2, te tako i ovaj rad predstavlja dio šireg istraživanja o (re)konstrukciji
nacionalizma u Bosni i Hercegovini sa lingvističko-antropološkog aspekta. Istraživanje se bazira na
već postojećim podacima o nacionalističkom diskursu, a pokušava elaborirati i aspekte ovog
diskursa na primjeru bosanskohercegovačkih internetskih portala. Predstavljeni prilog se fokusira
na jezik u odnosu na značenje. Ispituju se značenja izjava koje utjelovljuju nacinalistički diskurs i
koji ga na taj način sukreiraju, čime određeni ''kreatori'' tog diskursa ili pošaljatelji poruka
pokušavaju utjecati na mišljenje recipijenata da bi prikazali ideološke pozicije moći.
Glavno pitanje u ovom kontekstu, dakle, glasi sa kojom retorikom se nacionalizam u Bosni i
Hercegovini reproducira kroz online portale?
U prvom dijelu ovoga rada predstavljene su metode istraživanja, slijedi teorijski koncept u kojem se
objašnjava nacionalizam sa antropološke teorijske tačke, te primjeri iz bosanskohercegovačkih
online portala i njihova analiza.

2 Anderson 1996: 12, Eriksen 2010: 289

2

�2. Istraživačko polazište
Kroz procese globalizacije, nove oblike migracija i sve kompleksnije geopolitičke interese,
interdisciplinarni pristupi su sve neophodniji i sve relevantniji u ovakvim istraživanjima. Stoga je
istraživačko polazište u ovom radu utemeljeno u lingvistici kao i u kulturnoj i socijalnoj
antropologiji. Etnolingvistika kao lingvistička subdisciplina proučava jezik koji, kao fenomen, spaja
društvo kroz zajedničke tradicije i socijalne prakse, i koji je ustvari kulturni resurs, proizveden na
osi razmjene među ljudima. Ovdje istražujemo jezik koji se instrumentalizira za stvaranje separacije
u jednom društvu, što kroz izjednačavanje jezika sa nacijom, što kroz retoriku propagiranja
nacionalizma, te stvaranje nacionalističkog diskursa. Metode i strategije istraživanja su kvalitativne,
vođene glavnim pitanjem i sastoje se od participacijskog istraživanja na terenu, diskursne analize i
kodiranja po Grounded teoriji.
2.1. Participacijsko istraživanje
U vremenskom periodu od šest mjeseci prošle godine, tačnije 2014, provedeno je participacijsko
istraživanje na terenu Bosne i Herzegovine. To podrazumijeva vođenje (djelimično strukturiranih)
razgovora sa ekspertima i ne-ekspertima, posmatranja svakodnevnice, kao i analizu medijskih
sadržaja. Na osnovu ovakvog pristupa, uočeno je da je tema nacionalizma zauzela, i još uvijek
zauzima, dobar dio prostora u svakodnevnom životu ljudi. Nema sumnje da se radi o političkim i
javnim praksama koje sve to organiziraju i koje razvijaju i opskrbljuju mehanizme proizvodnje
različitih diskursa.

2.2. Diskursna analiza
Nacionalizam se može razumjeti kao diskurs koji se stvara kroz govor i štampu. Analiza tog
diskursa pomaže razumijevanju stvaranja istog, a ona podrazumijeva metodologiju koja spaja
teoriju i metode. Njen cilj je, pojednostavljeno rečeno, utvrditi kako se kroz govor stvara stvarnost,
jer realnost nije jednostavno tu, ona se stvara diskurzivno kroz izreke aktera koji govore, potom se
postavlja pitanje ispravnosti, iskrivljenosti i adekvantosti.3 U ovom slučaju istražujemo diskurs o
nacionalizumu u masovnim medijima, a ključna pitanja koja se postavljaju u diskursivnoanalitičnom pristupu su sljedeća:
 Tko je legitimni govornik?


Koje znanje se prenosi i tumači kao istinito?



Iz kojih dijelova ili značenja se sastoji znanje?

3 Kiefl 2014: 423ff, 434, 439, 263; Bluhm 2000: 4

3

�

Koji fenomeni se konstruiraju?



Kako se plausiblizira znanje koje stoji na raspolaganju?4

2.3. Odabir korpusa
Budući da je cilj studije prepoznavanje obilježja nacionalizma u pisanom medijskom diskursu,
odabran je korpus online portala, analizirani su članci tri potrala kao primjeri koji su objavljeni
kratko prije posljednjih izbora 2014. godine. Temeljni zadatak u vezi sa građom ticao se odgovora
na pitanje: Koja vrsta nacionalističkog diskursa se primjenjuje u smislu latentne manipulacije i
stvaranja osjećaja pripadnosti prema naciji?

2.4. Metoda analize: Grounded teorija
Analiza korpusa izvršena je prema metodi Grounded teorije, odnosno primijenjeno je otvoreno
kodiranje kodovima koji su preuzeti iz koncepata definicije nacionalizma prema Andersonu (2005),
Chohenu (1985), Eriksenu (2010) i Gellneru (1991), te je primijenjeno aksialno kodiranje da bi se
deduktivno pokazali primjeri za teorijski koncept.5 U ovom slučaju Grounded teorija nije korištena
za generiranje nove teorije jer se pretpostavlja da nacionalizam postoji kao diskurs u
bosanskohercegovačkim portalima.

4 Keller 1997: 262
5 Götzö 2014: 444f

4

�3. Teorijski okvir
3.1. Nacionalizam kao koncept
Svaka generalna teorija nacionalizma u postmoderni nije savršena, jer bi trebala podrazumijevati i
analizu različitih utjecaja, oblika kultura, te formiranja nacija i dr. Kada krenemo od osnovne
definicije nacije, po Benedictu Andersonu koji govori o tom konceptu kao o ''zamišljenoj zajednici'',
možemo razumjeti i ideologiju samog nacionalizma. Ta ideja o ''imaginarnom spoju'' povezuje čak i
anonimne čitaoce, pretpostavlja nešto zajedničko i stvara potrebu razlikovanja i širila se najprije
kroz printane6, a danas i putem online medija. Choen ističe da su nacije konstruirane kroz kod
pripadanje ili ne-pripadanje, gdje počinje razlika izmedju ''nas'' i ''njih'', onima koji su u grupi i
onima koji nisu.7
Gellner i Erikson8 definiraju nacionalizam kao jednu ideologiju koja poistovjećuje kulturne granice
sa političkim. Dakle, riječ je o ideji određene grupe ljudi koji misle da imaju homogenu kulturu,
jezik, povijest, religiju, te zato i insistiraju na pravu na jednu etičku državu. Međutim, nevolja
takvih zamišljenih zajednica je u tome što se homogenizacija može postići jedino uz neprihvatljivo
radikalne mehanizme realizacije. Drugim riječima, ona je samo moguċa kroz asimilizaciju, bijeg ili
ubistvo9, jer kultura i jezik ne postoje u obliku nečeg konstantnog, oni su stvar dogovora i uvijek u
procesu promjene kroz odnose sa drugima.
3.2. Strategije kreiranja nacionalističkog diskursa
Prema relevantnoj literaturi, postoje utvrđeni mehanizmi i strategije u postupku kreiranja
nacionalističkog diskursa, a sastoje se od sljedećeg:
 izrazitog naglašavanja razlika sa drugim skupinama,
 naglašavanja kulturnog kontinuiteta i čistoće - promjene i strani utjecaj se potiskuju,
 potiskivanje unutranjih razlika – ''nema'' miješanja sa članovima drugih grupa,
 širenje osjećaja ugroženosti u usporedbi sa drugim skupinama - povijest se izučava iz
viktimističke pozicije, ''moja'' grupa je ugrožena,
 oni koji nisu članovi ''moje'' grupe se demoniziraju da bi se veza unutar grupe ojačala, a
 kulturni heroji prošlosti se rekonceptualiziraju kao moderni nacionalisti.10

6 Anderson 2005: 40ff, 50ff, 72f
7 Chohen 1985: 15
8 Eriksen 2010: 289f, 290, 292; Gellner 1991: 8
9 Gellner 1991: 10
10 Eriksen 2010: 305

5

�3.3. Nacionalizam i jezik
Opstojnost imaginarne zajednice potpomaže pisani diskurs putem printanih medija na
''jedinstvenom'' nacionalnom jeziku, što omogućuje uvođenje novih termina u standardni jezik ili
čišćenje jezika od stranih elemenata.11 U Evropi je od 19. stoljeća na sceni prisutno kreiranje nacija
koje najčešće svoje utemeljenje i opstojnost koncentriraju oko jezika, smatrajući da je jezik jedan
od najvažnijih parametara za postojanje jedne nacije. Todorova navodi da je nacionalizam na
Balkanu nastao oko parametara jezika i religije. Južnoslavenske političke elite su preokrenule
definiciju jezika, koji nije više samo sredstvo komunikacije već se poistovjećuje sa nacijom.
Politika insistira na zasebnosti jezika iz straha da će svijest o istom jeziku voditi do ponovnog spoja
zbog kojeg bi kvalitetno opala moć aktualne političke elite. Jezična politika igra, dakle, jednu
zasebnu ulogu u Bosni i Hercegovini, jer se jezik instrumentalizira u svrhu opstojnosti nacionalizma
na društveno-političkoj sceni.12
3.4. Širenje nacionalističkog diskursa na internetskim portalima
Internetski portali, kao jedan od novijih medija, koji je povoljan zbog svoje dostupnosti svima, i to
ne samo za čitanje, nego i za pisanje, zapravo predstavlja medijum koji se teško može kontrolirati.
Poruke se brzo šire, a teško se mogu upratiti. Također predstavlja jednostavno sredstvo za širenje
nacionalističke propagande. ''[…] izražena ja tendencija

manipulacije jezikom javne

komunikacije na njegovoj nužnoj ideologizaciji.''13 Stoga, mora se prvo napraviti razlika između
onih portala na kojima objavljuju ozbiljni, ugledni stručnjaci, teoretičari, novinari i analitičari
različitih profila. Takvih portala i nema puno. Mi ovdje govorimo o ovim masovnijim portalima, a
oni nisu ustanovljeni u svrhu informiranja. Štaviše, njihova je uloga druge naravi. Dakle, u prvom
redu, njima nije cilj informiranje članova društava već ostvarivanje prihoda kroz reklamu i, još
važnije, stvaranje mišljenja. Moć napisane riječi u kreiranju mišljenja sa ciljem dospijevanja
širokom krugu recipijenata koristi se često za govor mržnje14, te za nacionalističko huškanje koje je
dio toga koncepta. Govor mržnje jeste reguliran Krivičnim zakonom BiH (član 145.a), Krivičnim
zakonom F BiH (član 163.), Krivičnim zakonom RS (član 390.) i Krivičnim zakonom Distrikta
Brčko BiH (član 160.). No problem time nije riješen, budući da se danas govor mržnje sve rjeđe
upotrebljava otvoreno, a sve češće se iskazuje suptilo, pa su njegove posljedice daleko opasnije i
učinkovitije.

11 Hobsbawm 1990: 129
12 Kordic 2010: 169f; Todorova 1999: 282; Škiljan: 2000: 137
13 Škiljan: 2000: 49.
14 Walker 1994: 8

6

�4. Odabrani primjeri i analiza
Budući da je ovaj rad ograničen na količinu riječi a nije ni kvantitativnog karaktera, daje se samo
par reperezentativnih primjera za govor mržnje odnosno propagiranje nacionalizma na online
portalima. I to:

Primjer a:
''[...] BiH će dobiti kandidatski status za EU kad Hrvati budu jednakopravni [...] Hrvatski jezik, naš
identitet i kulturnu baštinu sačuvati. [...] Ne diramo nikoga, uvažavamo druge i drugačije, a čuvamo
svoje [...]'' 15
''HNS smo pokrenuli jer smo željeli poslati jasnu poruku da nas ne mogu poniziti i saviti nam
kralježnicu, što god mislili o nama […] HNS je skup svih Hrvata koji razmišljaju hrvatski u BiH
[…] zašto ćete izaći glasovati […] da osiguramo budućnost svoje djece i ovdje u Hercegovini i u
Središnjoj Bosni i u našoj Posavini […] kako bi zaštitili naš jezik, kulturu, običaje, tradiciju i sve
ono što nas veže i zbog čega smo prepoznatljivi […] ''HDZ RH uvijek smatrao da su Hrvati u RH i
Hrvati u BiH jedno tijelo, jedan narod, […] U ovakvoj nesređenoj BiH, složit ćete se, da nije
pravedno da u državi žive tri naroda u dva entiteta,''16

Analiza:
Ovako postavljen iskaz višestruko iskrivljuje stvarnost. Niko iz EU nije naredio nikome u BiH da
će otvoriti pregovore kad se ''sačuva'' hrvatska kulturna baština. Time se dalje implicira da se tačno
zna šta je hrvatsko u BiH. Iz drugog dijela iskaza, gdje je uz hrvatski jezik dodalo identitet i
kulturna baština, da se zaključiti da je hrvatski jezik sama esencija tog identiteta, što je jednostavno
dekonstruirati usporedbom bosanskohercegovačke jezične situacije prije i poslije devedesetih.
Ovakvo ideološko pisanje o nejednakopravnosti ima za cilj poticanje i produbljivanje osjećaja
neravnopravnosti i ugroženosti spram drugih. Dakle, govori se o ''jedinstvenom'' jeziku, identitetu i
kulturi kao o nečemu fiksiranom, nespojivo je s onim što je odveć istraženo: ovi koncepti su u
procesu stalne promjene. A stvaranje imaginarnih zajednica i ne može bez stvaranja iluzije da je
nešto moje u opasnosti od nekog ili nečega drugog.
Nema kontrole i manipulacije društva bez falsificiranja historijskih činjenica. Upotreba frazeologije
iz svakodnevne komunikacije u ovom značenju dobiva na hiperboličnosti. Međutim, matrica je
15 URL 1: http://poskok.info/wp/?p=111495, poskok.info 29.9.2014
16 URL 2: http://poskok.info/wp/?p=111578, poskok.info 30.9.2014

7

�prilično potrošena, budući da se stalno potencira jezik, kultura, baština... Akcenat je na prvom dijelu
binarne opozicije, čime se ne isključuju ''oni''. Širenje osjećaja poniženja i ugrožavanja od strane
drugih. Pretpostavka da drugi imaju negativno mišljenje. Konstrukcija drugih ili zajednica drugih –
ko su oni – razdvajanje ''naša'' i ''njihova'' djeca. Postavlja se teza o postojanju ''hrvatskog načina
razmišljanja''' i ne-hrvatskog načina razmišljanja. Zaštita jezika, kulturnih običaja, tradicije i sve što
je nečije u opasnosti koje drugi predstavljaju – kreacija tog imaginarnog drugog. Naglašava se
kulturni kontinuitet, a propagira separacije naroda.

Primjer b:
“Vi ste na pravom putu, od bošnjačkog rasula do svebošnjačke sloge […] On je istakao da BiH
trebaju predstavljati ponosni i časni političari koji znaju, mogu i hoće to da rade, i da je došao
trenutak za ujedinjenje bošnjačkog naroda. […] će raditi za dobre Bošnjake i druge građane
BiH.''''17
„ako se ne glasa za jednu partiju niste vjernici.“18
„Bošnjaci na predstojećim izborima "biraju između svog nestanka ili ponižavajućeg položaja u
manjem bh. entitetu […]"19

Analiza:
Stvaranje ''mi'' i ''vi'' grupa. Naglašavanje razlika i stvaranje imaginarne zajednice. Nema miješanja
sa članovima drugih grupa.
Postavlja se pitanje tko su dobri Bošnjaci a tko loši, i tko to određuje. Ovdje se radi i o jasnoj aluziji
na dobre Bošnjane koji, svakako, nemaju nikakve veze sa današnjim stanovnicima Bosne i
Hercegovine. Ovo je strategija kojom grupa pokušava priskrbiti sebi kontinuitet, a znamo da je
svako društvo u tranziciji obilježeno višestrukim diskontinuitetom. Treba reći da nije neočekivano
da se nacionalistički diskurs poziva različitim strategijama na kontinuitet. U ovom primjeru
17 URL 3:
http://www.bosnjaci.net/prilog.php?pid=53818&amp;DR._CERI%C4%86:_BO%C5%A0NJACI_NE%C4%86E_BITI_B
AKIROVI_ROBOVI, bosnjaci.net 9.10.2014
18 URL 4:
http://www.bosnjaci.net/prilog.php?pid=53818&amp;DR._CERI%C4%86:_BO%C5%A0NJACI_NE%C4%86E_BITI_B
AKIROVI_ROBOVI, bosnjaci.net 9.10.2014
19
URL 5:
http://www.bosnjaci.net/prilog.php?pid=53798&amp;TOKI%C4%86:_BO%C5%A0NJACI_NEMAJU_PRAVO_NA_P
OLITI%C4%8CKU_NAIVNOST, bosnjaci.net 8.10.2014

8

�stvaranje pripadnosti jednoj grupi odvija se na temelju binarnih, crno – bijelih opcija: drugi, nedobri se demoniziraju.

Primjer c:
''Sud i Tužilaštvo BiH nisu mesto gde se deli pravda, već su te pravosudne institucije formirane da
bi vršile "nepravdu i egzekuciju" nad Srbima.'20

Analiza:
Propagira se osjećaj ugroženosti u usporedbi sa drugima i demoniziranje drugih kao i stvaranje ''mi''
i ''vi'' grupa.
Ovo je jedan od klasičnih primjera usađivanja ideje o institucionalnom nacionalizmu. Riječ je o
bazičnom poticaju u smislu stvaranja imaginarnog zajedništva. Ni leksem egzekucija nije bez
razloga prisutan. Ovim izborom se potencira viktimistički osjećaj, kao i osjećaj straha, budući da
Sud i Tužilaštvo, ni manje ni više, vrše egzekuciju, iako bosankskohecegovačko zakonodavstvo ne
poznaje smrtnu kaznu, niti se prakticiraju maksimalne zakonske kazne.

20 URL 6: http://www.blic.rs/Vesti/Politika/492044/Dodik-Sud-i-Tuzilastvo-BiH-formirani-da-vrse-egzekuciju-Srba,
bliz.rs 1.9.2014014

9

�5. Zaključak
Prema ovom istraživanju, nacionalistički diskurs u Bosni i Hercegovini konstruira se prvenstveno
na stvaranju ''mi'' i ''vi'' grupa te razvijanju straha i osjećaja ugroženosti, kao i širenju iluzije o
nekom kontinuitetu (Anderson 2005; Chohen 1985; Eriksen 2010; Gellner 1991). Nacionalizam se
većinski proizvodi putem stranaka, budući da je stvoren ogroman inžinjering koji propagira
imaginarno nacionalno zajedništvo i separaciju naroda u jednoj multikonfesionalnoj i multietničkoj
državi. Identificiranje preko nacionalnog identiteta i ekskluzija drugoga predstavlja krizu jednog
društva u kojem je pristup medijima olakšan. Samo kvalitetno obrazovanje može stvoriti filter
zaštite od pogubnih utjecaja. No, kako reče Noam Čomski, kad se društvo totalno kontrolira, kad su
mediji pod ovakvom kontrolom moćnika, kad je obrazovni sistem zasnovan na aprthejdu, jer on
odgovara istim, onda je i nauka konformistička21.

