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                <text>The Ardently Willing Souls in “Middlemarch” and “Füreya”</text>
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                <text>Onur, A. Gülbün</text>
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                <text>The female novelists, George Eliot with “Middlemarch” and Ayşe Kulin with “Füreya”, have added a new scope to their own literature by creating heroines who had to witness historical, social, political and daily life events in their own country during a time of transition. The female characters Dorothea and Füreya expose an unusual intelligence in their Works with their independent spirit become the focus of attention as they are unable to accept their traditional norms imposed on them. Both characters are described as pioneers and are victimized by their husbands until they set themselves free.     The characters relationship between town and country, and between landed families living in an ever diminishing feudal atmosphere are displayed within a world of intersecting interests of the newly rich class. Thus, the characters presented are more than individuals, they are both real and symbolic, both highly individual portraits and organic parts of a carefully constructed society they exist in. In many ways, they exemplify liberal humanism of their time valuing democracy, innovation and progress.    An analytical approach to Kulin’s and Eliot’s narration will show that both writers have depicted their major characters from a feminist point of view to underline their hardships in a male dominated world. Although Kulin’s work in a biography of the first Turkish ceramic artist Füreya, it shifts into fiction with its fascinating scenes while Eliot’s fiction reminds the reader the life of Saint Teresa of Avila who has been a role model for many Theresas like Dorothea.     The purpose of the paper is to draw attention with a close-up reading to the recurring images, themes that emerge from each heroine’s social, psychological and authentic experiences in a male dominated culture. Therefore, the paper will suggest that there is a universal patterning in the representation of women and women’s writing regardless of the socio-background in which the texts are produced.</text>
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                    <text>The Art of Effective English Teaching
Khaled Moradi &amp; Gelareh Sabeti
Azad University/ Tehran, Iran
Key words:Managing skills, language teachers, professional development, teacher education
ABSTRACT
Effective teaching can be defined in many ways including teacher behavior (warmth, civility, and clarity), teacher
knowledge (of subject matter, of students), teacher's belief and so forth. Here we define effective teaching as the
skills, strategies, and techniques language teachers should know and use to be highly effective. As noted this is but
one way to define effectiveness. In order to plan for the professional development of English language teachers, we
need to have a comprehensive understanding of what strategies and techniques language teachers should know and
use. What essential skills, knowledge, values, attitudes and goals do language teachers need, and how can these be
acquired? This paper seeks to explore these questions by discussing five core dimensions of strategies and
techniques for language teachers. These are: managing skills, creative rapport and influential behaviors, organizing
the classroom, making learning happen, and professionalism. Each construct will be explained; its contribution to
effective teaching illustrated, and some potential implications discussed for the development of English language
teachers, teacher education programs as well as suggestion for continued professional development for teachers
related to teaching. It is hoped that language teachers and teacher educators will be able to adapt the ideas presented
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                <text>MORADI, Khaled 
SABETI, Gelareh </text>
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                <text>Key words:Managing skills, language teachers, professional development, teacher education  ABSTRACT  Effective teaching can be defined in many ways including teacher behavior (warmth, civility, and clarity), teacher knowledge (of subject matter, of students), teacher's belief and so forth. Here we define effective teaching as the skills, strategies, and techniques language teachers should know and use to be highly effective. As noted this is but one way to define effectiveness. In order to plan for the professional development of English language teachers, we need to have a comprehensive understanding of what strategies and techniques language teachers should know and use. What essential skills, knowledge, values, attitudes and goals do language teachers need, and how can these be acquired? This paper seeks to explore these questions by discussing five core dimensions of strategies and techniques for language teachers. These are: managing skills, creative rapport and influential behaviors, organizing the classroom, making learning happen, and professionalism. Each construct will be explained; its contribution to effective teaching illustrated, and some potential implications discussed for the development of English language teachers, teacher education programs as well as suggestion for continued professional development for teachers related to teaching. It is hoped that language teachers and teacher educators will be able to adapt the ideas presented in this paper to enhance their teaching performance.</text>
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                <text>The principal motivation of this study is to investigate how Macedonian learners of English mitigate their disagreement. It is a follow-up of a much broader study in the field of cross-cultural pragmatics focusing on disagreement in Macedonian and American English (Kusevska, 2012). Our cross-cultural analysis reveals that Macedonian and American native speakers show preferance for different types of disagreement, the major difference being the frequency of mitigation as well as the linguistic means used for its realisation.     For the purpose of this study, we have accepted the definition that mitigation is linguistic communicative strategy of softening an utterance, reducing the impact of an utterance, or limiting the face loss associated with a message (Fraser, 1980; Caffi, 1999, 2007; Martinovski, 2006; Clemen, 2010; Czerwionka, 2012). As mitigation in disagreement is closely connected with politeness, we have also relied on the model of politeness and the strategies for FTA realisation proposed by Brown &amp; Levinson (1978/1987). We have looked at lexical and syntactic devices such as modal auxiliaries (e.g., can/could; may/might), hedges (kind of, sort of), discourse markers (well, but, look), verbs expressing uncertainty (I think, I don’t think), verbs expressing vagueness (seem, assume, guess), conditionals etc., that learners use to mitigate their utterances.     Keywords: speech acts, disagreement, politeness, mitigation, EFL learners</text>
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                    <text>Journal of Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics

The art of mitigating disagreement: How EFL learners do it
Marija Kusevska
University "Goce Delcev," Štip, Macedonia
Submitted: 02.04.2014.
Accepted: 09.11.2014.

Abstract
The principal motivation of this study is to investigate how Macedonian learners of
English mitigate their disagreement. It is a follow-up of a much broader study in the
field of cross-cultural pragmatics focusing on disagreement in Macedonian and
American English (Kusevska, 2012). Our cross-cultural analysis reveals that
Macedonian and American native speakers show preference for different types of
disagreement, the major difference being the frequency of mitigation as well as the
linguistic means used for its realisation.
For the purpose of this study, we have accepted the definition that mitigation is the
linguistic communicative strategy of softening an utterance, reducing the impact of
an utterance, or limiting the face loss associated with a message (Fraser, 1980; Caffi,
1999, 2007; Martinovski, 2006; Clemen, 2010; Czerwionka, 2012). As mitigation in
disagreement is closely connected with politeness, we have also relied on the model
of politeness and the strategies for FTA realisation proposed by Brown &amp; Levinson
(1978/1987). We have looked at lexical and syntactic devices such as modal
auxiliaries (e.g., can/could; may/might), hedges (kind of, sort of), discourse markers
(well, but, look), verbs expressing uncertainty (I think, I don’t think), verbs
expressing vagueness (seem, assume, guess), conditionals etc., that learners use to
mitigate their utterances.
Key words: speech acts, disagreement, politeness, mitigation, EFL learners

Introduction
Our interest for disagreement was spurred by numerous cases when there was breach
of communication between Macedonian and English speakers due to inappropriate
launch of opposite opinions. The analysis of how Macedonian learners of English
mitigate their disagreement was performed on 195 speech acts of disagreement
obtained through a Discourse Completion Task (DCT). The respondents were
learners of English at upper-intermediate and advanced levels. Relying on the results
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�The art of mitigating disagreement: How EFL learners do it

of our previous research on disagreement in Macedonian and American English
(Kusevska, 2012), we set forth the following hypotheses:
1. Macedonian learners of English do not mitigate their disagreement as frequently as
native speakers of English do;
2. They use different linguistic means to mitigate their disagreement;
3. The linguistic means are differently distributed in the speech act;
4. The motivation for mitigating their disagreement and the linguisitic means that
Macedonian learners use are at least partly influenced by their native language and
culture.
Following Brown and Levinson’s theory (1987), we first distinguished direct (on
record) and indirect (off record) speech acts. Depending on the kind of linguistic
means used in the expressions, direct speech acts were classified as direct
disagreement with redressive action (softened disagreement), and direct
disagreement without redressive action. However, not all speech acts fell in these two
categories. Therefore, some were further classified as strong disagreement. Kakava
(2002) also introduces the category of strong disagreement, proposing a continuum
of different types of disagreements ranging from strong to mitigated.