21 Čomski 2009: 29

10

�Bibliografija
Anderson, B.: Die Erfindung der Nation. Zur Karriere eines folgenreichen Konzepts.
Frankfurt/New York. 1996.
Bluhm, R. et. al.: Linguistische Diskursanalyse. Überblick, Probleme, Perspektiven. In: Schöingh,
F. (Hg.): Sprache und Literatur in Wissenschaft und Unterricht. Heft 86, Jahrgang 31. Fink,
Paderborn, 2000, S. 3-19.
Cohen, A.P.: They Symbolic Construction of Community. London. 1985.
Čomski, N.: Kontrola medija, Rubikon – Beoknjiga. Novi Sad/Beograd. 2009.
Eriksen, T.: Small places, Large Issues. An Introduction to Social and Cultural Anthropology.
London. 2010.
Gellner, E.: Nationalismus und Moderne. Berlin. 1991.
Götzö, M.: Theorienbildung nach Grounded Theorie. In: Bischoff, C.; et. al.: Methoden der
Kulturanthropologie. Bern. 2014.
Keller, R.: Diskursanalyse. Eine Einführung für SozialwissenschaftlerInnen. Wiesbaden. 1997
Kiefl, O.: Diskursanalyse. In: Bischoff, C.; et. al.: Methoden der Kulturanthropologie. Bern. 2014.
Kordic, S.: Jezik i nacionlizam. Zagreb. 2010.
Hobsbawm, E. J.: Nationen und Nationalismus. Mythos und Realität seit 1790. Frankfurt/New
York.
Škiljan, D.: Javni Jezik. Zagreb. 2000.
Todorova, M.: Imaginarni Balkan. Biblioteka XX vek. Beograd. 1999.
Walker, S.: Hate Speech: The History of an American Controversy. Lincoln/London. 1994.

Internet
URL 1: http://poskok.info/wp/?p=111495, poskok.info 29.9.2014
URL 2: http://poskok.info/wp/?p=111578, poskok.info 30.9.2014
URL

3:

http://www.bosnjaci.net/prilog.php?pid=53818&amp;DR._CERI%C4%86:_BO%C5%A0NJACI_NE%
C4%86E_BITI_BAKIROVI_ROBOVI, bosnjaci.net 9.10.2014
URL

4:

http://www.bosnjaci.net/prilog.php?pid=53818&amp;DR._CERI%C4%86:_BO%C5%A0NJACI_NE%
C4%86E_BITI_BAKIROVI_ROBOVI, bosnjaci.net 9.10.2014
URL

5

http://www.bosnjaci.net/prilog.php?pid=53798&amp;TOKI%C4%86:_BO%C5%A0NJACI_NEMAJU_
11

�PRAVO_NA_POLITI%C4%8CKU_NAIVNOST, bosnjaci.net 8.10.2014
URL 6: http://www.blic.rs/Vesti/Politika/492044/Dodik-Sud-i-Tuzilastvo-BiH-formirani-da-vrseegzekuciju-Srba, bliz.rs 1.9.2014
bliz.rs 1.9.2014

12

�</text>
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                <text>(RE)CONSTRUCTION OF NATIONALISM IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA -  INSTRUMENTALISATION OF LANGUAGE IN THE ONLINE-MEDIA FOR PROMOTING NATIONALISM</text>
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                <text>The nation as an "imagined community"  mirrors the creation of personal senses of identity, which can lead to feelings of belonging to one group but excluding the other one. Exclusive nationalism has created many brutal conflicts in the 20th century, and a particular example of it was seen in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This kind of nationalism still exists in everyday life supported by an uncontrolled rapid spread of (dis)information on web portals. This paper deals with the reconstruction of the nationalist discourse on web portals in Bosnia and Herzegovina through different concepts of nationalism with a comparative approach using methods of linguistics and cultural and social anthropology. It is a continuation of the contemporary discourse on the concept of nationalism, personal and collective national identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as a personal empirical research in Bosnia and Herzegovina.</text>
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                    <text>“THE MAP IS MORE INTERESTING THAN THE TERRITORY”
THE CASE OF THE NOVEL THE MAP AND THE TERRITORY BY MICHEL
HOUELLEBECQ
Iva Šarić &amp; Patrick Levačić
University of Zadar, Croatia

Article History:
Submitted: 12.06.2015
Accepted: 28.06.2015

Abstract:
In the novel The Map and the Territory (2011) by Michel Houellebecq the issue of merging
the status of faction and fiction is present in all the poetic categories of the novel, i.e. in the
plot and in the narration, the status of the narrator and characters, up to the narrative timespace continuum. The aim of this paper is to literary analyze and interpret this Houellebecq's
work. Our approach is triple. First, we deal with the structure of the plot, the categories of
characters and narrator, and then the narrative perspectives and spatial-temporal frame of the
novel and its style. As a next step, our analysis is expanded to the interaction of mentioned
narrative forms, i.e. their mutual relations are observed. Particular attention is put on the
transformation of the metonymy to the metaphor. Finally, we complete this work observing
the relations between the novel and ''the real'' in its sociological and historical meaning. In this
way, the pragmatic level and the functioning of the novel outside of a strictly literary
framework is problematized.
Key words: Houellebecq, The Map and the Territory, faction, fiction, metonymy, metaphor,
irony

Apstrakt:
U romanu Karta i teritorij (2011.) Michela Houellebecqa u okviru svih poetičkih kategorija
dolazi do mješanja statusa stvarnosti i fikcije. Možemo ga dakle pratiti od kategorije
pripovjedanja i fabule, preko pripovjedača i likova do vremena i prostora u djelu. U ovom
ćemo radu analizirati i interpretirati spomenuti roman, pri čemu će pristup tekstu biti trostruk.

�Prva razina analize odnosit će se na strukturu fabule, kategorije likova i pripovjedača te
perspektivu pripovjedanja, prostorno-vremenski okvir djela i njegove stilske značajke, dok će
na sljedećoj razini analiza biti proširena na interakciju navedenih naratoloških oblika,
odnosno na njihove suodnose, pri čemu će poseban naglasak biti stavljen na prijelaz
metonimije u metaforu. Naposljetku, ovaj će rad biti zaokružen problematiziranjem
pragmatičke razine teksta, odnosno razmatranjem odnosa romana sa stvarnošću kao
društveno-povijesnom zbiljom, drugim riječima, razmatranjem funkcioniranja proznog djela
izvan isključivo književnih okvira.
Ključne riječi: Houellebecq, Karta i teritorij, stvarnost, fikcija, metonimija, metafora, ironija

�1. Uvod
U ovom radu analizirat ćemo i interpretirati odnos stvarnosti i fikcije u romanu Karta i
teritorij1 (2011.) Michela Houellebecqa. Njihov odnos pratimo na nekoliko razina, ponaprije
u vidljivoj strani teksta, preko romanu svojstvenih poetičkih kategorija (fabula, pripovjedač,
likovi, vrijeme i prostor), a zatim preko njihovih suodnosa te napokon na razini implicitnog.
Na toj ćemo se razini pak fokusirati na odnos metonimije i metafore u tekstu. Njihov odnos
vidimo onako kako ga određuje Ricoeur, pri čemu se
Samo [...] metonimija može potpuno tretirati kao fenomen denominacije: jedna riječ
na mjestu druge riječi; u tom smislu samo ona udovoljava teoriji supstitucije, jer
samo ona ostaje u granicama denominacije. […] Metafora se u stvari razlikuje od
metonimije po tome što igra na dva registra: na registru predikacije i na registru
denominacije […] metafora u diskursu igra takvu ulogu koju metonimija nikad i
nikako ne može dostići; njihova razlika u plodnosti pokreće složenije faktore nego
što je obična razlika između dviju vrsta asocijacija. Metafora ima prevagu nad
metonimijom ne zato što bi bliskost bila siromašniji odnos od sličnosti, ili zbog toga
što su metonimijski odnosi izvanjski, zadani u stvarnosti, a metaforičke ekvivalencije
stvara imaginacija, već zato što produkcija neke metaforičke ekvivalencije uvodi u
igru predikativne operacije o kojima metonimija ništa ne zna. (Ricoeur, 152)
Nadalje, na razini tekstu implicitnog zanima nas i uloga ironije pri čemu je promatramo ne
samo kao figuru, nego i kao svojevrsnu strategiju koja zastupa određeni pogled na svijet:
[...] ironija [je], ne samo kao figura, nego kao model i horizont relevantna tehnika
postmodernizma, a pripovjedačeva intencija o otkrivanju pripovjedne tajne npr. time
što se za pripovijedanje veli da je priča, vrhunac je pripovjedačeve ''samosvijesti''.
Postmodernistička književnost je u tom smislu situacionistička, [...] , demontaža je
iluzije sveznajuće pozicije visokog modernizma, te ne proizvodi u biti psihološko ja,
biografsko ja, historijsko ja, nego artificijelno ja, a njen post-historicizam je u tome što
ne samo intencionalno nego i imanentnom logikom postaje komentar (estetski)
usvojenoga (historijata) žanra. [...] Postmoderna ironija, [...] postaje strategijska
supstancija više nego dinamičko načelo i tako se krajnje reducira postajući ''prvim''
(narativnim) pokretačem. (Milanja, 62)
Houellebecqovo djelo nadalje se uklapa u dugu tradiciju političkog korištenja ironije koja
postoji u Francuskoj „[...], i kod neangažiranih autora, kao i kod onih koji najotvorenije

�prakticiraju ideološke ili političke oblike književnosti. To je stoga što ironija, kao i ideologija,
ima vrijedonosnu dimenziju ''kuđenja preko pohvale'', [...] !“ 2 (Denis)

2. Glavni lik i njegov odnos s drugim (likovima)
Houellebecqovi romani smatraju se uprimjerenjem „[...] bešćutnog liberalizma, robnoinformacijskog terora, rasapa obiteljskih veza i društvene kohezije, tobože hedonističkog
nadmetanja egoizama, gubitničke osuđenosti na samoću i depresiju [...]“, a njegovi
„Protagonisti su u trajnoj ambivalenciji potrebe za ljubavlju i nemogućnošću da se voli ili
bude voljen, psihičkog rasula i pridržavanja društvenih pravila, sudjelovanja u nametnutoj
borbi i izvjesnosti poraza.“ (Koščec, 24, 195) Analizu romana Karta i teritorij stoga ćemo
početi na njegovoj sadržajnoj razini koja prati životnu priču vizualnog umjetnika Jeda Martina
od njegova djetinjstva, koje je obilježeno samoubojstvom majke i očevim radom u vlastitom
arhitektonskom studiju, pri čemu Jean-Pierre Martin baš i ne provodi mnogo vremena sa
sinom, te školovanjem u internatu kod Isusovaca, da bi potom Jed studirao fotografiju,
pronašao prvi posao i nešto kasnije postao priznati umjetnik na pariškoj, ali i svjetskoj
likovnoj sceni. Glavni fabularni tok romana koncentriran je na Jedovo postizanje uspjeha,
njegov umjetnički proboj, odnosno na razdoblje od nešto više od deset godina, od 2010. do
2020. Roman međutim zahvaljujući analepsama i prolepsama obuhvaća veliki vremenski
raspon tako da sveznajući pripovjedač donosi događaje ne samo prije 2010., već i one nakon
2020., dakle događaje iz budućnosti, sve od otprilike 2060. godine i Jedove smrti.
Jedovi djedovi bili su obrtnici, no obojica su se izdigla nad puku reprodukciju. Jedan je djed
bio fotograf, a drugi zlatar, u njihovu radu prisutna je dakle umjetnička komponenta. Jedov
otac je pak arhitekt koji je želio biti umjetnik, on se, kako sam kaže:
Poslije mature upisao sam se na parišku Umjetničku akademiju. Moju majku je to
pomalo zabrinjavalo, htjela je da radije upišem fakultet za inženjera; ali od tvog djeda
sam dobio veliku podršku. Mislim da je on imao umjetničku ambiciju, kao fotograf, ali
nikada nije imao mogućnost da snima što drugo osim vjenčanja i pričesti. [...] ''Da, i ja
sam htio biti umjetnik...'' [...] ''Ali nisam uspio [...]. (KT, 197)
Cijelog života odnos Jeda s ocem je distanciran, ne uspjevaju se zbližiti. Jed oca posjećuje tek
jednom godišnje, na Badnjak, no ni tada ne zna o čemu bi zapravo s njim razgovarao. Do
prekretnice dolazi u trenutku kada mu otac počinje pričati o svom radu i svojim propalim
životnim ambicijama. Međutim, Jed predosjeća da taj preokret znači vjerojatno i posljednji
susret s ocem: „Jed je nakratko [...] osjetio da su ušli u novu etapu svojih odnosa, ili da se više

�nikad neće vidjeti.“ (KT, 207) Star i bolestan otac će se naposljetku bez Jedova znanja
odlučiti za eutanaziju u Švicarskoj.
Jed je odrastao bez majke, a ni sa drugim ženama ne uspjeva upostaviti bliski odnos. Tijekom
studija djevojka mu je kolegica Genèvieve koja je escort-dama koja ga napokon ostavlja zbog
bivšeg klijenta. Kasnije Jed upoznaje Olgu, upješnu rusku poslovnu ženu koja mu pomaže u
karijeri, no nakon njezina povratka u Rusiju ta je veza okončana, a ne uspjeva je obnoviti ni
deset godina kasnije kad će se Olga vratiti u Pariz, premda ga ona voli.
Jed nema prijatelja. Koliko-toliko prijateljsko-poslovni odnos uspjeva održavati sa svojim
galeristom Franzom Tellerom. Odnos najbliži prijateljskom pak uspostavlja s piscem
Michelom Houellebecqom. Autor romana Michel Houellebecq uvodi dakle u roman lik
Michela Houellebecqa kojeg bismo mogli bismo smatrati i metonimijom Houellebecqa
autora. Houellebecq lik pak piše predgovor za katalog Jedove izložbe, dok će Jed portretirati
pisca i taj mu portret, koji će dosegnuti cijenu u stotinama tisuća eura, kasnije pokloniti.
Dvojica umjetnika raspravljaju o svome radu, a umjetničke su im koncepcije slične.
Postavljaju se pitanja o funkciji umjetnosti danas i njezinoj komercijalizaciji. No, ne samo da
Jed Martin i Michel Houellebecq imaju sličan pogled na umjetnost, već među njima postoje i
drugi paralelizmi – lifestyle im je blizak (Houellebcqova kuća u Irskoj bez namještaja i
prepuna neraspakiranih kutija i neurednog travnjaka svojevrsni je preslik Jedova pariškog
stana, improviziranog namještaja, zapuštenog i neodržavanog, obojica se nezdravo hrane –
Houellebecq je ljubitelj suhomesnatih proizvoda, a Martin pakiranja hrane što se podgrijavaju
u mikrovalnoj pećnici, primjerice), obojica nisu u stanju ostvariti kontakt s drugima
(Houellebecq ima dva propala braka i djecu s kojom se ne viđa, prijatelja nema dok su Jedovi
obiteljski i ljubavni odnosi promašeni), danima žive u samoći (Houellebecq živi samotno,
dani su mu isprazni i ne zna kamo bi sa samim sobom, dok Jed mjesecima ni s kim ne
razgovara, osim što blagajnici u samoposluživanju odgovara s „ne“ na njezino pitanje o
posjedovanju kartice vjernosti trgovačkom lancu). Do preokreta u Houellebecqovom životu
dolazi kad se vraća u rodni kraj, kad kupuje rodnu kuću i nabavlja psa koji mu postaje vjerni
prijatelj, no na kraju će ipak skončati tako da nitko danima neće znati da je mrtav. (Još će
jednom liku iz romana, inspektoru Jasselinu, pas biti vjeran drug.) Jed će se pak i sam kasnije
preseliti na selo, u kuću djeda i bake u kojoj je kao dijete provodio praznike, no i njegov će
život biti obilježen samoćom. Kako možemo pročitati u tekstu, od svih odnosa koje Jed ima,
kao prijateljski bi se mogao opisati onaj s vlastitim bojlerom koji ga godinama nije iznevjerio,
i čijim kvarom započinje roman: „Zapravo se vrtio u krugu, barem se to moglo reći. Toliko je
bio besposlen da je, prije par tjedana, počeo razgovarati s bojlerom. A najozbiljnije je bilo što

�je sada – preksinoć je postao svjestan toga – očekivao da mu bojler odgovori. [...] Sve u
svemu, to mu je bio najstariji drug.“ (KT, 362) Jed dakle nije u stanju uspostaviti odnose s
drugim ljudima, podbacio je i kao sin, i kao ljubavnik i kao prijatelj. Likovi dvojice umjetnika
u zrcalno su simetričnom odnosu, jednog možemo smatrati alter egom onoga drugoga.

3. Struktura fabule
Jedova je karijera međutim besprijekorna. Njegovo umjetničko stvaralaštvo počinje u
srednjoškolskim danima fotografiranjem željeznih predmeta starim fotografskim aparatom
koji je naslijedio od djeda, fotografa, da bi na studiju tu svoju aktivnost proširio i na
fotografiranje ostalih metalnih predmeta: „Tako se Jed otisnuo u umjetničku karijeru bez
ikakvog drugog projekta osim projekta – čiju iluzornu narav je vrlo rijetko naslućivao – da
objektivno opisuje svijet.“ (KT, 44), a „Povjesničari umjetnosti, vještiji baratanju jezikom,
poslije su zabilježili da se to prvo pravo Jedovo ostvarenje već bilo pokazalo, i to u istom
smislu kao i sva sljedeća te usprkos raznolikosti materijala, kao hommage ljudskom radu.“
(KT, 44) Jednog dana Jed iznenada shvaća da je s fotografiranjem predmeta gotovo. Slučajno
pak, dok s ocem odlazi na selo na pogreb baki, Jed na benzinskoj crpki kupuje Michelinovu
kartu departmana Creuse Haute-Vienne te doživljava „estetsko ukazanje“ (KT, 46):
Karta je bila vrhunska; potresen, počeo je drhtati pred policama. Nikad nije gledao
tako veličanstven predmet, tako bogat emocijom i smislom kao što je bila ova
Michelinova karta 1/150 000 [...]. Esencija modernog doba, znanstvenog i tehničkog
shvaćanja svijeta, pomiješana s esencijom animalnog života. Crtež bijaše složen i lijep,
apsolutne jasnoće, s ograničenim kolorističkim kodom. (KT, 46/47)
Po povratku u Pariz, Jed kupuje sve Michelinove karte koje uspjeva naći te ih počinje
fotografirati. Tako nastaju printevi poput onog departmana Creuse:
Upotrijebio je jako nagnutu vizuru, trideset stupnjeva od horizontale, s maksimalnom
dubinom polja. Tada je ubacio zamućenost daljine i plavkasti efekt na obzoru, služeći
se Photoshopom. U prvom planu bilo je jezero Breuil i selo Chatelus-le-Marcheix. [...]
U dnu i na desnoj strani slike, kao da je izvirala iz maglovitog rastera, još se
razaznavala bijelo-crvena vrpca autoceste A20. (KT, 56/56)
Ovaj ispis označava početak Jedovog uspjeha koji će biti okrunjen samostalnom izložbom:
Ulaz u dvoranu bio je zapriječen velikim panoom, ostavljajući sa strane prolaze od
dva metra, na koji je Jed jedno kraj drugog postavio satelitsku fotografiju okolice
Guebwillerovog Balona i povećanje Michelinove karte ''Departmani'' za istu zonu.