Analysis of disagreement in English and Macedonian
Our previous study of disagreement in English and Macedonian was a cross-cultural
study on how disagreement is expressed in the two languages. It showed that
American and Macedonian native speakers view disagreement differently and show
preference for different types of disagreement. The results in Table 1 demonstrate
that Macedonian speakers show preference for strong disagreement, while American
speakers show preference for softened disagreement.
Table 1. Types of disagreement in English and Macedonian
English
Softened
disagreement
264
48%

Strong
disagreement
151
27.4%

Macedonian
Softened
disagreement
105
20.5%

Strong
disagreement
240
46.9%

Softened disagreement
English has developed a wide number of linguistic means available to speakers for
softening their utterances. These include a number of pragmatic markers for
mitigation used within the utterance (just, sort of, kind of, I think, I don’t know, etc.),
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�Journal of Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics

linguistic means for minimisation (a little, a bit, etc.), epistemic verbs expressing
hesitation and uncertainty (seem, guess, suppose, assume), discourse markers (well,
but, etc.), and modal verbs (would, can, could, may, might).
Macedonian speakers also use mitigating devices, but to a much lesser extent than
American speakers. To mitigate their utterances, Macedonian speakers use
expressions containing the verb каже (tell), adversative imperative forms види,
гледај, чекај (see, look, wait), discourse markers па, добро, да (well, okay, yeah),
modal verb forms, especially може (can), the adverb можеби and its spoken variant
може (maybe), the modal particle би (would), pragmatic markers for mitigation used
within the utterance like мислам (I think), не знам (I don’t know), само (just), малку
(a little), малце (a little, diminutive), the indefinite tenses, the marker for solidarity
бе, etc. Бе is a marker used in oral communication and is used to introduce
familiarity and solidarity. Tannen (1992) mention a similar marker in Greek (re),
concluding that “re is a pervasive formulaic marker of friendly disagreement” (p.29).
Table 2 below shows the occurrences of mitigation devices in English and
Macedonian.

Verbs
of
hesitation and
uncertainty
Modal forms

well
па

I think
мислам

I don’t know
не знам

Name

бе

Total

English

Hedges

Table 2. Mitigation devices in English and Macedonian

233

46

403

63

124

25

0

0

894

7

91

106

56

14

81

30

484

Macedonian 65

Both Macedonian and English speakers sometimes preface their disagreement with
partial agreement with the previous utterance, and its frequency of occurrence is
similar in the two languages: 10.7% in English vs. 7.8% in Macedonian. However,
American speakers make more effort to mitigate their utterances. Also, they often
push their disagreement further down in conversation, most often by asking
questions, making assumptions, associations, analogies, etc.
In Macedonian, disagreement is never pushed down in conversation. It is announced
in the first turn immediately after the turn that the speaker doesn’t agree with.
Generally, softened disagreement in Macedonian is less mitigated than in English.
This happens because of the use of strong modal verbs like мора (must) and не
може (can’t); multiple use of adversative discourse markers to build the frame of the
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�The art of mitigating disagreement: How EFL learners do it

speech act, sometimes as many as four or five in a sequence; the use of adversative
imperative forms; intonation; etc.
Explicit / strong disagreement
Disagreement in Macedonian is preferably expressed explicitly and is followed by an
explanation. This type of disagreement is shaped with a number of adversative
markers and imperative forms, which intensify it. In addition, adversative markers,
sometimes used in sequences of three, four or even five, enable the speakers to create
direct, brief and simple turns that sound sharp, authoritative and confrontational.
Such disagreement may spread over several turns in which speakers do not seem
willing to put much effort in facework.