�Kontrast je bio frapantan: dok se na satelitskoj fotografiji vidjela više-manje
jednolična zelena juha posuta nejasnim plavim mrljama, karta biješe razvila
fascinantnu mrežu departmanskih cesta, slikovitih puteva, vidikovaca, šuma, jezera i
prijevoja. Iznad obaju uvećanja, crnim slovima, stajao je naslov izložbe: ''KARTA JE
ZANIMLJIVIJA OD TERITORIJA'' (KT, 72)
„Jedov studij bio je čisto književni i umjetnički, pa on nikada nije imao prilike meditirati o
kapitalističkim misteriju par excellence: misteriju formiranja cijena.“ (KT, 83) Jed preko
specijalizirane mrežne stranice prodaje svoje printove po cijeni koja se ustalila na 2000 eura
za format 40x60. No ova faza umjetnikovog rada ubrzo završava. Kad se njegova djevojka
Olga, koja ga je na neki način lansirala zahvaljujući svojim vezama, vrati u Rusiju, Jed će
uništiti svoje radove, mjesece i godine rada. Za Jeda biti umjetnik znači biti poslušan,
odnosno slušati svoju intuiciju. „Te poruke mogle su podrazumijevati da uništiš neko djelo,
odnosno cijelu skupinu djela, da bi se uputio u radikalno novom smjeru, a katkada i bez
ikavog smjera uopće, ne raspolažući nikakvim projektom, ni najmanjom nadom u nastavak.“
(KT, 96) Jed pati bez Olge, no „U takvim okolnostima zbio se u njegovom životu ''povratak
slikarstvu'' koji će biti predmetom tolikih komentara.“ (KT, 106) Jed počinje slikati ulja na
platnu i time se bavi sljedećih desetak godina. Nastaje takozvana „serija jednostavnih
zanimanja“:
Jed Martin ne prikazuje manje od četrdeset dvije tipske profesije, nudeći tako posebno
širok i bogat analitički spektar za proučavanje uvjeta proizvodnje u društvu svog
vremena. Sljedeće dvadeset dvije slike, usredotočene na suočavanja i susrete, klasično
nazvane ''serija kompozicija poduzeća'', kane dati relacijsku i dijalektičku sliku
funkcioniranja ekonomije u cjelini. (KT, 108/109)
Po riječima samog Jeda: „U zadnjh deset godina pokušavao sam prikazati ljude iz svih
društvenih slojeva, od mesara za konjetinu do generalnog direktora multinacionale.“ (KT,
157) Njegov rad smještaju u tendenciju „povratka slikarstvu“, o čemu Jed kaže:
Povratak slikarstvu, ili skulpturi, odnosno povratak predmetu. Ali to je po mom
mišljenju, najviše zbog komercijalnih razloga. Lakše je uskladištiti i preprodati
predmet ili instalaciju, ili performans, ali čini mi se da imam nešto zajedničko s tim. Iz
slike u sliku pokušavam izgraditi jedan umjetni, simbolički prostor u kojem bih mogao
prikazivati situacije koje imaju neki smisao za grupu. (KT, 135)
Od te će izložbe Jed Martin zaraditi 30 milijuna eura.

�4. Od stvarnosti do metametafore
Roman je koncipiran u tri velike cjeline koje završavaju epilogom. Prva cjelina
romana analepsa je, odnosi se na život Jeda Martina u razdoblju koje je prethodilo onom u
kojem se proslavio, a o čemu čitamo u drugoj cjelini romana. Ta cjelina pak završava Jedovim
posjetom Houellebecqu u njegovoj kući u Francuskoj kad mu poklanja svoje platno.
Međutim, treća cjelina romana svojevrsni je preokret u naraciji jer radnja više primarno ne
prati Jedov život, već je koncipirana kao krimić. Netko je naime ubio Michela Houellebecqa,
a policija, na čelu s inspektorom Jasselinom i njegovim pomoćnikom Ferberom, ljubiteljem
Nervalove Aurélie, traži ubojicu. Jed se pojavljuje kao svjedok koji je posljednji
Houellebecqa vidio živog i koji će konstatirati kako su ostaci pisca i njegova psa raspoređeni
poput Pollockova djela. Piščeva trauma tako je na prvoj razini, razini priče, a zatim i na
drugoj razini, metaforički, pretvorena u umjetničko djelo. Jed pak saznaje da mu je otac otišao
na eutanaziju u Švicarsku, po prvi je put sasvim sam na Badnjak. Epilog romana koji slijedi
pak donosi odgovore na neriješena pitanja. Slučaj Michela Houellebecqa slučajno je riješen
nakon tri godine, kad se uspostavilo da je pisac ubijen kako bi bio ukraden njegov vrijedan
portret koji je naslikao Jed Martin. Jed pak seli u Creuse, u kuću djeda i bake te kupuje velike
parcele zemlje koje okružuju njegovo imanje te sve opasuje visokom, trometarskom žičanom
ogradom. Ne izlazi, nema kontakata s ljudima. Nastaju djela iz njegove posljednje faze opusa
kada kamerom iz dana u dan snima rast biljaka.
Već i sam naslov romana najavljuje postmodernistima dragu temu poigravanja statusom zbilje
i fikcije. Ne zaboravimo da se referira i na slavnu rečenicu „Karta nije teritorij“, poljskog
inženjera Alfreda Korzbyskog (1879.-1950.), utemeljitelja opće semantike. Riječ je dakako o
razlici između stvarnosti i njezinog prikaza.3 Tekst romana obilježava suodnos realnog,
fiktivnog i imaginarnog (Iser). Naime, zbilja je prisutna u fikcionalnom tekstu, međutim ona
je ondje fingirana, drugim riječima roman se pretvara ili hini, simulira stvarnost, roman kao
da je stvarnost. Stvarnost se prenosi u tekst, odnosno znak za nešto drugo, takozvanim
činovima fingiranja (Iser). Taj postupak naziva se irealiziranjem, a činovi fingiranja
podrazumijevaju tri irealizacije: selekciju elemenata iz realnog svijeta, kombinacije elemenata
teksta i njihovo podvrgavaje novoj kontekstualizaciji, odnosno njihovo relacioniranje, te
napokon razotkrivanje fikcionalnosti pri čemu se semantički prostori teksta čine analognima
realnom svijetu, odnosno postaju egzemplifikacija svijeta. Razotkrivanje fikcionalnosti vrši se
pomoću signala jer između autora i čitatelja postoji ugovor, a jezik pritom nije ključni signal
za prepoznavanje fikcije, nego su to književni rodovi koji imaju funkciju koda i usmjeravaju

�obzor očekivanja čitatelja. Dakle, „Ako se fingiranje ne može izvesti iz reproducirane zbilje,
tada u njemu dolazi do izražaja imaginarno koje se povezuje s realnošću koja se reproducira u
tekstu.“ (Iser, 312/313) Priroda književnog djela kao istovremenog spoja realnog, fiktivnog i
imaginarnog stoga jednako ovisi kako o svome tvorcu, tako i o svome čitatelju. I dok je
čitatelj kao takvu treba prepoznati, autor je kao takvu treba stvoriti – poštujući pritom
određene sheme, kodove, odnosno koristeći strategije koji se iznova ponavljaju: „Sva ta
obilježja teme, likova, kompozicije, vremena, prostora, te, razumije se, i samog pisma,
sačinjavaju neku vrstu realističkog koda. Taj kod usmjerava imaginarno pripovjedača koji
nastoji [...] fikciji dati privid stvarnosti.“ (Mitterand, 5) Dakle, pisanjem ne samo da realnost
postaje fikcija, nego kretanje ide i u suprotnom smjeru, fikciji se daje privid realnog.
Houellebecq pribjegava postupcima ozbiljenja fikcije datiranjem događaja, realnim
toponimima, uvođenjem u fabulu poznatih francuskih javnih osoba te napokon, kao krunom
svoga postupka, i samoga sebe. Naravno, time se istovremeno fikcija defikcionalizira i
potkazuje kao svojevrsno poigravanje ili šala s čitateljem – Michel Houellebecq je ubijen, što
kao da je vijest iz crne kronike. S problematiziranjem odnosa zbilje i fikcije u skladu je i
naslov djela – karta i teritorij – karta kao otklon od stvarnosti, i teroritorij kao sama stvarnost.
No, Jed Martin, dakle umjetnik, pokazuje kako teritorij postaje karta, a karta umjetničko
djelo. Karta bi trebala biti neka vrst dokumenta, ona je neka vrst metonimije stvarnosti, no
istovremeno i fikcija – sjetimo se primjerice nesrazmjera rubova i središta karte, ili
nenavođenja određenih mjesta na karti, iako ona u stvarnosti naravno postoje. Karta tako
dobro ilustrira umjetnički postupak selekcije elemenata iz stvarnosti i njihovu transpoziciju,
odnosno relacionizaciju, simbolizaciju i napokon metaforizaciju. Karta se pak kod
Houellebecqa dodatno fikcionalizira fotografiranjem, novom obradom, novom selekcijom,
novom simbolizacijom, čime postaje meta-metafora. Od metonimije karta se dakle prevodi u
metaforu da bi opet bila metonimizirana i metaforizirana. Time roman dolazi na poziciju
ukazivanja na to kako se metafora zapravo može, u okviru određenog koncepta, svesti na
metonimiju, odnosno da „Kada se te doktrine racionaliziraju koncepcijama o nekoj duhovnoj
supstanciji i sličnom, onda se metafora prevodi na metonimijski jezik i "objašnjava". Ali
takva objašnjenja žestoko mirišu na intelektualnu smrtnost i iščezavaju prije ili kasnije, dok se
prvobitna metafora ponovo javlja, beskompromisna kao i uvijek.“4 (Fry, 84) Stoga se metametafora karte napokon može promatrati kao realizirana metafora romana kao žanra koji
polazište ima u stvarnosti koja se međutim višestruko irealizira.

�5. Od ironije do metaironije

Odnos zbilje i fikcije produbljuje uzmemo li u obzir tekstu implicitan odnos ironije i
ideologije sa stvarnošću. Naime,
Između stvarnosti i ideologije postoji [...] čisti hijerarhijski odnos: zbiljsko, onako kako
ga poima marksistička kritika ili znanost, kauzalna je istina ideologije, koja je mjesto
iluzije, laži ili lažne savjesti. U slučaju ironije, također postoje dva sloja značenja:
doslovni, prihvatljiv po sebi, no koji određeni indikatori vrlo različite prirode traže
prevrednovati, kako bi se preradio izgrađeni smisao. U tom smislu, najklasičnija ironija
čini očiglednim kontradikciju između idealnog, vrednovanog svijeta, i svijeta takvog
kakav jest, potkazujući otklon između očaravajuće iluzije ideala, ili utopije, i stvarnosti.
S tog stajališta vrijedonosni doseg ironije različit je od onog ideologije jer ona zahtijeva
odvajanje vrijednosti i istine: nikada ironijsko prevrednovanje ne negira višu vrijednost
predviđenog idealnog svijeta, pa čak ni kad razotkriva svoj iluzorni ili nemogući
karakter u stvarnosti: dva sloja značenja zadržana su dakle, i to u nužnoj dvosmislenoj
napetosti.5 (Denis)
Ton ovog Hoellebecqovog romana prvenstveno je ironičan, a „[...] ironija [kao] određena vrst
igre vrijednostima, vjerovanjima, stavovima i mišljenjima predočenim u djelu, te njezine
detronizirajuće i desakralizirajuće funkcije utječu na preokretanje smisla čuvajući nas od
jednodimenzionalnog i doslovnog shvaćanja.“ (Slabinac, 120). U romanu tako možemo
iščitati kritiku francuske i svjetske umjetničke scene, kritiku komercijalizacije umjetnosti, no
prvenstveno je riječ o auto-ironiji. Ironija je dakle dvostruka, s jedne je strane usmjerena na
poslanje umjetnika (možemo li ga smatrati svojevrsnim plaćenikom koji radi za novac?), a s
druge na samo umjetničko djelo. Stoga autor i uvodi samoga sebe u tekst kao jednog od
likova, temeljeći svoj lik na metonimiji, poigravajući se dakle stereotipima o vlastitu liku
(Houellebecq pijanica, Houellebecq koji orgija s prostitutkama na Tajlandu, Houellebecq pred
bankrotom pa piše za 10 000 eura) i djelu (stvarni književni kritičari koji se pojavljuju u
tekstu kao likovni kritičari Jedova rada) da bi napokon došlo do (iznenadne) „smrti autora“,
točnije, „ubojstva autora“. Pa ako je Houellebecq lik metonimija pravog Houellebecqa,
Houellebecqa pisca, ne bismo li mrtvog Houellebecqa mogli smatrati metaforom autora,
odnosno metaforom za smrt autora ili, drugim riječima, za smrt same metafore, za mrtvu
metaforu? Naime, poetski diskurs po Ricoeuru obilježava živa metafora, a spekulativni mrtva.
Nadalje, oživotvoriti metaforu po Ricoeuru znači „dovesti spekulativnu misao u suglasje s
pjesničkom riječi.“ (352) Nije stoga slučajno da je Houellebecq živio i da je ubijen u

�filozofskim selu, odnosno selu u kojem svaka ulica ili trg, naravno metaforički, nose ime
nekog filozofa. Naime, odnos shvaćanja i tumačenja za Ricoeura je komplementaran i
dijalektički, a interpretirati metaforu zapravo znači metaforizirati metaforu. Zadaća
spekulativnog diskursa potraga je za mjestom na kojem pojaviti se znači „rađanje onoga što
raste“, što je zapravo metafora rascvata koja po principu repetitivnosti, kroz cikluse
metonimija-metafora-metonimija i tako dalje, dovodi kako do nestanka autora, umjetnosti,
tvorca, Boga, tako i do otpočinjanja novog ciklusa rođenjem autora, metaforike ... i njegova
nastavljanja.
Odnos prema romanu kao žanru u romanu Karta i teritorij ironičan je, stoga ga određujemo
kao roman o romanu, odnosno meta-roman. Uz (auto)ironičan stav autora prema umjetničkom
stvaralaštu – samom djelu i njegovu autoru, ironija je napokon usmjerena i na funkciju
umjetnosti. „Po Barthesu, pravu odgovornost za pisca ne predstavljaju ideološke implikacije
njegova djela, nego prihvaćanje književnosti kao promašenog angažmana [engagement
manqué]“ (Denis), što je zapravo pozicija estetskog purizma, odnosno rada isključivo na
jeziku. Jed Martin u analognoj je situaciji. U romanu čitamo kako se obogatio umjetnošću i
više ne stvara za tržište. Jedov motto postaje: „Ne treba tražiti smisao ondje gdje ga nema.“
(KT, 360) On se povlači na svoje imanje i počinje svoj zadnji projekt snimanja rasta biljaka,
takozvanih videograma. U posljednjem intervjuu koji je dao pred smrt „[...] govori – gotovo
isključivo – o tehničkim postupcima koje je primjenjivao pri izradi onih neobičnih
videograma [...]. [...] O značenju djela koje ga je zaokupljalo tijekom cijelog zadnjeg
razdoblja života, on si ne dopušta nikakva komentar.“ (KT, 382) Drugim riječima, Jed se
zatvara u svoju kulu bjelokosnu, a njegovo stvaralaštvo odvaja od konkretnog povijesnog
trenutka odbacujući referenciju na stvarnost te društveni ili politički angažman, težeći
univerzalnom i interpretaciji kozmosa, njegujući ideal nepristranosti (impassibilité) i kult
forme u stvaralaštvu koje postaje autonomno u odnosu na zakone tržišta, znanost i moral, te
napokon, elitističko, kao što se dogodilo i krajem 19. stoljeća kad „[...], se pisci udaljuju od
svoje publike, koja više voli proizvodnju od kreacije“ (Tadié, 173). Jedova su djela zatvorena,
odnosno hermetična, treba ih deširirati i u njima pronaći simboličko, on u nekom vidu
neolarpurlartizma usvaja Gautierovu devizu po kojoj „Postoji samo lijepo koje ne služi
ničemu, a sve što je korisno ružno je“ (Thérenty, 71). Umjetniku napokon preostaje tek
gledati kako raste bilje, pa je tako Jed Martin
U to isto vrijeme, počeo [...] kamerom snimati fotografije svih ljudi koje je uspio
upoznati, od Genèvieve do Olge preko Franza, Michela Houellebecqa, oca i drugih
osoba, zapravo svih onih čije je fotografije imao. [...] Izložene naizmjenično kiši i

�sunčevom svijetlu, fotografije su se napuhavale, na mjestima trunule, onda se
raspadale u komadiće, i za nekoliko tjedana bile su potpuno uništene. [...] Tako se
djelo koje je zaokupljalo posljednje godine Jeda Martina može gledati – to je
najdirektnije tumačenje – kao meditacija o svršetku industrijskog doba u Europi, i još
općenitije o prolaznoj i prijelaznoj naravi svakog ljudskog poslovanja.“ (KT, 387, 389)
Jed Martin stvara dakle djelo koje svjedoči o propasti jednog načina života i jedne civilizacije.
U romanu Jedovo umjetničko djelo zapravo korespondira s krajem jednog svijeta, o čemu, na
drugoj razini teksta, svjedoči sveznajući pripovjedač. Naime, jednom će prilikom Jed izaći sa
svog imanja i uvidjeti koliko se Francuska u međuvremenu promijenila – proizvodne
djelatnosti nestale su, Francuska je postala u prvom redu poljprivredna i turistička zemlja koja
prodaje svoje šarmantne hotele, parfeme i mesne doručke, ali i seks, pri čemu se mijenja
jedino nacionalnost njezinih posjetitelja, dok imigracija nestaje sa zatvaranjem radnih mjesta
u industriji.
6. Zaključak
Houellebecqovi romani specifični su „[...] po tome što podrivaju ne samo vladajuće sustave i
predodžbe nego i vlastite građevine, na sve tri razine, logosa, ethosa i pathosa.“ (Koščec,
196) Ironijski skepticizam u tekstu rezultirat će poetskom samorefleksijom, odnosno
pripovijedanje će u vidu meta-metafore postati predmetom narativnog diskursa, na što se će se
nadodati postmoderna ironija ne samo kao „[...] sarkastično ironičan odnos [autora] prema
suvremenoj kulturi i civilizaciji, [nego] i autoironična poetička poruka o nedoumici oko
vlastita Izraza i poslanja.“ (Slabinac, 122) Pa što bi dakle bila funkcija umjetnosti? Neka vrsta
angažmana u kojoj umjetnik ukazuje na stanje u svijetu? Ili bismo trebali umjetničko poslanje
shvatiti kao udaljavanje od svijeta, u kojem, ako ćemo suditi po Jedovom primjeru, i tako nije
moguće uspostaviti odnose s drugim(a)? Je li zaista, kako Houellebecq piše u posljednjoj
rečenici svoga romana, „Triumf vegetacije [...] totalan.“? (KT, 389) Ili se pak radi o
parodiranju nove verzije parnasovskih učenja, ironiziranju ironije, ironiji na drugu potenciju?
Zbilja je naravno polazište za fikcionalni prozni tekst, a u samom tekstu nalazimo je
prerađenu, simbolički posredovanu jezikom te metaforizanu i dohvatljivu na razini
implicitnog. Implicitno u tekstu, koje se može manifestirati (i) kao ideologija ili ironija, ima
pak povratan učinak na stvarnost. Naime, ironiju je moguće interpretirati samo unutar
takozvane interpretacijske zajednice (Hutcheon), što znači da pripadnici te zajednice, kako bi
uopće prepoznali da određena tvrdnja traži ironijsko prevrednovanje, moraju dijeliti relativno

�velik broj vrijednosti i kodova. U procesu interpretacije ironije čitatelj pak dolazi do
određenih zaključaka, on se može poistovjetiti s likom kojeg ironija cilja, može se od njega
ograditi, propitati svoje vlastite vrijednosti i uvidjeti njihov ideološki karakter čime se zapravo
na neki način i sam kompromitira, te napokon, nakon što mu književnosti otvori oči,
promijeniti samoga sebe.
U jednom će se trenutku u romanu Jed, otuđeni Jed, zapitati: „Je li on to bio na najboljem
putu da ga svlada osjećaj prijateljstva prema Houellebecqu?“ (KT, 177) Nije li autor i ovdje
autoironičan, pa nam pokazuje, upravo preko lika pisca Houellebecqa, da baš kontakt s
umjetnikom i umjetnošću – ili živom metaforom (Ricoeur) – predstavlja jedini (i kakav takav)
vid kontakta s drugim? Odnosno, kao što će to sam autor napisati u svojoj posljednjoj knjizi
Soumission:
Samo vam književnost može pružiti osjećaj dodira s nekim drugim ljudskim duhom,
ljudskim duhom u njegovoj cjelovitosti, njegovim slabostima i snagom, njegovim
ograničenjima, uskogrudnošću, fiksnim idejama, vjerovanjima; sa svime što ga dira,
zanima, uzbuđuje ga ili mu je mrsko. 6 (S, 13)
Iako književnost dakle ne daje jednoznačne odgovore, upravo zbog inherentne joj
višeznačnosti iziskuje stalno propitivanje. Nije li baš zato karta zanimljivija od teritorija?

U ovom će radu za roman Karta i teritorij (Michel Houellebecq, Zagreb: Litteris, 2011.) biti korištena kratica
KT, dok će za roman Soumission (Michel Houellebecq, Paris: Flammarion, 2015.) biti korištena kratica S.
2
« [...] il y a en France une tradition bien établie d'un usage politique de l'ironie, tant chez les auteurs réputes les
plus dégagés que chez ceux qui pratiquent les formes plus ouvertement idéologiques ou politiques de littérature.
C'est que l'ironie, comme idéologie, possède une dimension évaluative (‘’ le blâme par la louange ‘’), [...] ! »,
preveli I.Š. i P.L.
3
Vidi KT, str.72., fusnota 45.
4
„Kada se te doktrine racionalizuju koncepcijama o nekoj duhovnoj supstanci i sličnom, onda se metafora
prevodi na metonimijski jezik i "objašnjava". Ali takva objašnjenja žestoko mirišu na intelektualnu smrtnost i
iščezavaju pre ili kasnije, dok se prvobitna metafora ponovo javlja, beskompromisna kao i uvek.“, preveli I.Š. i
P.L.
5
« Entre la réalité et l’idéologie, il y a donc un rapport hiérarchique net : le réel, tel que le critique marxiste ou la
science permettent de le saisir, est la vérité causale de l’idéologie, laquelle est le lieu de l’illusion, du mensonge
et de la fausse conscience. Dans le cas de l’ironie, il y a également deux strates de significations : un sens littéral,
acceptable en soi, mais que certains indices, de nature très variable, commandent de réévaluer, pour élaborer un
sens construit. En ce sens, l’ironie la plus classique met en évidence une contradiction entre n monde idéal ou de
l’utopie et la réalité. De ce point de vue, la portée évaluative de l’ironie est différente de celle de l’idéologie
puisqu’elle postule un décrochage entre les valeurs et la vérité : jamais la réévaluation ironique ne nie la valeur
supérieure du monde idéal envisagé, même si elle prend acte de son caractère illusoire ou impossible dans la
réalité ; les deux couches de significations sont donc maintenues, et dans une tension nécessairement
équivoque. », preveli I.Š. i P.L.
6
« Mais seule la littérature peut vous donner cette sensation de contact avec un autre esprit humain, avec
l'intégralité de cet esprit, ses faiblesses et ses grandeurs, ses limitations, ses petitesses, ses idée fixes, ses
croyances; avec tout ce qui l'émeut, l'intéresse, l'excite ou lui répugne. », preveli I.Š. i P.L.
1

�Bibliografija
Denis, Benoît: « Ironie et idéologie – Réflexions sur la responsabilité idéologique du texte »,
COnTEXTES

[Online],

http://contextes.revues.og/180,

2/2007,

16/02/2007,

pristup

05/02/2015
Fry, Northrop (Fraj, Nortrop): Veliki Kod(eks), Beograd: Prosveta, 1985.
Iser, Wolfgang: „Činovi fingiranja ili što je fiktivno u fikcionalnom tekstu“, u Umjetnost
riječi, listopad-prosinac 1987.,
Houellebecq, Michel: Karta i teritorij, Zagreb: Litteris, 2011.
Houellebecq, Michel: Soumission, Paris: Flammarion , 2015.
Koščec, Marinko: Michel H. – mirakul, mučenik, manipulator?, Zagreb: Tvrđa, 2007.
Milanja, Cvjetko: „Postmoderni odmak“, Republika 49, 1993., 5/6,
Mitterand, Henri: L'Illusion réaliste, Pariz: Presses Universitaires de France, 1994.
Paul Ricoeur, Živa metafora, Zagreb: Grafički zavod Hrvatske, 1981.
Slabinac, Gordana : „Metatekstualne funkcije ironije i groteske u avangardi“, Republika 9-10,
1990.
Tadié, Jean-Yves: La création littéraire au XIXe siècle, Paris: Armand Colin, 2011.
Thérenty, Marie-Ève: Les mouvements littéraires du XIXe et du XXe siècle, Paris: Hatier,
2001.

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                <text>In the novel The Map and the Territory (2011) by Michel Houellebecq the issue of merging the status of faction and fiction is present in all the poetic categories of the novel, i.e. in the plot and in the narration, the status of the narrator and characters, up to the narrative time-space continuum. The aim of this paper is to literary analyze and interpret this Houellebecq's work. Our approach is triple. First, we deal with the structure of the plot, the categories of characters and narrator, and then the narrative perspectives and spatial-temporal frame of the novel and its style. As a next step, our analysis is expanded to the interaction of mentioned narrative forms, i.e. their mutual relations are observed. Particular attention is put on the transformation of the metonymy to the metaphor. Finally, we complete this work observing the relations between the novel and ''the real'' in its sociological and historical meaning. In this way, the pragmatic level and the functioning of the novel outside of a strictly literary framework is problematized.</text>
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                    <text>TERMINI OZNAČAVANJA "BASME /BAJALICE" U SAVREMENOM GRČKOM
JEZIKU
Ljiljana M. Vulović
University of Belgrade, Serbia

Article History:
Submitted:
Accepted:

Abstract
Βajanje, basma, bajalica are the serbian words that belong to the circle of magical terminology.
Interesting is the comparative approach that compare the Serbs and the Greeks at the linguistic
aspect. Βajanje is seen as a magical behavior which aims to make a change in the desired
direction. As a rule, the basis of this behavior makes a voice part - specific language formula,
shorter or longer, which is usually called by Serbs basma. In the literature the Serbs use the word
bajalica as a synonym for the basma , term that in Serbian is used as a common name for a
person who is engaged in chanting, and it is usually a woman. Greek for bajanje use the term
καταδέσμος, while for the basma they have more terms: κατάδεσμος, μαγεία, μαγγανεία, γητειά /
γήτεμα, ξόρκι, and επωδή. Based on these findings, we see that the Greeks „bajanje“ use the
above terms and that as a marker for the same action and as a result of these actions they have “
basme, bajalice”. In the case of the Greek’s terms we can make a classification on the basis of
objective magic spells that act on the content and those can be as follows: 1. positive or negative
for achieving any goal, whether good or bad - κατάδεσμος, μαγεία, μαγγανεία. We must draw
attention to just κατάδεσμος and μαγγανεία are basme with negative content and operation. 2.
those that are used for the treatment and reject evil ξόρκι, επωδή while γητειά / γήτεμα may be to
invoke the rejection of evil, so for healing and for love.

1

�Narodno bajanje predstavlja širok prostor za ispitivanje gradje kako kod Srba tako i kod Grka.
Ispitivanje se vrši sa više aspekata, držeći se magijskih principa i pravila koja vladaju u građenju
verbalne strukture bajanja. Interesantan je komparativan prilaz kojim se upoređuju basme kod
Srba i Grka s lingvističkog aspekta. Grci za "bajanje" koriste termin καταδέσμος, dok za basmu
imaju više termina: μαγεία, ξόρκι, γήτεμα, μαγγανεία, επωδή. Svaki termin označava posebnu
vrstu basme što se ogleda u različitim terminima označivačima. Na uporednom primeru svakog
grčkog termina videćemo podudarnosti u sistematizaciji naših basmi što otvara veliki prostor za
istraživanje.
Ključne reči: bajanje/ basma/bajalica, μαγεία, μαγγανεία , γήτεμα, ξόρκι, επωδή.

2

�1. Uvod
Narodno bajanje “kao oblik magijskog ponašanja čiji je cilj ostvarivanje neke promene u
željenom pravcu” ( Tolstoj, Radenković, 2001: 16) predstavlja širok prostor za višeslojno
ispitivanje građe, držeći se magijskih principa i pravila koja vladaju u građenju verbalne strukture
bajanja. Narodno bajanje kod Srba (i svih Južnih Slovena) je veoma detaljno obrađeno (v.
predloženu literaturu u fusnotamа) ali nedostaju radovi i paralelni primeri vezani za narodno
bajanje kod savremenih Grka a da su prezentirani na srpskom jeziku. Problem leži u jezičkoj
barijeri, pošto se prostorno šire izučavanje novogrčkog jezika kao stranog razvija tek nakon 1967
godine. Premda postoji mnoštvo radova na grčkom jezičkom području, u okviru

grčke

„λαογραφία“ etnologije, kod nas nema radova koji bi dali komparativni prikaz situacije pri
ispitivanju narodnog bajanja u istovetnoj funkcionalnoj i lingvističkoj problematici. Blizina dva
naroda, s aspekta teritorijalnosti, Srba i Grka, ekonomske i duhovne veze su svakako dovele do
postojanja ako ne semantičke istovetnosti, ono bar sličnosti u pogledu termina iz sfere verovanja i
običaja.
U ovom radu ćemo detaljnije raspravljati o terminima: narodno bajanje, basma / bajalica kao
delovima verbalne magije i kao zasebnim delom magijske prakse. Upotrebom izgovorene ili
pisane reči, najčešće je tajni, skriveni deo usmene ili pisane magijske tradicije u svakoj ljudskoj
kulturi. Usmeni korpus verbalne magije deo je kolektivnog pamćenja, tajno prenošen s kolena na
koleno i pamćen kao deo zajedničke prikrivene kulture pojedinaca koji su se kroz istoriju bavili
ovim umećem. Moramo skrenuti pažnju da „u izvesnom stepenu, na slovenska bajanja uticala je
pisana magijska književnost (apokrifne molitve, zaklinjanja, magijski zapisi i formule).
Prepoznatljiva su tri pravca uticaja: vizantijski (preko grčkog jezika), romansko – germanski
(preko latinskog i nemačkog) i u neznatnoj meri islamsko – orijentalni (preko turskog i arapskog
jezika). Najarhajičniji

sloj kod

Slovena je

u bajanjima i posebno se čuva kod Slovena koji

naseljavaju-balkansko – karpatsku oblast i na Ruskom Severu“. ( Tolstoj , Radenković, 2001:
18).
Narodno bajanje kod Grka u potpunosti se može uklopiti u sistem narodnog bajanja koji je
detaljno definisao i sistematizovao Ljubinko Radenković u nizu svojih radova a posebno u delu

3

�“Narodna bajanja kod Južnih Slovena”. (Radenković, Lj, (1996a). Narodna bajanja kod Južnih
Slovena , Beograd: Prosveta, Balkanološki institut SANU, dalje u tekstu: Radenković, 1996a ) .1
“Narodna bajanja su posmatrana kao specifičan oblik komunikacije. Veza između magije i jezika
odražava se kroz vjerovanje da određene riječi, izgovorene na određeni način, mogu uticati
preko uverenja da reči nose određeno značenje i određenu energiju. Magijski je govor stoga
ritualni čin i jednake je, ako ne i veće važnosti, za uspjeh magijskog čina od nekih neverbalnih
magijskih praksi i dejstvovanja. Postavljen je model komunikativnog lanca koga u ovakvim
slučajevima čine sledeći elementi: pošiljalac i primalac informacije (poruke), način, uslovi i
sredstva opštenja, kao i sistem kodiranja. Pošiljalac informacije jeste bajalica (po pravilu žena),
primalac je obično nevidljiv a zamišlja se kao biće iz divljeg sveta koje ugrožava čoveka kome se
pruža zaštita bajanjem. Informaciju (poruku) bajalica najčešće šalje verbalno i neverbalno,
odnosno izgovaranjem utvrđenog bajaličkog teksta i izvođenjem određenih radnji uz upotrebu
pojedinih predmeta. Da bi poruka bila na odgovarajući način primljena i da bi se izvršio
postavljeni cilj (najčešće iskazan kao razdvajanje demonskog bića od

čoveka) , strogo se

uvažavaju prostorno vremenski parametri (gde i kada se izvodi komunikativni čin)”.
(Radenković, 1996a: 8 - 9). Na osnovu iznetog citata sledi zaključak „ basma je ustanovljeni
govorni obrazac kojim se najčešće ostvaruje komunikativni čin bajanja“. (Radenković, 1996a:
65). Dakle, basma se shvata „kao „instrument“ posebne vrste i oblika koja nosi posebnu snagu i
koja ima za zadatak da vrati u normalno stanje narušeni poredak.“ ( Tolstoj , Radenković, 2001:
17).
Radenković (1996a:7) bajanje „ posmatra kao magijsko ponašanje čiji je cilj da se izvrši neka
promena u željenom pravcu. Po pravilu, osnovu tog ponašanja čini govorni deo – posebna
jezička formula , kraća ili duža, koja se kod Srba najčešće naziva basma i koju prate pravila
izgovaranja ( način, vreme i mesto).“

1

A takodje, i sledećim njegovim radovima :
Раденковић , Р.(1991). Казивања о нечистим силамa. Ниш.
Раденковић, Љ.(1982). Народне басме и бајања. Ниш; Приштина; Крагујевац.
Раденковић, Љ.(1996b). Симболика света у народној магији Јужних Словена. Ниш.
Radenković, Lj. (1973). Urok ide uz polje. Narodna bajanja . Niš: Gradina.
Radenković, Lj. (1982). Narodne basme i bajanja. Niš: Gradina,, Priština: Jedinstvo Kragujevac: Svetlost
Radenković, Lj. (1983). Narodna bajanja. Beograd.
Radenković, Lj. (1996a).Narodna bajanja kod Južnih Slovena, Beograd: Prosveta, Balkanološki institut SANU,
Posebna izdanja, knj. 60.

4

�„Prema nameni južnoslovenske narodne basme se mogu podeliti u tri grupe: 1) medecinske ( za
lečenje raznih bolesti ); 2) privredne (protiv grada, kiše, magle, protiv štetočina , za uspešan lov)
; za društveni život (ljubavne pesme).“ (Radenković, 1996a:72 ). Po strukturi pak, basme imaju
oblik ustaljenih fraza, molitva, zaklinjanja ili razvijenu sižejnu šemu. (Tolstoj, Radenković,
2001:17).
Cilj ovog rada jeste da se preciznije razmotre nekoliko verbalnih magijskih oblika i to sa tri
aspekta: književnojezičkog, istorijskog i etnološkog. To su termini bajanje /basma /bajalica.
Najpre ćemo

jasno da ih definišemo i prezentujemo kako na srpskom tako I na grčkom jeziku.

2. Narodno bajanje/ basma /bajalica

Basma i bajanje je komunikativni oblik skupa magijskih radnji koje su evidentne kroz celu
istoriju Slovena i svih susednih naroda a i šire. Bajati, bajem, bajam „izgovarati vradžbine, vršiti
propratne magijske radnje, proricati“, bajati vodu „madjijati„ (Bjeletić, Marta; Vlajić - Popović,
Jasna; Vučković, Marija; Djokić, Maja; Loma, Aleksandar; Petrović, Snežana,(2006) Etimološki
rečnik srpskog jezika 2, Beograd: Prosveta, Balkanološki institut SANU. Dalje u tekstu Loma i
dr., (2006):83-84), odnosno, bjati-bajem pripadaju terminologiji , po mišljenju

Skoka (1971:

92-93) staroslovenskoj mitologiji i sferi običaja , verovanja i magijske prakse. Sama riječ dolazi
iz predhriščanske stare slavenske mitološke terminologije i narodnoga vjerovanja. Na zapadu, od
1452 godine za narodno bajanje se koristi termin „vražanje“ (bajati, -ēm impf, na istoku , vračati
na zapadu ).
Prvobitno značenje je isto kao i u gr. φημί “govoriti”. Pejorativno značenje razvilo se iz reči
“vračanje”. Ono se vidi najbolje u prefiksalnoj složenici nabajati nekome nešto ”nekoga krivo
izvijestit”. Ovo posljednje značenje nalazi se i u stčeš. boju, bati, kao i u lotiškom batJma »kriva
vijest« i u jednako obrazovanom latinskom fama, gr. φήμη »glas«. Pomoću sufiksa -n dobila se
izvedenici: basna f “(danas) fibula” a izvedenica koja se dobila pomoću sufiksom -ъka je bajka.
Moramo spomenuti i radne imenice na -ač: bajač, na -lac, -lica (v.): bajalac m prema bâjalica f,
pejorativna na -alo (v.): bojalo; na -vāc, -vica , bâjavac m prema băjavica î (kajkavski); i
denominale: òbajati, -jēm-pļ. (Vuk, na istoku) očarati (na zapadu).
Kako vidimo, izvedenice iz glagola bajati su imenice bajač, bajalac i bajalica za osobe koje
bajaju te reči bajka i basna, te basma za različite književne oblike. Radne imenice su bajač,
5

�bajalac, bajalica , pejorativna bajalo, denominali obajati/obajem „ očarati“ na zapadu. (Skok
1971: 92 – 93).
Po Skoku (1971: 92 – 93) osnova od koje nastaju gore navedeni termini je “praslavenska i
sveslavenska *ba-“, i ona je postojala i u baltoslavenskom te vodi poreklo iz ie Skok (1971: 92
– 93) navodi da Miklošič i Matzenauer smatraju da je reč u vezi s madž. báj »magia, incantatio,
ali i muka, zlo, teret« , terminom koji potiče iz tur. *bagy “veza”. Može se uporediti s džag. báj
»veza, čarolija«, bajlamak »očarati«, bajgin »začaran«. Nalazi se i u složenici đozbaidžija
“mađioničar” (göz »oko«) (Skok, Slávia 15, 343). Ovamo ide i bağlama kao prezime. Međutim,
nabajati i bajati u hrvatsko-kajkavskom znači “mučiti, štrapacirati, inkomodirati nekoga”.
Bajanje se kroz istoriju hrvatskog jezika , kako smo videli, naziva i „čaranjem, vračanjem i
vražanjem“. (Deniver Vukelić, Uvod u klasifikaciju verbalne magije i verbalna magija u zapisanoj
usmenoj hrvatskoj tradiciji, u Studiam Mythologica Slavica XVII, 2014: 243- 270, dalje u tekstu
Vukelić, 2014:243-270).
Ovaj termin bajati znači i “liječiti bolest ili drugu životnu teškoću paramedicinskim, natprirodnim
načinima”. Najčešći oblik bajanja stoga je primarno iscjeliteljski, odnosno ona predstavljaju jedan
od najstarijih oblika borbe čoveka protiv bolesti (Kropej 2009: 146) koja napada čoveka i sve što
ga živo okružuje. Dakle, kasnije se iz reči bajati razvilo i pejorativno značenje u kontekstu
nabajati nekome nešto „nekoga krivo izvestiti“, odnosno “pričati laži, pretjerivanja ili izvrnute
činjenice” što se vidi i u lat. fama „glas“.
Uz ovaj glagol postoji i glagol bahoriti, iz koje se izvode i reči bahorija, bahornik i bahorica, a s
prvobitnim značenjem “govoriti nejasne, magične formule” (Skok 1971: 92 – 93): bähoriti, -im
impf. (Vuk, 16. v., zapadni pisci) bajati . Odatle apstraktum na -ija i na -je', bahòrija , băhorje
„bajanje“, radne imenice bahornīk , bahoternik (valjda složenica) prema băhorica „bajalac, ica“. Glagol je izveden s pomoću h &lt; s(k) od ie. osnove *ba-, koja se nalazi u gr. φημί »govorim«
i u našem bajati (v.), bajalac. Odatle rusko bahan “hvastati se” i radna imenica bahar' “brbljavac,
čarobnjak”. Osnova *bah-

nalazi se i u drugim slavenskim jezicima, osim u bugarskom i

poljskom. Zbog toga se može označiti kao praslovenska. Prvobitno značenje bilo je “govoriti
nejasne, magične formule”; odatle onomatopeiziranje osnove s pomoću -or-, upor. žuboriti,
krákořiti. Kao i bajati ide u (Skok 1971: 92 – 93).
Dakle, da zaključimo, psl. glagol izvodi se iz pie. korena *bha- &lt; *bheH2- „govoriti“ (reč, molba,
zapovest) ; od ie. paralela najbliže stoji lat. fari sa prezentom proširenim sufiksom -ie- for &lt;
6

�*faior prema prvobitnijem atematskom obrazovanju u gr.φημί, dor. φαμί . (Loma i dr.,2006:8384).
S druge pak strane postoji i reč čar koja takođe ima značenja kao i lat. divinatio, incantatio, rus.
volšebstvo i koja je podjednako baltoslovenski i sveslovenski magijski termin iz praslavenskog
doba. Iz nje proizlaze i reči čarati, čarovan (čaroban), čarovit, čarnik i čarnica, čaralac i
čaralica, čarovija (čarobija, čarolija, čarovnica (čarobnica) i čarovnjak (čarobnjak). (Vukelić,
2014:243-270). Kao najstariji slovenski termin iz oblasti magije, reči čar i čarati bile su tabu.
Zbog toga su za njih postojale posuđenice coprati, coprtja, cňparnjica i eufemizmi viška f (Lika)
vještica f, višćun , čini , opčiniti . Kad je riječ čar izašla iz folklorne magije, promenila je značenje
u ono jednako kao u latinskoj riječi carmen, incantare &gt; fr. charme, enchanter. Prema Skoku
vokal á u čar dolazi od ie. e posle palatala, kako pokazuje lit. keras “čar”, odatle denominal kereti
“pogledom ili rečima začarati, ureći”, od ie. osnove qyęr- “činiti, obrazovati”. Osnovno je
značenje toga glagola bilo “činiti”,a kako pokazuje sanskrtska paralela karoti 3. 1. sing. “čini”, ali
i izvedenica nižeg prevojnog stepena , krty a znači “čar”; u keltskom (kimričkom) peri- također
znači “činiti”. Isti se razvitak ponavlja i kod Slovena (ini pl. m., opčiniti, u tal. fattura, stfr. failure
i španj. hechicera “vještica” (Skok 1971: 295). Čin se stoga definiše na tri semantička značenja:
1° oblik, način, 2° radnja, djelo, ali u folkloru 3° u pl. čini m. pored f. “incantatio” i “magija” te
radne imenice na -úń od participa perf. aktiva činilac m

prema činilica f “incantatrix” od

(op)Łiniti “začarati” (Skok 1971: 325 – 326).
“U raznim srpskim krajevima basma može biti označena i na drugi način;u istočnoj Srbiji –
basan, kod Srba krajišnika – basna , u Hercegovini i na Kosovu –bajka ,u Jadru – odbrajanje, na
Krodunu – izgovaranje i čitanje. Kod Bugara se javljaju slični nazivi: basma, basna, bailka,
basemka.” (Radenković, 1996a: 65). V. starorusko basniti “pričati, izmišljati”.
“U literature se kod Srba sreće i naziv bajalica kao sinonim za basmu” (Radenković, 1996a: 66).
Medjutim, termin bajalica se u srpskom koristi kao “najčešći naziv za osobu koja se bavi
bajanjem” i to su pojedinci, obično stare žene, a ređe i muškarci (Radenković, 1996a:14). Rečnik
SANU (1959: 247) konstatuje više sinonima za označavanje ovakvih lica: (za ženu) bajaluša,
bajanica, bajara, bajarica, bajačica, basmara, basmarica, bahorica, bahornica; ( za muškaraca)
bajalac,bajalica, bajalo, bajar, bajač, balać, basmač, basmadžija, bahornik. U rečniku JAZU
(1880:154) , za bajača postoji još naziv bahoternik. (Radenković , 1996a: 14).

7

�Kod Hrvata u Hercegovini – mole i moliboge, u Kotarima u Dalmaciji – vidigoje, u Makedoniji
su to basmarice, bajalici, bajaljki, u Bugarskoj – bajački, basmarki, u Sloveniji zagovarjalki, kod
Rusa zagovorščici itd. (Tolstoj, Radenković,2001: 17). One koje bajanjem nanose štetu se
nazivaju kod odredjenih naroda različito: vrčarice, vražalice, činjarice, madjionice,čarovnice,
coprnice, kaldunje. (Tolstoj, Radenković ,2001: 17).
3. κατάδεσμος
Ako skrenemo pažnju na termine “narodno bajanje” u smislu radnje, “basma” kao verbalni čin te
radnje i “bajalica” kao instrument / osoba koja vrši čin bajanja i pokušamo da pronadjemo
paralele kod Grka dobijamo sledeću situaciju: termin κατάδεσμος označava λαογρ. μαγική πράξη
που πιστεύεται ότι προκαλεί εμπόδιο ή βλάβη σε κάποιον ή ότι τον αναγκάζει να κάνει κάτι
(magijsku radnju za koju se veruje da može da uzrokuje smetnje ili da nanosi štetu nekome, ili da
ga prinudjuje da nešto čini) ( Μπαμπινιώτης, 1998: 853). Termin se u potpunosti slaže sa
značenjem reči „bajanje“ u kom smislu ga Grci i koriste. Mnogi rečnici takodje, navode da
termin označava „magijsku radnju“: (Λεξικό της Κοινής Νεοελληνικής, από το Ίδρυμα Μ.
Τριανταφυλλίδη,

1998,

Αθήνα.

on

line

-

language.gr/greekLang/modern_greek/tools/lexica/triantafyllides/index.html

http://www.greek
u

daljem

tekstu

Λεξικό της Κοινής Νεοελληνικής,1998) κατάδεσμος , ο : (λαογρ.) μαγική ενέργεια που έχει ως
σκοπό να βλάψει κπ. ή να αποτρέψει κάποιο κακό:( (magijska radnja koja ima za cilj da škodi
nekome ili pak da odbije kakvo zlo).
Termin se sreće i u starogrčkom jeziku istog oblika i istog značenja κατάδεσμος. Od VI v. pre
n. ere pojavljuju se kod Helena , odnosno u staroj Grčkoj i u kolonijama grčkim magijski tekstovi
poznati pod nazivom κατάδεσμοι lat.

Defixiones “čarobni uzao, zatravljivanje čarobnim

uzlom “ ( Gorski, Majnarić , 1976: 217). Kod Senca (1910: 481 ) to je samo “ čarobni uzao”.
Vidimo da Senc i Gorski - Majnarić kao prmarno značenje daju “čarobni uzao”. To su bili najpre
kratki tekstovi pisani na olovnim tablicama a kasnije su stavljani u grobove. Česti su u grobovima
posebnih vrsta pokojnika ( άωροι, βιαιοθάνατοι ), pokojnika koji su iskusili mors immature “
preveremenu smrt” , ili umrli kakvom nasilnom smrću. Po sadržaju, najpre, se tim tablicama
pokušava umilostiviti njihov bes zbog takve smrti, gde je teško razlikovati molitvu od kletvi i tek
kasnije postaju prava bajanja/ basme. Vremenom ove tablice dobijaju drugačiji i sadržaj i oblik i
8

�postaju poseban oblik μαγικοί δεσμοί, το δέσιμο με μαγεία ( “magijska vezivanja,vezivanje
pomoću magije ), pisani na tankim olovnim listovima i urolani i učvršćavani i bušeni iglama . Po
sadržaju su to magijski tekstovi koji imaju za cilj da naškode nekome, bilo osobi bilo životinji ili
da pošiljaocu obezbede ljubav voljene osobe, ili da mu obezbede kakav uspeh u takmičenju ili
nekom sudskom sporu. Od bogova zazivaju se Demetra, Persefona, Erinije, Hekata i Gaja a od
muških božanstava Hermes. U kasnijem periodu pojavljuju se i imena egzotičnih demona i
bogova, a veoma često i samog preminulog. Vremenom sadržaj se menja i nalazi se na granici
izmedju kletve i molitve i u tom slučaju se mogu pojaviti i imena. (OCD, 2012:399-400).
Κατάδεσμος se održao kao poseban oblik magijske radnje

i delovanja sve do danas. U

novogrčkom posebno označava tzv. „crnu magiju“ , magijske radnje kojima se teži naneti zlo
kome, posebno osetljivim grupacijama i u osetljivim trenutcima ljudskog života, u vremenu
prelaska ( rodjenje, venčanje, smrt).
Što se tiče etimologije kατάδεσμος vodi poreklo od str gr κατα-δέω 1. čvrsto svezati 2. N.T.
zavezati 3. osuditi, zavezati. Φίλτροις καταδήσομαι „čarobnim napitkom uza se privezati”. Reč je
izvedenica od gr.glagola δέω „ vezati, privezati okovati (Senc, (1910): 481,188 ). U grčkoj
laografiji postoji veliki broj dela koja se bave ovom problematikom, posebno njihovim sadržajem.
2

2

-Κουκουλές, Φ.Ι., (1926) «Μεσαιωνικοί και νεοελληνικοί κατάδεσμοι 2», Λαογραφία 9 63.

-Επωδές και κατάδεσμοι από την ανατολική Σάμο / Μ. Γ. Βαρβούνηςby Βαρβούνης Εμμανουήλ Γερ. (1966) Published: Αθήνα: Αιγέας, 1992
-Ἐπωδές καί κατάδεσμοι Τριφυλίας μέ συσχετισμό πρός ἀρχαῖα, μεσαιωνικά καί ἄλλα νεώτερα στοιχεῖα / Δημ. Α.
Κρεκούκια...by Κρεκούκιας Δημήτριος Α. (1919-) Published: Ἀθήνα: Τυπ. Ἑλλάς, 1971
-Ἐπῳδαί (ξόρκια) καί κατάδεσμος ἐκ Νάξου by Οικονομίδης Δημήτριος Βασ. (1909-) Published: Σύρος: [χ.ἐ.],
1956

9

�4. μαγεία
Termin μαγεία „magija, vračanje, čaranje, čini” (Balać,Stojanović, 2002: 425) predstavlja σύνολο
από μυστικιστικές γνώσεις και ενέργειες με τη βοήθεια των οποίων ο άνθρωπος πιστεύει ότι
προκαλεί τη δημιουργία φαινομένων τα οποία δε συμβιβάζονται με τους φυσικούς νόμους ή την
κοινή εμπειρία (skup svih mističnih znanja i radnji pomoću kojih čovek veruje da izaziva
stvaranje fenomena koji ne odgovaraju prirodnim zakonitostima ili zajedničkom iskustvu )
(Λεξικό της Κοινής Νεοελληνικής, 1998 : s.v. ). Magija se deli na dve vrste: 1. μαύρη μαγεία
„crna magija“ 2. Λευκή μαγεία “ bela magija„.
Kod Babinjotisa (1998: 1036) μαγεία je το σύνολο των πράξεων (συνηθ. Τελετουργικών ) , με τι
χρήση αντικειμένων (λ.χ. ειδικών φίλτρων , βοτανιών ) ή των λόγων , με τα οποία πιστεύεται ότι
μπορεί κανείς να κάνει αόρατες δυνάμεις της φύσεως , πνεύματα, δαίμονες, κ.τ.ο. να επιδράσουν
για την επίτευξη επιθυμητού σκοπού (απόκτηση αγαθού, ωφέλεια ή βλάβη προσώπου κ.α.) (skup
svih radnji , obično obrednih gde uz pomoć objekata ( posebnih napitaka biljaka) ili rečima, za
koje se veruje da neko može nevidljive prirodne sile, duhove, demone da natera da deluju u
pravcu ostvarivanja željenog cilja (sticanje dobara, kakve koristi ili nanošenje zla kome ).
Srećemo i oblik τα μάγια „magija, vradžbina, čarolija, čari“ (Balać,Stojanović, 2002:425) što
predstavlja

“η άσκηση μαγικής επιροής“ ( vršenje magijskog uticaja) nastao

od μαγεία

promenom roda i akcenta. Τakodje , το μάγεμα „magija , vračanje, čar, čarolija, draž, uživanje“
(Balać,Stojanović, 2002:425).
Još u srednjevekovonom grčkom nalazimo na sledeća značenja termina μαγεία odnosno μαγειά:
najpre μαγεία,- μαγική τέχνη ( u značenju magijska umetnost, veština), -ενέργεια με μαγική
επίδραση, μάγια ( energija sa magiskim uticajem i delovanjem ) i - κάθε μέσο που χρησιμοποιείται
για μαγικό σκοπό ( označava svako sredstvo koje se koristi u magijske svrhe ). ( Kriaras, s.v.).
Ovaj termin srećemo i u klasičnom grčkom u istom značenju i upotrebi što samo još jednom
potvrđuje starinu ove vrste termina.
Kod Grka nailazimo i na glagol sa istom osnovom

μαγεύω “čarati, začarati, očarati, zavesti-

ασκώ μαγική επίδραση ιδίως βλαβερή· κάνω μάγια. „omađijati”, očarati, odnosno „vršiti magijski
uticaj, posebno loš“. Glagol dobija značenje αποδίδω σε κτ. μαγικές ιδιότητες “pripisati nekome
magijska svojstva”. Sinonim μαγγανεύω „omadjijati u negativnom smislu „ide zajedno sa
imenicom η μαύρη μαγγανεία,“ magija, opsena, prevara“ (Balać,Stojanović, 2002:425) η μαγεία

10

�που ασκείται για κακό σκοπό ( madjija koja se primenjuje

u negativnoj konotaciji, sa zlom

namerom ) (Μπαμπινιώτης, 1998: 1035-1036 ).
Imenica μαγγανεία η je najpre 1. είδος μαγείας που χρησιμοποιεί μυστηριώδεις μεθόδους και
απευθύνεται

σε

κακοποιές

δυνάμεις

για

την

επίτευξη

ορισμένου

σκοπού,

συνήθ.

βλαπτικού. 2. (πληθ.) τα μέσα ή οι ενέργειες που χρησιμοποιούνται για τη μαγγανεία: Kάνει /
χρησιμοποιεί κάποιος διάφορες μαγγανείες. (vrsta magije koja koristi mistične metode i obraća se
zlim silama u cilju postizanja odredjenog cilja, obično štetnog, ili u množini označava sredstva ili
radnje koje se koriste tokom μαγγανεία, madjijanja, vračanja i svakako bajanja.(Λεξικό της
Κοινής Νεοελληνικής, 1998 : s.v. )
Smatra se da su navedeni termini u vezi sa μάγος - ιερέας σε ορισμένους ανατολικούς λαούς κατά
την αρχαιότητα ( sveštenicima odredjenih istočnih naroda u staro vreme- `Πέρσης ιερέας obično
persijski, v. αυτός που ασχολείται συστηματικά με τη μαγεία στα πλαίσια μιας πρωτόγονης
κοινωνίας- onaj koji se bavi magijom u drevnim društvima ) : dok μαγεία, znači „θεολογία
των Μάγων» ( teologija magova) a str gr μαγεύω “ασκώ μαγεία“ ( vršiti , upražnjavati magiju ).
U književnosti str gr μαγγανεία ”μαγικό κόλπο“ znači “ magijska veština, umešnost, prevara“
(Balać-Stojanović, 2002:382). Hofmann (1950: 224) u svom Etimološkom rečniku takodje, ove
reči povezuje sa rečju μάγος, γόης- čarobnjak/mag, απατεών-lažov, prevarant, μαγεύω, γοητεύω,
θέλγω. Dok imenica μαγεία predstavlja

μαγική τέχνη, θεολογία των μάγων magijsku veštinu,

teologiju magova.Hofmann (1950: 224) Smatra da je reč pozajmjenica iz iranskog iz str. Pers.
Maguš μάγος Mag.
5. γητειά
Imenica γητειά

pripada terminima koji označavaju narodno bajanje i znači η πρόκληση ή η

αποτροπή ενός κακού, που προέρχεται συνήθ. από βασκανία, με μαγικά μέσα (prizivanje ili
odbijanje kakvog zla, koje proizilazi obično iz urokljivog pogleda, I opčinjavanja magijskim
sredstvima) dakle , to basma za skidanje uroka, čini, kako dobrih tako i zli. Posebno označava
basme koje su društvenog karaktera I služe za prizivanje i otklanjanje ljubavnih problema. Reč
označava i „ sve ono što poseduje magijska svojstva” -

ό,τι θεωρείται πως διαθέτει μαγικές

ιδιότητες.

11

�Srednjevekovna i savremena γητειά je nastala od γητεία a u vezi je sa glagolom

γητ(εύω) .

Kriaras (s.v.) smatra da γητεία je μαγική επωδή odnosno μάγια.
Ovoj leksičkoj porodici pripada i glagol γητεύω “ vračati, bajati, ureknuti“ (Balać-Stojanović,
2002: 170) -κάνω μαγεία σε κάποιον , ασκώ μαγική επίδραση με ξόρκια- (omađijati nekoga , vršiti
magijski uticaj

vračanjem, bajanjem) odnosno, κάνω γητειές „

vršiti vračanja, bajanja“

(Balać,Stojanović, 2002: 170) , kao I προκαλώ ή αποτρέπω ένα κακό με μαγικά μέσα “izazivam i
odbijam kakvo zlo magijskim sredstvima (Μπαμπινιώτης, 1998: 420) . Od iste osnove imamo i
reč η γητειά κ. γητιά, λογ. γητειά - η μαγική ενέργεια ή λόγος , που αποσκοπεί στην πρόκληση ή την
αποτροπή του κακού ή την ερωτική έλξη, ή το γήτεμα „ vradžbina „(Balać-Stojanović 2002: 170) (
magijska radnja ili govor koji ima za cilj zazivanje ili otklanjanje zla ili se koristi za ljubavno
privlačenje, ili gitema ) (Μπαμπινιώτης, 1998:420). Ovde vidimo i termin γήτεμα το - η ενέργεια
ή το αποτέλεσμα του γητεύω-

koji označava „eneregiju ili rezultat delovanja glagola

γητεύω“.Tako imamo tri oblika, različitog roda ali istog značenja: γητειά , γητιά, γήτεμα.
Što se tiče etimologije Babinjotis (1998:420) smatra da je ona neizvesna. Dopušta da je
verovatno od str gr γοητεύω
nastao naš glagol.

od aorista εγοήτευσα &gt; εγήτευσα sa gubljenjem nenaglašenog –o

O poreklu glagola γητεύω postoje više

mišljenja. Srednjevekovno gr

γητεύω potiče od str gr γοητεύω “μαγεύω“, od γογητεύω. Druga pretpostavka je dao Filinda
(Φιλήντα. Γλωσσογν. 2, 43) I označava glagol kao γιατρεύω με μαγικά μέσα „ lečiti magijskim
sretstvima“ i izvodi ga od εγώ γοητεύω &gt; γογητεύω, apokopom prvog sloga. Interesantno je
tumačenje kojer daje Hadzidakis

koji glagol povezuje

sa γύφτος &gt; γυφτ-εύω &gt; γυτεύω,

ciganima budući da su se oni bavili bajanjem i vračanjem, te time umanjuje starinu ovoj jezičkoj
porodici I njen nastanak smešta u srednji vek.
Ovako široko determinisanje γητειά , γητιά, γήτεμα svrstava ove termine u grupu bajalica I basmi
kojima su se lečile odredjene bolesti. Tako da cilj odredjuje vrstu, da li je basma za lečenje, ili
basma za postizanje kakvog cilja (najčešće ljubavnog).

6.ξόρκι
Termin ξόρκι-„vračanje, bajanje, čaranje, molitva kod bajanja, magično sredstvo“(Balać,
Stojanović, 2002: 502) označava μαγικά λόγια που, σύμφωνα με λαϊκές δοξασίες έχουν τη δύναμη
να απομακρύνουν τα κακά πνεύματα , να θεραπευτούν αρρώστους ( magijske reči, magijski govor,
12

�koji na osnovu narodnog mišljenja ima snagu i moć da otkloni zlo i da leči bolesne)
(Μπαμπινιώτης, 1998: 1238).
Λεξικό της Κοινής Νεοελληνικής( 1998 : s.v. ) ξόρκι determiniše kao συμβολικά μαγικά λόγια
που σκοπό έχουν να διώξουν τα κακά πνεύματα- ( simbolične magijske reči koje imaju za cilj da
oteraju zle duhove ).
Glagol iste osnove ξορκίζω -ομαι “ bajati, zaklinjati, terati neko zlo vračanjem I bajanjem”
(Balać,Stojanović, 2002: 502 ) znači i

απομακρύνω, διώχνω τα κακά πνεύματα με ξόρκια ή με

άλλα μαγικά μέσα ( odbiti,oterati zle duhove putem bajanja ili nekim drugim magijskim
sredstvima ). Glagol ima značenje i εξορκίζω
„zakleti negog (da nešto ne uradi)”. (Λεξικό της Κοινής Νεοελληνικής, 1998 : s.v. )
Sreće se u srednjevekovnom grčkom ξορκίζω od ἐξορκίζω u značenju „επιβάλλω όρκο nametnuti
zakletvu nekome“. Istu osnovu vidimo i u reči ξορκιστής ο „ „zakljinjač, onaj koji baje, vračar”
(Balać, Stojanović, 2002: 502) a za ženu ξορκίστρα. Kriaras ( s.v.) za ξόρκι navodi značenje
μαγική ευχή, επωδή για την απομάκρυνση κακού „ magijska želja, magijska pesma u cilju
otklanjanja zla“ .
U suštini ξόρκι je poseban vidi bajalica, bolje rečeno magijskog govora, jer često sadržaj je veoma
teško razumljiv ili čak potpuno nerazumljiv, koji ima primarno značenje otklanjanj zla. Verovatno
reč nastaje u srednjem veku.
7. επωδή
I konačno, srećemo se i sa terminom

η επωδή

„ vračanje, čaranje, bajanje, zavera„

(BalaćStojanović, 2002: 280) i u značenju -σειρά τυποποιημένων φράσεων , ( γενικότ.) το
τραγούδι ή α λόγια , για τα οποία πιστεύεται ότι απαγγελία ή η καταπολέμηση των κακών
πνευμάτων , τη θεραπεία ασθενειών, συν. Ξόρκι, μαγγανεία , ( η επωδή-μαγικό τραγούδι, ξόρκι) (
niza tipičnih fraza , uopšteno pesama ili reči , za koje se veruje da recitovanje istih ili jednostavno
izgovaranje ima uspeha putem magije da se bori protiv zlih duhova, ili da leči bolesne , sinonimi
su ξόρκι, μαγγανεία γητειά, dakle, επωδή je magijska pesma , istovetna sa ξόρκι) (Μπαμπινιώτης,
1998: 669).
Kod Λεξικό της Κοινής Νεοελληνικής (1998: s.v.) επωδή je λόγος (συνήθ. έμμετρος και σε
ιδιάζουσα γλώσσα) με μαγικό περιεχόμενο, ο οποίος απευθύνεται σε δαιμονικές δυνάμεις με σκοπό

13

�την αποτροπή ορισμένου κακού (govor, obično u stihu i na posebnom jeziku, magijske sadržine,
koji se upućuje demonskim silama u cilju odbijanja odredjenog zla ).
Reč potiče od starogrčkog ἐπῳδή 1. Hvalospjev i molitva kod žrtava u Perzijanaca, u kojoj su se
svi bogovi i sveti dusi zazivali. 2. čarobne pjesme (Sirena). Napose a), basma, bajanje za liječenje
bolesti. b ), čarolije da se pridobiju prijatelji i ljubavnici a to je : urok , napitak (φίλτρα).
(Senc,1910:345).
Na osnovu iznetog vidimo da Grci za „bajanje“ koriste gore navedene termine i to kao
označivača za samu radnju, dakle “bajanje, vračanjem mađijanje, omađijanje” i kao posledicu te
radnje “ basme, bajalice”. Termini se po sadržaju ne mogu striktno svrstati u podelu koju daje
Radenković , budući da vidimo da se svi termini po upotrebi preklapaju. Možemo izvršiti podelu
na osnovu cilja magijske radnje na basme koje po sadržaju mogu biti:
1. Pozitivno / negativne za postizanje kakvog cilja, dobrog ili lošeg - κατάδεσμος, μαγεία,
μαγγανεία. Tu moramo skrenuti pažnju da samo κατάδεσμος i μαγγανεία su basme sa negativnim
sadržajem i delovanjem.
2. One koje služe za lečenje i odbijanje zla ξόρκι, επωδή, dok ητειά/γήτεμα može biti za prizivanje
i odbijanje zla, stoga lečenje i za ljubavne čini. Tabelarno to izgleda ovako:
Κατάδεσμος
μαγεία
Μαγγανεία
Γητειά/γήτεμα
Ξόρκι
Επωδή

-

+
+
+
+

Tabela I
Tek nakon detaljne obrade i prezentacije sadržaja navedenih basmi/bajalica možemo izvršiti
uporednu analizu kako sadržaja tako I termina koji se koriste. Medjutim, i na pojedinim izvodima
evidentirano je da postoji veliki stepen leksičke i sadržajne identičnosti kod basmi kod Srba i kod
Grka, koja je utvrdjena i kod drugih naroda u Jugoistočnoj Evropi.

14

�Literatura

-

Balać, A.- Stojanović, M. (2002).Grčko-srpski rečnik . Beograd:Zavod za udžbenike i nastavna
sredstva-Beograd.

-

Μπαμπινιώτης, Γ.(1998). Λεξικό τής Νέας Ελληνικής Γλώσσας. Aθήνα:Κέντρο Λεξικολογίας.

-

Gorski, O.- Majnarić, N. (1976). Grčko-hrvatski ili srpski rječnik . Zagreb: Izdavačko preduzeće
„Školska knjiga“.

-

ETIMOLOŠKI REČNIK SRPSKOG JEZIKA 2 Sveska 2: BA–BD2, (2006) redaktori Bjeletić,
Marta; Vlajić - Popović, Jasna; Vučković, Marija; Djokić, Maja; Loma, Aleksandar; Petrović
Snežana, Beograd .

-

Hammond, N.G.L. -Scullard, H.H. (1970). The Oxford Classical Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford
University Press. (OCD).

-

Hofmann, J. B. (1950). ΕΤΥΜΟΛΟΓΙΚΟΝ ΛΕΞΙΚΟΝ ΤΗΣ ΑΡΧΑΙΑΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ,
ETIMOLOGISCHES WORTERBUCH DESGRIESCHISCHEN. Munchen.

-

E. Kriaras’Dictionary of Medieval Vulgar Greek Literature . Dostupno preko http://www.greek
language.gr/greekLang/medieval_greek/kriaras/index.html ( 15.02.2015).

-

Kropej, M. (2009) Slovenian Charms Between South Slavic and Central European Tradition. U:
Charms, Charmers and Charming – International Research on Verbal Magic. New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, 145–162.

-

Λεξικό της Κοινής Νεοελληνικής, από το Ίδρυμα Μ. Τριανταφυλλίδη, 1998, Αθήνα . Dostupno
preko

:

http://www.greek

language.gr/greekLang/modern_greek/tools/lexica/triantafyllides/index.html (15.02.2015).
-

Νεοελληνικές λαϊκές επώδες ( γητείες, ξόρκια):μορφολογικά χαρακτηριστικά και εθνογραφικές
καταγραφές. Πασσάλης , Χαραλάμπος Ν., ΑΠΘ, Τήμα Ιστορίας και Αρχαιολογίας.2000. σε
ΑΠΘ

-

Мијушковић М. Љубавне чини. Београд, 1985

-

Radenković, Lj, (1996). Narodna bajanja kod Južnih Slovena . Beograd: Prosveta, Balkanološki
institut SANU .

-

Раденковић , Р. (1991). Казивања о нечистим силам. Ниш.

-

Раденковић ,Љ. (1982). Народне басме и бајања. Ниш; Приштина;
Крагујевац.
15

�-

Раденковић, Љ.(1996b). Симболика света у народној магији Јужних
Словена. Ниш.

-

Radenković, Lj. (1973). Urok ide uz polje. Narodna bajanja, Gradina, Niš.

-

Radenković, Lj. (1982). Narodne basme i bajanja. Niš: Gradina,
Priština: Jedinstvo, Kragujevac: Svetlost .

-

Rečnik srpskohrvatskog književnog I narodnog jezika, SANU, Beograd, 1959.

-

Riječnik hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika, JAZU, Zagreb, 1880.

-

Senc, S. ( 1910). Grčko-hrvatski rječnik . Zagreb: reprint 1988.

-

Словенска Митологија, Енциклопедијски речник, (2001) редактори Светлана М. Толстој и
Љубинко Раденковић, Beograd:Zepter Book World.

-

Skok, P. (1971-1974). Etimologijski rječnik hrvatskoga ili srpskoga jezika / T. 1-4, Suradjivao V.
Putanec. Zagreb.

16

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                <text>Βajanje, basma, bajalica are  the  serbian words that belong to the circle of magical terminology. Interesting is the comparative approach that  compare  the Serbs and the Greeks at the linguistic aspect. Βajanje is seen as a magical behavior which aims to make a change in the desired direction. As a rule, the basis of this behavior makes a voice part - specific language formula, shorter or longer, which is usually called by Serbs basma. In the literature the Serbs use the word bajalica as a synonym for the basma , term that in Serbian is used as a common name for a person who is engaged in chanting, and it is usually a woman. Greek for bajanje use the term καταδέσμος, while for the basma they have more terms: κατάδεσμος, μαγεία, μαγγανεία, γητειά / γήτεμα, ξόρκι, and επωδή. Based on these findings, we see that the Greeks „bajanje“ use the above terms and that as a marker for the same  action  and as a result of these actions they have “ basme, bajalice”. In the case of the Greek’s terms we can make a classification on the basis of objective magic spells that act on the content and those can be as follows: 1. positive or negative for achieving any goal, whether good or bad - κατάδεσμος, μαγεία, μαγγανεία. We must draw attention to just κατάδεσμος and μαγγανεία are basme with negative content and operation. 2. those that are used for the treatment and reject evil ξόρκι, επωδή while γητειά / γήτεμα may be to invoke the rejection of evil, so for healing and for love.</text>
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                    <text>ROLE OF JADID REPRESENTATIVES
IN THE FORMATION OF PRESENT UZBEK LITERAL LANGUAGE NORMS

Inomjon Azimov
Nizami Tashkent State Pedagogical University, Uzbekistan
Article History:
Submitted: 13.06.2015
Accepted: 25.06.2015
Abstract:
Language is the mirror of a nation. All changes occurring in the life of a nation,
undoubtedly, find their reflection in language. In this regard, patriots and eminent figures of a
nation have always considered language as good means of self-apprehension, elevation of its
greatness and glory, reservation and reiteration of spirituality during hard times. Particularly
during the first quarter of the XX century, known in history as the National Renaissance,
academicians and scholars paid a lot of attention to language as they believed it was
engendering national spirituality and elevation of national ideology in people. They
considered language to be an invaluable pearl which indicates the existence of a nation. In
this regard, in the view of development of our own language, we have accumulated all the
facilities and initiated elaboration of rules of Uzbek language.

1. Introduction
From the history of our science it is known that Uzbek linguistics till the 30s of the
past century, with its scientific-theoretical, practical-stylistic features, and social-cultural
contradictions is one of the actual issues subject to studying. Particular aspects of Uzbek
linguistics of that period are not studied much. Till our Independence an opinion that Uzbek
linguistics have started forming in the 40s prevailed, while Uzbek linguistics of the 20s and
30s was not considered at all. Whereas, during the initial period following the October
revolution scholars such as Fitrat, Shokirjon Rahimiy, Qayum Ramazon, Elbek, Gozi Olim
Yunusov, and others have contributed much to the development of Uzbek linguistics.
Due to various disputes among academicians in regards to a variety of views towards
language orthography, education of mother language in schools was in poor condition.
There was a shortage of school manuals – ABCs and other books, while available ones did
not correspond to requirements. There was not any scientific research on the rules of Uzbek

�language and there was not any manual on Uzbek Language Grammar. The following is a
quote by Hoji Muin in the article on “Til masalasi” (Issue of language) in the 29th issue of
1918 of “Mehnatkashlar ovushi” (Voice of labour): “We cannot blame present scholar and
interpreter friends for not knowing Turkic rules, they are unplumbed in this regard. As none
of them and us have not studied in particular school. Education of language rules is usually
given at specialized schools, but such schools are not yet opened in our Turkistan. And
education of morphology and syntax of Turkic language has not yet started in new schools.
Our Turkic language is still a un-researched language and there is not any single Tractate on
its morphology and syntax. Our preceptor friends are not aware of language rules in detail,
which is evident from the books and school manuals written by them [1,92].
At that time the grammar of Turkic language was taught in the majority of Jadid
schools. Fitrat ruled that our schools and letters remain under Ottoman influence. In his
speech at Qurultay (Council) of Language and Orthography in 1921 mentions that the
majority of hours given to teaching/learning of mother language in the courses opened at
Tashkent are presented in Ottomanic; in the First Teachers’ Courses opened in Samarqand
there is no inherence of mother language at all; decision of Education Council Session of
1918 and Teachers’ Qurultay of the past year stipulates education of mother language during
initial three years only, then after general Turkish language (Ottoman Turkish language) is
to be taught; disputes of teachers attending the course of Uzbek language taught under
Ottoman Turkic Sheikh Vosifiy’s izofai lamiya, izofay bayoniya, izofai tashbehiya from
“Qavoyidi lisoni usmoniy” elevated from Arabic language - all of these insulting and
showcasing disrespect towards our language [2, 234-135].
Of course, there were objective and subjective reasons for this condition. First of all,
there was a shortage of skilled teachers. Vadud Mahmud, a Uzbek scholar, writes the
following: “If so, there is not any single school we can indicate; upbringing is so important
for us – education establishments are in worst conditions; notwithstanding amount of
educated people in the faculty, faculties are disgusting. We do not have any establishment
preparing any teacher in adjusted system. At worst, we do not have any single magazine
leading proper education and upbringing. Frankly speaking, we don’t have anything with
proper background” [3, 115].
He mentions that schools are being closed for the reason that majority of teachers,
who studied at Teachers’ Course, are not educated enough, with no particular goal, working
just to let time pass and teaching almost nothing to children. He says that if situation
remains same, illiteracy will continue further: “We have reverted back to past condition this

�year! I.e., how we were before revolution, we are in worse condition now. 5-6 teachers left
the country and busy with other work. Thus, we degraded again” [3, 113].
Secondly, shortage of manuals for schools of new style. Hoji Muin writes the
following in this regard: “If one reason for this is absence of books, another would be
teachers’ methods, which are totally away from education. Initially few teachers had to
implement tartarian books into their schools and some of them - translation of TurkicTartarian works for teaching kids. Even, due to absence of books, teahers had no option
except teaching with such old books as “Chor Kitob”, “Mantiq ut-tayr”, “Huja Hofiz” and
Navoi’s works. [1, 141-142].
“Usuli savtiya” by Ismoilbey Gaspirali successfully implemented in express
education of children in Bahchisaray was approved by Central Asia Jadids. Manuals taught
in traditional “Usuli hijo” in the region were replaced with “usuli savtiya” in new schools.
Advantage of this method in practice was quickly noticed and was well appreciated by
common. Row of special ABCs were created for teaching in such method. [4, 336].
Y.Abdullaev and A.Nurmonov in their researches mention about such ABCs made
during that period [4,5]. А.Nurmonov evaluates Saidrasul Saidazizov’s “Ustodi avval” and
Munavvar qori Abdurashidkhonov’s “Adabi avval” as initial and complicated examples of
Uzbek alphabet as well as closely speaks on Saidrasul Saidazizov’s manual. Y.Abdullaev
mentions creation of dozens of ABCs till 1917, but abovementioned two works being the
most complicated ones. [4, 336].
This is why the most important challenge of Uzbek intelligence was elaboration of
Uzbek language rules and execution of scientific researches as “till there is no any scientific
research – none of these will remain further” [2, 141].
For this reason it was important to deeply analyze nuncupative and scriptural sources
of our nation, to mutually compare, make scientific conclusions and, by this means, to
elaborate rules of Uzbek language: “Let us scientifically clarify number of sounds in our
language. Let us shout that our language is exemplary and rich; we have struggled and
overwhelmed those saying “This language is rude, let us take one of literal dialects of Turkic
language”. Hence, we have not yet arranged sign rules of our language. We have to provide
“singleness” of our symbols and elaborate concrete rules of our language for the benefit of
our writers. First of all we ourselves should know these rules.
Pure shape of our language we shall grab from the language of our people residing in
tribal. There are dostons (rune), ashula (song), matal (proverb) and lapar (cuplet) which
always represented native dialect of tribal people. All of this has to be put down carefully;

�hence there are works of aristocratic poets scripted within public. There are ancient
historical documents as “Qutadgu biling”, “Hibatul haqoiq”, “Devoni lugatiti turk”,
“Muqaddimatul adab”. Let us meticulously examine all of these; compare to each other,
coincide and avail precise and solid results. Efforts and results availed in this regard and
shape – would be scientific. And there won’t be anyone commenting the same” [2, 141142].
But implementation of this work, firstly, was very complicated. Secondly, it was
work that few scholars could afford to do. These were duties subject to joint implementation
by all nation scholars: “It is obvious this work is to be inconvenient. It can not be done by
one person. Challenges faced in this path will fall onto all recently appeared young writers.
We all are obliged to give basis, to dedicate contemprorary cultural essence to new Uzbek
literature” [2, 142].
Scientific Council under Turkistan Education Commissariat disputes in this regard.
During the First Council attended by Russian professors as Е.D.Polivanov, D.Shmidt,
S.Falyev, Kazakh, Tartarian and few Uzbek scholars such as А.Boytursinov, А.Sa’diy,
N.Hakim, who were invited from various educational establishments. They listened lectures
by Professor S.Falev on Morphology and Orthography of Kazakh dialects prepared by
A.Boytursinov, Kazakh linguist; during Second Council they listened E.D.Polivanov’s
lecture on “Basics in formation of morphology and orthography of Turkic languages”; at
Third Council - “Basics in studying and formation of rules of Turkic languages” by А.
Sa’diy.
According to A. Sa’diy, two issues caused disputes during the Council, which were:
“1. Is it possible to follow, take example and refer to languages of other groups
during structurizing rules of Turkic languages?
2. Is it expedient to form logical morphology and orthography to the nature of Turkic
languages? Either uniform logical morphology and orthography?”
Е. D. Polivanov in his lecture underlines his opinion in usefulness of comparison
with Russian language either reference to Russian morphology and orthography during
formation of morphlogy and orthography of Uzbek language, showcasing similarities and
analogy of two languages. А. Sa’diy would totally reject this opinion and note that Uzbek
and Russian languages are totally different. He mentions that Uzbek grammar differs from
morphology and orthography of Russian and Arabic languages and mentions origination of
totally different morphology and orthography. He also mentions that the grammar is
measured narrowly against Turkic languages, appearing as headless, cut-off, not applicable

�for implementation in lingual aspect as unworthy clothing; in this regard impossibility of
analysis of words. As written by him, professors invited for formation of Uzbek language
Grammar did not speak Uzbek, Turkic or Tartarian languages, and there were translators
involved for them. Elbek’s article on “Discussion on rules of Turkic languages” was written
in relation to the Council held, which includes scholar’s critics on those professors not
knowing any single kalima (word) in Uzbek language, but came to form its grammar, and
also mentions that formation of rules of Uzbek language is for those familiar with its overall
spirit and speaking this language [6, 18].
But the elevation of the Uzbek language to the level of literal language, and its
convertion into a literal one was a challenge at that time. As there were Farsi-Tadjik
traditions in imaginative literature, Arab traditions in scientific literature continuing,
opinions on elevation of “populace” Uzbek language onto the level of literal one were
virtually nonexistent. Secondly, reference to Ottoman Turkic language in literature was very
tough. Vadud Mahmud writes in this regards: “If we count Uzbek as a derivation of chigatay
poets dialect, we shall encounter two different dialect”.
Some would say it is dialect of Eastern Turkic either Chigatay, this is our main
dialect which was written by Navoi, Bobur, Fazliy. Others may be western Turkic either
Turkic dialects, which is known for us due to famous lyric poet Fuzuliy. Quby poets
followed this. It is considered not strange for us with the importance of first dialect of these
two being our language, whereas second one with the reading lovely” [3, 59].
Thirdly, as mentioned by Fitrat, there were many elements of Tartarian words mixed
in official language. This is why the majority of scholars could not believe Uzbek language
to become a literal language due to mixture of elements of many languages in it.
In such complicated conditions, the nation’s scholars lead by Fitrat struggled for
development and independency of Uzbek language, wishing for an “independent language
in Turkic group and science written in this language” This is why it was a must-to-do for
any Uzbek writer to elaborate Uzbek versions of words derived from other languages,
attempts in searching Uzbek (Turkic) versions of scientific revelations, to remain versions
which could not be replaced, but to moderate them under rules of Uzbek language.
Role of members of “Chigatoy gurungi” (Dialect of Chigatay) lead by Fitrat in
notification of signs of Uzbek language was irreplaceable. They have put forward the
following tasks:
“- there is complete, great, artistic literature of our language. Constancy of our
language is not in its Arabism, but in itself. We should reveal this;

�- in order to develop our literature, we need to utilize everlasting heritage of our
poets and achieve general basics of developed dialects and languages;
- rules of our language to be written not from Tartarian either Ottoman books, but
to be taken from our own language. This is why there is a need to collect all the
words spoken by common, gather all the fairy tales, proverbs, couplets being a
public literature;
- since literature is scriptural science, to form and elaborate writing rules and
signs”. [2, 135].
Members of “Chigator gurungi” have made a goal to create new Uzbek national
literature, literal language, science and culture. They wished to elevate new literature and
literal language, being a progency of chigatay literature, to renew its popularity as during
Navoi’s age, to be a sample literature and sample literal language for other Turkic
languages.

2. Conclusion
Due to our Independence we are able to study works of victimized scholars. Few
problems of Uzbek linguistics, the linguistic heritage of Jadid representatives, lexis of their
works, literal language style was studied by scholars as А.Nurmonov, S.Zufarov,
Y.Abdullaev, К.Nazarov, А.Madaminov, М.Valihonov and М.Qurbonova. Moreover, their
role in formation of stylistic norms of our language, serious analysis of their scrupulous work
in this regard is very vital.
A detailed study of scientific-imaginative heritage of nations’ patriots - who
sacrificed a lot on the way to national independency, struggled for the development of our
language, contributed much to the development of Uzbek’s literal language - to have justified
and impartial evaluation of their service in the development of Uzbek linguistics is one of the
main tasks encountered by our linguists.

References:
Hoji Muin. Selected works. –Т.: Ma’naviyat, 2010.
Fitrat Abdurauf. Selected works, Chapter IV. –Т.: Ma’naviyat, 2006.
Vadud Mahmud. Selected works. –Т.: Ma’naviyat, 2007.
A.Nurmonov. Selected works, 3-chapter. 3rd Chapter.-Т.: Academnashr, 2012.
Y.Abdullaev. Birinchi Uzbek alifbosi (First Uzbek alphabet) // Uzbekiston adabiyti va san’ati
(Literature and Arts of Uzbekistan, February 6, 1991.

�Sh.Bobomurodova. Uzbek tilshunosigi rivojida Elbekning roli (Role of Elbek in development
of Uzbek linguistics: Dissertation for the Cand.Sc. (Phil.). –Т., 2002.

�</text>
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                <text>Language is the mirror of a nation. All changes occurring in the life of a nation, undoubtedly, find their reflection in language. In this regard, patriots and eminent figures of a nation have always considered language as good means of self-apprehension, elevation of its greatness and glory, reservation and reiteration of spirituality during hard times. Particularly during the first quarter of the XX century, known in history as the National Renaissance, academicians and scholars paid a lot of attention to language as they believed it was engendering national spirituality and elevation of national ideology in people. They considered language to be an invaluable pearl which indicates the existence of a nation. In this regard, in the view of development of our own language, we have accumulated all the facilities and initiated elaboration of rules of Uzbek language.</text>
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                    <text>1
THE USE OF AGENT-BASED MODELS IN COGNITIVE LINGUISTICS: AN
APPROACH TO CHOMSKY’S LINGUISTICS THROUGH THE CLARION MODEL

Miriam Bait &amp; Raffaella Folgieri &amp; Oscar Scarpello
Università degli Studi di Milano, Milano, Italy
Article History:
Submitted: 09.06.2015
Accepted: 21.06.2015
Abstract
In this paper we propose the use of Agent-Based Models (ABM) (Gilbert 2008) to study
the development of historical natural languages starting from a universal grammar according to
Chomsky’s "Theory of the principles and parameters" (Chomsky 1995) .
The CLARION architecture, designed by Ron Sun (Sun 2002) integrates implicit and
explicit knowledge, cognitive and meta-cognitive levels, with the motivational aspect, i.e.
accepting the cardinal principles of the embodied mind (Clark 1997) and recognizing the basic
role of direct men- environment interaction in cognitive mechanisms. Ron Sun develops these
points in a theory of mind and in a thorough discussion of learning problems.
The goal of an artificial neural network (ANN), based on a CLARION architecture, is to
verify theoretical assumptions through simulation, bringing together the dichotomy between
implicit (subsymbolic) and explicit (symbolic) knowledge through a learning mechanism
realized by the extraction of explicit rules by subsymbolic knowledge, based on interaction with
the world. In the real world, cognitive operations are mostly performed unconsciously.
Moreover, learning is carried out through attempts, in dynamic circumstances. The methodology
allows to observe the development of cognitive structures of individual agents through ABM and
contribute to studying the emergence of unplanned and unexpected routines or mechanisms. The
use of neural models as learning tools implies that the simulations are realistic, considering the
relationship between intentional behaviour, learning, desires, individual structures and social
structures. The simulation, thus, enables a study the mind from an evolutionary perspective (that
of satisfying a particular need in a physical and sociocultural world), understanding how
individual structures and social institutions and environment could change each other.

�2
Through ANN-based models one can build realistic 'intelligent agents', i.e. with a 'mind',
minimizing the programming of rules of behaviour and letting the interaction with the
environment produce efficient behaviour.
Key words: ABMS, Agent Based Model System, CLARION, implicit (subsymbolic) and
explicit (symbolic) knowledge, embodied cognition, language and grammar.

�2
1. Introduction
Following Heidegger (2013), being-in-the-world is an essential condition of the human
cognition: this means to recognize the basic role of the direct, immediate, non-deliberative
humans-environment interaction. It does not require the mediation of any form of representation,
but consists in a functional-associative process, in which the knowledge of an object is strongly
related to the instrumental value of it, in relation with the subject. Furthermore, a central idea is
that also the explicit knowledge is strongly influenced by this aspect.
In this paper, we focus on the study of the development of historical natural languages
starting from a universal grammar according to the Chomsky ‘s "Theory of the principles and
parameters" (Chomsky 1995). To do this, we needed to identify a model suited to perform a
cognitive simulation of all mechanisms.
But, how could we simulate and comprehend a disordered and non-intuitive system like
the humans-environment learning paradigm?
«One promising approach involves what has become known as an autonomous-agent
theory. An autonomous agent is a creature capable of survival, action, and motion in real time in
a complex and somewhat realistic environment» (Clark 1997, 6).
Studying the process in their relationship with the world becomes essential, as well as the
attention we must assign to the interdependency between learning and acting.
A useful tool «is the use of simulated evolution as a means of generating control systems
for (real or simulated) robots. Simulated evolution (like neural network learning) promises to
help reproduce the role of our rationalistic prejudices and predispositions in the search for
efficient solution» (Clark 1997, 87).
The central element is the evolutionary character of the model. The immediateness of the
cognitive processes characterizes human action also in structured social contexts: «The idea, in
short, is that advanced cognition depends crucially on our abilities to dissipate reasoning: to
diffuse achieved knowledge and practical wisdom through complex social structures, and to
reduce the loads of individual brains by locating those brains in complex webs of linguistic,
social, political, and institutional constraints [...]. Human brains, if this is anywhere near the
mark, are not so different from the fragmented, special purpose, action-oriented organs of other
animals and autonomous robots» (Clark 1997, 180).

�3
There are situations in which the environment is structured so that an individual does not
need great elaboration processes to achieve an objective. The objective of a simulation is
comprehending and analysing the totality of the humans-environment relationships and Clark
(1997) recognizes these possibilities.
The starting point of our work is the acknowledgement that cognitive science call for a
methodological approach allowing a cross-discipline study of the mind based on an evolutionary
perspective. As already mentioned, in this paper we propose the use of Agent-Based Models
(ABM) [Gilbert 2008] to study the development of historical natural languages using the
CLARION architecture, designed by Ron Sun (Sun 2002). The simulation allows to study the
mind from an evolutionary perspective (satisfying a particular need in a physical and
sociocultural world), understanding how individual structures and social institutions and
environment could change each other.
Section two is devoted to Ron Sun’s mind theory and to the description of his CLARION
model (Sun, 2002), while section three describes the designed simulation. In section four we will
discuss the results and in last chapter five we will draw our conclusions and suggest possible
future developments.
2. Ron Sun’s mind theory and the CLARION model
Ron Sun (2002) developed these points in a mind theory and, in particular, in a thorough
discussion of the learning problem. Both these aspects are then realized in a cognitive modular
architecture, namely CLARION (Connectionist Learning with Adaptive Rule Induction ONline), that integrates implicit and explicit knowledge, cognitive and meta-cognitive level and
together with the motivational aspects, whose objective consists in verifying the theoretical
assumption through a simulation. The fundament of this mind theory is the dichotomy between
implicit (sub-symbolic) and explicit (symbolic) knowledge and the learning mechanism that is
the construction of explicit rules of the sub-symbolic knowledge. The latter is founded on the
interaction with the world: it is a fundamental implicit process, direct and not mediated by
representations. In daily activities, under the time pressure, most of the cognitive operations
realised, are performed without any reflection. Furthermore, learning happens by attempts, in
circumstances in which the scenario is not stationary, stable and not for the individual who acts
and learns. These adaptability and dynamism are reproducible only by neural networks or

�4
simulations environments. In Sun’s model this implicit process is based on the reinforcement
learning and on the Q-learning algorithm. These methods simulates humans’ learning that is
graduated and action-oriented (Sun 2002, 25). The following phase of the bottom-up learning
corresponds to the algorithm for the extraction of rules called Rule-Extraction- Revision (RER)
(Sun, 2002). This algorithm allows to extract from neural networks the essential elements to
construct a rule formed in an explicit manner, that is in the “if-then” form.
Our purpose is based on the use of the CLARION cognitive architecture (Sun 2002) and
the agent-based model, to enable individuals to learn a language from a universal grammar,
drawing on Chomsky’s "principles and parameters theory" (Chomsky 1995) and then to act and
interact within an environment.
The methodology allows us to observe the development of cognitive structures of
individual agents through ABM and contribute to studying the emergence of unplanned and
unexpected routines or mechanisms. The use of neural models as learning tools implies that the
simulations are realistic, considering the relationship between intentional behavior, learning,
desires, individual structures and social structures.
The sub-symbolic knowledge is suited to grasp the peculiarity of the men-environment
and men-men interaction. The extraction method consisting in selecting information from the
implicit knowledge allows to formulate the concepts themselves in an explicit form. The
fundament of the symbols must be sought in the sub-symbolic knowledge and particularly in the
interaction among agents and between agents and environment.
In this context, the neural models can significantly contribute to set the significance of
representations and the concept of intentionality.

3. Tools and Methodology
The adopted methodology is interesting for the effects we can observe in the
development of the cognitive structures of single agents in information technology simulation
realized through ABM (Agent Based Models) we will describe in the following. In fact, this kind
of simulations allow to study the emergence of non-programmed and unexpected routines or
mechanisms. The use of neural networks as learning instruments make realistic the simulations,
thanks to complex architecture not limiting to act in a “reactive” way to the stimuli from the
environment.

�5
The realized model is composed of a cognitive architecture that allows learning and of a
platform where it is possible to develop the agents simulation.
The cognitive architecture is CLARION, chosen for its modularity and for the capability
to integrate implicit and explicit knowledge, cognitive and meta-cognitive levels, combining all
these element with the motivational aspect.

Figure 1: CLARION (The Connectionist Learning with Adaptive Rule Induction ON-line)

We wish to highlight that the three innovative aspects of this architecture are:
I. The interaction between cognition-motivation and environment: the motivations of the
agent correspond to social needs, the trigger of every action and cognition.
II. The ability of the agent to learn autonomously, regardless of the cultural context provided
a priori. The learning and the formation of implicit knowledge is based on a trial-anderror criterion. The abstract and explicit knowledge can be extracted from the implied
knowledge. It is gradually acquired through a "bottom-up" process.
III. The constant interaction of multiple subsystems.

�6
Neural networks are the first step of the hierarchy of knowledge: through parameter
estimation it is possible to build a function that can associate (such as, map) different values,
through a reward-punishment process, in a continuous interaction with the outside world. The
algorithms used are the reinforcement learning and Q-learning: the advantage of these processes
is that no preset external value is required in order to estimate the values of the network
variables. Once the network is trained, it is possible to derive rules and concepts to create explicit
knowledge.
The simulation with ABMs is defined within a delimited environmental system,
populated by actors who perceive a certain state of the system, interact with each other, and
express a certain preference structure which might change in the very course of the simulation.
To design the simulation, we chose the NetLogo (https://ccl.northwestern.edu/netlogo/)
platform because this software is suitable for complex systems evolving over time. More
specifically, the purpose of this simulation is to explore how and to what extent the properties of
language users, learning, environment, structure of the social network, may influence the spread
of a language.
In this model, two linguistic variants are at work within the social network: one variant is
generated by grammar 0 and the other is generated by grammar 1. Speakers interact, at each time
cycle, according to the network links. At each iteration, every speakers pass on a sentence
expressed in Grammar 0 or Grammar 1 to neighbors in the network. Then individuals listen to
their neighbors and change their grammars according to what they have heard.
The model is organized into three distinct but interacting elements:
 the environment;
 speakers acting within this environment;
 the social network

�7

Figure 2: the simulation developed in NetLogo

The structure given to the environment has been characterized by defining variables and
procedures that provide a dynamic foundation for agents that act within it, interacting with each
other and with the created environment.
The speakers interact with two different grammars that are learned using the CLARION
cognitive architecture. In this model, each grammar is associated with a weight, which
determines for every speaker, the probability to access that grammar. The speakers still produce
statements in compliance with the grammar of access, but individuals now have a probability to
produce sentences with or without the original parameters. This allows us, according to what
Troutman, Goldrick, and Clark stated in their study (2008), to detect intraspeaker variations
when changing the language.
Learning determines the interaction modality with the environment and, consequently,
the degree of language proficiency that the speakers will acquire during the simulation. The
degree of competence achieved allows to activate the algorithms and communication procedures
in order to create the link between the individual speakers environment and the procedures for
dissemination in the social network.

�8
English speakers and Italian speakers interact with each other according to the network
links. Every iteration make all agents speak, and listen at the same time, thus passing an
statement to their neighbors and consequently modifying their grammars according to what they
receive as input from other speakers. All speakers, after each iteration, update their grammar
immediately after listening. This implies a choice for one of the two polarizing grammars on the
basis on its weight. If the selected grammar is able to analyze the expression correctly, the
grammar is rewarded by increasing its weight. Otherwise, the grammar is penalized by
decreasing its weight.
In addition, the speakers have a bias in favour of the English grammar that was
introduced by Troutman, Clark and Goldrick (2008). Their results show that a bias is a crucial
component in the variation pattern of the language.
Finally, the implementation of the social network characterizes the interaction between
speakers making communication possible and influencing with its form and structure, evolving
in time, the time and modes of communication. Starting from this assumption, the implemented
network was reconsidered as a structure with a mesh topology, where each node is directly
connected to the other nodes by random bonds, using for each connection a dedicated branch.
More specifically, the model starts from the creation of links between nodes (speakers)
over time, trying to realize a fully meshed topology within a limited group of speakers who
represent a kind of "eco-village" following the "Rule of 150". The number of Dunbar (or rule
150) states that the size of a social network capable of supporting stable relationships is limited
to about 150 members (Hill Dunbar 2002).

4. Results and discussion
In the simulation, at the initial moment of interaction of a group, the speakers of two
different languages, implement accommodation strategies to communicate. Later, the increase of
linguistic competence obtained by speakers during the cycles of the simulation time, transforms
the process of diffusion into an individual exchange interaction. The users of a language choose
one of neighbours they are randomly linked to, by adopting the grammar of the other, simply by
proximity. The individual exchange between speakers is intuitively the moment where individual
elements of a group, having acquired a good linguistic competence individually interact with the
others in order to create personal relationships with other individuals.

�9
Increasing the language competence, the simulation ends with a third phase where
speakers do not start from opposite positions, since they have mediated the differences and have
developed skills since the beginning of the simulation, and may aim at a common result.
The following picture shows the average distribution of the languages among speakers.
Italian speakers are represented by the blue line, while Anglophone agents are in the red one; the
ordinate shows the distribution while the abscisses the time in the simulation.

Figure 3: average distribution of the languages in speakers

As a result, it is possible to notice the development of the use of one grammar instead of
another to communicate among all members of the group, without being anchored to a basic
form of communication given by the mediation of two different grammars.
It has also been noted that the value of the bias in favour of grammar 1 has a very strong
weight, and this is essential to enrich the social network with a motivation element by the
subjects.
Moreover, it is possible to find the percentage of the initial distribution of grammars to
establish the minimum number of Italians that is required in order to invalidate the bias of
prejudice in favor of the spread of English grammar.

5. Conclusion
The first conclusion considering the results of the simulations and the cases examined,
concerns the actual occurrence of an adjustment by the speakers and a development in the use of
a grammar instead of another to communicate between all members of the group.

�10
The interaction with the environment and the interaction within the social network permit
the achievement of a high level of language competence. When this level is acquired, the
speakers reach constantly the threshold value of one of the two grammars examined.
It has also been noted that the value of the bias in favour of the English grammar is a very
strong weight, and this is essential to enrich the social network with a motivational framework of
speakers. The preference of a grammar enhances the language competence.
Finally, it has been observed that some initial distributions into groups of speakers can
invalidate the prejudice in favor of the use of a language because of their number. This might
mean that an environment that is strongly characterized by the presence of a language (e.g.,
Italian grammar) leads the speakers not to communicate with the other (English grammar), even
if the individual and the aggregate preference would say the opposite.
The action of an agent within a simulation is the result of complex dynamics among
factors such as action, thought and external structures. In short, the agent simulates cognitive
processes.
Only within an evolutionary perspective the world becomes a space of computational
resources that are complementary to human cognitive processes. Therefore the mind has created
much of its representations that are local and action-oriented. Under this new light, defining
knowledge as "distributed" acquires even greater meaning.
In fact, cognitive architectures that are based on networks, are inspired by the brain
structure and it is claimed they provide excellent tools for the study of the mind and its
functioning. Their development has played a very important role in the philosophical debate, in
particular, within the domain of cognitive sciences and the philosophy of mind.
A serious mistake, however, would be to take radical positions disregarding
representational and computational methods. The problem is still open, but the concept of actionoriented representation is crucial in order to grasp one of the many aspects of the brain-world
relationship. This new interpretation gives prominence to the simulation, and in particular to
simulation through agents, fostering new methodological perspectives for the cognitive sciences.

�11
References
Gilbert N., (2008), Agent-based models. No. 153. Sage.
Chomsky N., (1995), The Minimalist Program (Current Studies in Linguistics),
MIT Press.
Clark A., (1997), Being there: putting brain, body, and world together again,
MIT Press, Cambridge MA.
Heidegger, M. (2013). Essere e tempo. Utet Libri.
Hill, R. A., &amp; Dunbar, R. I. (2003). Social network size in humans. Human nature,
14(1), 53-72.
Sun R., (2002), Duality of the Mind, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Mahwah, NJ.
Troutman, C., Clark, B., &amp; Goldrick, M. (2008). Social networks and intraspeaker
variation during periods of language change. University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in
Linguistics, 14(1), 25.

�</text>
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                <text>In this paper we propose the use of Agent-Based Models (ABM) (Gilbert 2008) to study the development of historical natural languages starting from a universal grammar according to Chomsky’s "Theory of the principles and parameters" (Chomsky 1995) .  The CLARION architecture, designed by Ron Sun (Sun 2002) integrates implicit and explicit knowledge, cognitive and meta-cognitive levels, with the motivational aspect, i.e. accepting the cardinal principles of the embodied mind (Clark 1997) and recognizing the basic role of direct men- environment interaction in cognitive mechanisms. Ron Sun develops these points in a theory of mind and in a thorough discussion of learning problems.  The goal of an artificial neural network (ANN), based on a CLARION architecture, is to verify theoretical assumptions through simulation, bringing together the dichotomy between implicit (subsymbolic) and explicit (symbolic) knowledge through a learning mechanism realized by the extraction of explicit rules by subsymbolic knowledge, based on interaction with the world. In the real world, cognitive operations are mostly performed unconsciously. Moreover, learning is carried out through attempts, in dynamic circumstances. The methodology allows to observe the development of cognitive structures of individual agents through ABM and contribute to studying the emergence of unplanned and unexpected routines or mechanisms. The use of neural models as learning tools implies that the simulations are realistic, considering the relationship between intentional behaviour, learning, desires, individual structures and social structures. The simulation, thus, enables a study the mind from an evolutionary perspective (that of satisfying a particular need in a physical and sociocultural world), understanding how individual structures and social institutions and environment could change each other.  Through ANN-based models one can build realistic 'intelligent agents', i.e. with a 'mind', minimizing the programming of rules of behaviour and letting the interaction with the environment produce efficient behaviour.</text>
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                    <text>TEACHERS AS PATIENCE STONES: A METAPHOR ANALYSIS OF STUDENTS’
CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF EFL TEACHERS IN TURKEY
Melike Baş &amp; Betül Bal-Gezegin
Amasya University, Turkey
Article History:
Submitted: 02.06.2015
Accepted: 18.06.2015

Abstract
With the application of cognitive linguistics to language teaching and learning,
metaphor analysis has gained interest among researchers in recent years. This study, which is
conducted in an EFL language environment in Turkey, aims to investigate students’
metaphors that underlie their conceptualizations on English language teachers. Participants
are students of English (n=83) studying at a university in Turkey during 2014-2015 academic
year. Students were first instructed on the concept of metaphor, then they were asked to
complete the metaphor elicitation sheet including the prompt “An English teacher is like ...
because ...” Data were analyzed both qualitatively and quantitatively. Conceptual Metaphor
Theory defined and developed by Lakoff &amp; Johnson (1980), who consider metaphors as
mental constructs that shape human thinking about the world and reality, is used as the
theoretical background for this study. The linguistic metaphors provided by the participants
were first categorized thematically and then examined in parallel with previous studies
(Oxford et al., 1998; Saban et al., 2006). Results revealed a variety of underlying
conceptualizations that reflect different individual mappings across conceptual domains. The
findings yielded new categories, which imply that culture as well as students’ personal
experiences might shape their perceptions on language teachers. The study is significant in the
sense that it highlights the use of metaphor as an effective cognitive tool to better understand
students’ beliefs of their language teachers and their language learning process. In addition, it
provides an opportunity for the teachers to have a self-reflection on their roles as language
teachers.
Key words: conceptual metaphor, learner perception, English language teacher, EFL,
Turkish
1

�1. Introduction
With the rise of cognitive approach to language learning in recent years, the number of
studies focusing on learners’ beliefs has increased dramatically. The study of perception and
beliefs in language learning is important since it provides the evidence to figure out how
language learners view the learning context. There are several ways which enable researchers
to elicit the beliefs and conceptualizations of learners and practitioners. One increasingly
popular method is metaphor analysis, whereby participants generate metaphors for relevant
activities and concepts and then actively work on them.
Metaphors, in the sense of Lakoff &amp; Johnson (1980a), are fundamental mental
operations by which we understand the world through mapping from known domains to
unknown domains, and that some conceptualizations are metaphorically organized in our
minds. Cognitive theory sees metaphor as a process and a product of mapping across concept
domains. For instance, in the conceptual metaphor TIME IS MONEY, time (a more abstract
entity) is viewed as money (a more concrete entity) as in the examples “You’re wasting my
time”,“You’re runningout of time”, etc. (Lakoff &amp; Johnson, 1980b, p.454). Conceptual
metaphors are usually expressed in an A IS B format, using capital letters.
It is believed that metaphors of language learners may help teachers to develop
professionally by revealing students’ experiences of language learning activities and
situations (see for example, Cameron, 2003; Cortazzi&amp; Jin, 1999; de Guerrero &amp;Villamil,
2002). Students’ beliefs and perceptions of their teachers can be an indicator of their attitudes
to language learning and even their overall success of the target language. It is important for
the language teachers to find out these hidden perceptions which might help them to obtain
more insights on their students’ overall perceptions of language teachers. This, in turn, helps
the teachers to foster language learning and focus on the reasons of negative attitudes and
eliminate them as possible.
There are a number of studies that investigate how teachers of English are
metaphorically conceptualized by both students and teachers themselves. These studies can be
grouped into three in terms of the providers of metaphors on language teachers, namely,
(prospective) teachers themselves, students, and both teachers and students. It should be noted
that the majority of studies on metaphor analysis in EFL contexts (see e.g. Ellis, 2001, 2003;
Zapata &amp; Lacorte, 2007; Erkmen, 2010) have centered on metaphors from teachers, not the
language learners themselves except for a few studies (e.g. Ahkemoğlu, 2011). The studies
that explore metaphors from teachers’ perspectives generally aim to help the teachers to

2

�express and “construct representations of themselves and their experience” (Kramsch, 2003,
p.125) and “to promote awareness of professional practice” (Cortazzi&amp; Jin, 1999, p.155).
Within this framework, this study aims to explore students’ beliefs about their English
language teachers through an analysis of metaphors they produced within an EFL context
with the guidance of the research question “What metaphorical images do Turkish EFL
students use to describe the English language teachers?”

2. Methodology
In this study, we follow the general approach to metaphor collection and analysis by
Cameron

&amp;

Low

(1999),

which

involves

"collecting

examples

of

linguistic

metaphors...,generalizing from them to the conceptual metaphors they exemplify, and using
the result to suggest understandings or thought patterns which construct or constrain people's
beliefs and actions” (p.88).

2.1. Participants &amp; Setting
The study took place in the Department of Foreign Language Studies at Amasya
University in Turkey. The participants were 83 preparatory class students studying English at
2014-15 academic years. The participants’ age ranged between 18 and 20. They had been
studying English since their secondary school, and their English level could be considered A1
(CEFR).

2.2. Instrument and Data Collection
Data were collected through a self-designed metaphor elicitation sheet adopted from
previous studies (Oxford et al, 2006; Saban et al., 2006). The students were first presented
with a general definition and description of the concept of metaphor followed by examples
and excerpts obtained from previous studies (e.g. a child is like a notebook because whatever
falls on it makes a trace). As the next step, the metaphor elicitation sheets written in students’
first language were distributed. The sheet aimed to elicit their metaphors of English teachers
via the prompt “An English teacher is (like) ... because … .” This prompt requires the
participants to express their ideas about what they believe of the language teachers. This
personal metaphorical reasoning was later used to classify the metaphors in the data analysis
phase and understand the rationale for choosing these specific metaphors.

2.3. Data Analysis
3

�The metaphor analysis methodology employed by Saban, Koçbeker &amp; Saban (2006)
and Oxford et al. (1998) was adopted in the study. The steps followed for data analysis are:
i)

listing the collected examples of linguistic metaphors (e.g. Student-13 “meyve”
[fruit]),

ii)

identifying main categories of metaphors in accordance with the students’ rationale
behind choosing specific metaphors (e.g. teacher as a basic need-fruit),

iii)

constructing conceptual themes based on the main categories identified (e.g. SOURCE
OF KNOWLEDGE, GUIDE, etc.),

iv)

grouping the metaphors under main themes, and

v)

establishing inter-rater reliability. In order to ensure inter-rater reliability, we asked
three outside researchers to independently review eight categories obtained from the
data. Discrepancies were discussed and a consensus was reached on for disagreements.

3. Findings and Discussion
The analysis of data yielded 67 properly-structured metaphors. These metaphors are
grouped under 15 conceptual categories. Table-1 presents these categories, with their
definitions, frequencies and linguistic metaphors in each category.

Table-1 Teacher metaphors by students and their descriptions
Categories
1.

Definition

n

Examples

teacher as a

Teacher provides guidance

12

guide in a desert,

guide

and directs students, helps

director, family, guide,

them achieve goals, supports

map, pilot, star, the sun,

the students, corrects them

supporter, mother,

when necessary

worker who guides the
mine workers in a coal
mine

2.

teacher as the

Teacher is the source and/or

11

book, transporter,

source of

conduit of language:

primary school teacher,

knowledge

dispenses language

computer, daily

knowledge to students

newspaper, library,
parents, treasure, a
collection of all the
4

�books in the world
3.

teacher as basic

Teacher is a vital element to

8

fruit, pencil lead, rain,

need

survive. She meets the basic

fountain, water, water

needs of the students learning

and oxygen

a language
4.

teacher as a

Teacher is someone who has

patient person

to be very patient in the

7

mother, Darwin,
patience stone

process of teaching
5.

teacher as an

Teacher provides the students

5

transporter on a river,

instrument

with the necessary tools and

piano, brain, key,

opportunities to learn the

window

language
6.

7.

teacher as a care

Teacher takes care of the

giver/repairer

students especially when they

care unit nurse,

are in need of correction

maintenance

teacher as a

Teacher takes care of the

cultivator

growth and improvement of

4

nurse, doctor, intensive

4

gardener, farmer

3

brain, God, boss

the students. Teacher's job is
to construct the optimal
environment in which the
inner nature of the mind could
grow and nourish
8.

teacher as an

Teacher is the superior power,

authority

authoritative figure, and the
decision maker. She controls
the students

9.

teacher as an

Teacher is funny, friendly,

entertainer

energetic, entertaining the

3
soap opera, smurfs, toys

students in the language
learning process. Such a
teacher does not bore her
students
10 teacher as a

Teacher never stops learning

2

sunflower headed to the

5

�.

chaser of

new things

sun

knowledge
11 teacher as a
.

molder/crafts-

Teacher shapes the students’

2

interior designer, cook

2

mirror, a Turkish

minds

person
12 teacher as a
.

reflector

Teacher reflects her own
experience, background and

citizen who went to

knowledge, as well as the

Germany in 1960s

culture of the target language
13 teacher as an
.

effective agent

Teacher plays a significant

2

ink, revolution

2

cactus, hammer

1

construction worker

role in students’ lives, i.e.she
affects the students andyields
change in their lives by
leaving a trace on those she
teaches

14 teacher as a
.

harmful agent

Teacher punishes students
when they are not good
enough

15 teacher as a
.

builder

Teacher helps students to be
successful

The qualitative analysis of the metaphors generated by the participants shows that
almost all of the students participated in the study have a positive attitude towards language
teachers. There are only four images out of 67 contained a negative description of the
teachers, namely, cactus, hammer, boss and God. In the cactus metaphor, the teacher is
depicted as an unsuccessful person who spends long time to teach but cannot improve
students’ language skills. Similarly, the student who uses the metaphor of “cactus” indicates
that the teacher punishes the learners especially if they do not understand English. In both of
these metaphors students attribute the notion of punishment with teachers. In the other two
negative metaphors, boss and God; teachers are perceived as people who have the sole power
and authority.
There is diversity in the metaphors found. As can be seen in Table-1, there are 15
categories and the metaphors include images of plants, various jobs, entities, and instruments.
The analysis shows that language teachers are seen as enjoyable (soap opera, smurfs, toys);
6

�effective (ink, revolution); productive (interior designer, cook); self-reflective (mirror);
necessary (fruit, pencil lead, rain, fountain, water, water and oxygen); growth providing
(gardener, farmer) agents.
In this study, teacher as a guide (n=12)is the most recurrent metaphor, and quite
similar in number, the next category was teacher as source of knowledge (n=11). It is obvious
that students consider their language teacher both as the one who teaches them the target
language but also guides them in their learning procedure. These metaphors reflect the image
of a teacher type who has all the knowledge and skills that students may need. TEACHER AS
GUIDE metaphor entails that the language learning is seen a goal-oriented and teacherfacilitated process. TEACHER AS THE SOURCE OF KNOWLEDGE metaphor, on the other
hand, implies that teachers are the ultimate providers of knowledge whereas learners are the
receivers of the information.
Another point to be discussed based on the metaphors found is that, as it is known,
within the communicative language teaching; the focus has changed from teacher to student.
This indicates that teachers should not be regarded as the sole source of knowledge but the
guide to help the students find their ways in learning and exploring the target language. As
can be seen above in Table-1, there is a large amount of metaphors indicating that students see
their teachers both as a guide and source of knowledge. This might mean that there is a shift
from what is called classical teacher role of “knowledge provider” to the role of “guide”.
Thus, it is satisfying to see that metaphors, which show that students see their language
teacher as an authority in class, are very limited (brain, God, boss).
Although this study shares some of the metaphors formed by teachers and learners in
previous studies about language teachers such as gardener (Oxford et al, 1998), parent, map,
etc. (Saban et al, 2006), mother, water, book, cook, doctor (Nikitina &amp; Furuoka, 2008),
director, the sun (Guerrero &amp; Villamil, 2002), it also reveals some metaphors unique to the
present study (e.g. Darwin, stone of patience, google, sunflower headed to the sun, etc). It
seems likely that these differences are due to cultural and contextual factors of this particular
teaching atmosphere. The metaphor “stone of patience”,

for example, is a common

expression used in the Turkish culture. It is mostly used for people and it indicates that the
person who is the stone of patience shows an unusual patience towards a difficult situation or
task. There are five students who form this metaphor. With this metaphor, they indicate that
their language teachers are very patient people who put a lot of effort in the procedure and
have to wait for a long time to see improvement of their students. The students underscore

7

�that the language learning is a gradual and difficult procedure, and the teachers are doing their
best to wait for the success of their students patiently.

4. Conclusion
In the present study, we investigated and classified students’ metaphors about the
concept of English language teacher. The analysis of the metaphors has yielded some fruitful
and insightful understandings of the roles of these teachers in this particular teaching context.
To begin with, the study shows that the diversity and richness of the metaphors provided is an
indicator of how varied metaphorical images students have on the same concept. The study
also highlights the value and significance of metaphor analysis as a tool to assist students in
examining their values, beliefs, and conceptualizations of their teachers. In addition, it is a
useful pedagogical tool for teachers to review and revise their teaching practices, their roles as
language teachers and their attitudes if necessary.
Another important finding is that students continue to identify their teacher with a
series of traditional teaching roles, such as leader, provider of knowledge, agent of change,
and nurturer; however, these students also have a more “facilitating” role of their teachers
which is relatively a more recent teacher role appeared with communicative teaching
methodology. With the rise of this theory in language classrooms, the roles of teachers have
shifted from being the only source of knowledge to the one who guides to seek and find
knowledge. As this study shows, the two most commonly used metaphors come from both of
these roles of teachers, namely, teacher as the knowledge provider and teacher as the guide. It
is inferred that with a few exceptions (boss and God), students, in fact have come to the
realization that the classroom is not teacher-centered anymore. Students should also actively
participate in the learning process and teachers are there to foster their learning.
It should be within the objectives of the teacher development programs to uncover students’
perceptions of their teachers through use of metaphors by which students’ conceptual
frameworks are analyzed. Becoming more aware of their beliefs and strategies by means of
metaphors, language teachers can develop better insights into their existing roles according to
students and thus they can adapt their teaching styles and strategies accordingly if necessary.

References
Cameron, L. (2003). Metaphor in educational discourse. London: Continuum.

8

�Cortazzi, M.,&amp; Low, J. (1999). Bridges to learning: Metaphors of teaching, learning, and
language. In L. Cameron, &amp; G. Low (Eds.)Researching and applying metaphor
(pp.149-176). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Ellis, R. (2001). The metaphorical constructions of second language learners. In M. P. Breen
(Ed.)Learner contributions to language learning: New directions in research (pp.6568). Harlow: Longman.
Ellis, R. (2003). A metaphorical analysis of learner beliefs.In P. Burmeister, T. Piske&amp; A.
Rohde (Eds.)An integrated view of language development: Papers in honor of Henning
Wode. Trier, Germany: WissenschaftlicherVerlag.
Erkmen, B. (2014). Non-native novice EFL teachers' beliefs about teaching and
learning.HacettepeÜniversitesiEğitimFakültesiDergisi (H. U. Journal of Education)
29(1), 99-1
Guerrero, M. C., &amp;Villamil, O. S. (2002).Metaphorical conceptualizations of ESL teaching
and learning.Language Teaching Research, 6(2), 95-120.
Kramsch, C. (2003). Metaphor and the subjective construction of belief. In P. Kalaja&amp; A. M.
F. Barcelos (Eds.)Beliefs about SLA: New research approaches (pp. 109-128).
Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers.
Lakoff, G.,&amp; Johnson, M. (1980a). Metaphors we live by. London: The University of Chicago
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Lakoff, G.,&amp; Johnson, M. (1980b). Conceptual metaphor in everyday language.The Journal
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Nikitina, L., &amp;Furuoka, F. (2008). “A language teacher is like...”: Examining Malaysian
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Journal of Foreign Language Teaching, 5(2), 192–205.
Oxford, R. L, Tomlinson, S., Barcelos, A., Harrington, C., Lavine, R. Z., Saleh, A., Longhini,
A. (1998). Clashing metaphors about classroom teachers: Toward a systematic
typology for the language teaching field. System 26(1), 3-50.
Saban, A., KoçbekerB. N., &amp;Saban, A. (2006).An investigation of the concept of teacher
among prospective teachers through metaphor analysis.Educational Sciences: Theory
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Zapata, G.,&amp;Lacorte, M. (2007).Pre-service and in-service instructors’ metaphorical
constructions of second language teachers.Foreign Language Annals, 40(3), 521–534.

9

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