Linguistic means for mitigation found in Macedonian speakers’ speech
acts of disagreement
Macedonian learners of English rarely used mitigating devices. There were no
occurrences of most of the hedges (just, sort of, kind of), no occurances of the
linguistic means for minimisation (a little, a bit, etc.), except for one occurance of a
little, and no occurences of epistemic verbs of hesitation and uncertainty (seem,
guess, suppose, assume), except for one occurence of seem (don’t seem important).
More prominently represented were the pragmatic marker I think and modal verbs.
I think
In the DCT speech acts produced by Macedonian learners of English, we found 63
occurrences of I think and five occurrences of I don’t think. While many authors list I
think as a hedge in expressing politeness (Holmes, 1990; Aijmer, 1997; Kärkkäinen,
2003; Baumgarten &amp; House, 2010), it can also convey the meaning of confidence
and persuasion, in which case it does not mitigate the illocution force of the speech
act.
It is this latter use of I think that is pervasive in the speech acts produced by
Macedonian learners of English. The three occurrences of the discourse marker so
were all followed by I think, which also confirms that I think is mostly used to
express strong opinions:
(1) I think people are entitled to a 25-day holiday;
(2) We are working very hard and we are trying to do all the work in the company
completely and successfully. So I think that we deserve five days more for our
holiday.

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The use of I think seems more tentative only when used in partial agreement, but
such examples are scarce. We noticed only two occurrences of partial agreement
formulated with I think and one example when the interrogative form don’t you think
was used also in partial agreement, after the marker but. There was also one example
when think was used with maybe and could:
(3) Maybe we could think about another place and another day.
In conclusion, we can stress that sentence-initial I think is used to intensify rather
than to mitigate disagreement.
Modal verbs
In the speech acts of disagreement produced by native American speakers, we found
three groups of modal verbs according to their frequency of occurrence:
1. Verbs with high frequency, including the modal verbs would (28%) and can
(27%);
2. Verbs with medium frequency, among which the most widespread was could
(12%), followed by may (8%), might (7%), will (7%), need (6%), and should (5%);
and
3. Verbs with low frequency: must (1) and shall (0).
Our findings are similar to the frequency rates of modal verbs found in other corpusbased studies. Biber et al. (2007: 495) assign the low frequency of must to its high
command force. For this reason it is often replaced by should, which has a weaker
force and is therefore considered more polite in conversation.
Our analysis produced somewhat different results. Will (42%) stands out as the most
widely used in the speech acts of disagreement produced by Macedonian learners of
English. It is followed by a group of three other modal verbs of medium frequency:
should (18%), would (15%), and can (15%). The rest of the modal verbs have a much
lower frequency: must (4%), need to (2%), could (2%), might (2%), may (0%) and
shall (0%). To express their uncertainty and hesitations learners have also used
maybe (16) and probably (1).
We were not surprised by the high frequency of will. First, learners identify it as a
marker for expressing futurity; second, it helps them to express their opinion firmly
(example 4). Nor are we surprised that should follows it (example 5). In Macedonian
should is translated as треба, which also has high frequency in Macedonian speech
acts of disagreement. It is also not surprising that could and might have a very low
frequency. Their meaning is elusive for Macedonian learners and their pragmatic
function is difficult to grasp.
(4) I will stand firmly by my topic and I won’t consider another one.
(5) I think we should do the training as soon as possible.
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�The art of mitigating disagreement: How EFL learners do it

We are, however, surprised by the frequency of would, which we would expect to be
even lower. It seems that Macedonian learners understand its function as a marker for
politeness and that they identify it with the Macedonian particle би, used for this
purpose. Would is frequently used in the expression I would like, and this makes it
more salient for the learners. Another reason may be that would, like many other
language means, is not equally distributed among different speakers. Some learners
favoured using would in shaping their disagreement. Other learners preferred a
different modal verb. And many of the learners have used them rarely.
Partial agreement
Learners also used partial agreement to mitigate their disagreement (13%). They
framed it with expressions like I agree, but; I don’t know about you, but I think; It’s
interesting, but; etc. However, none of them used the most common way that native
speakers use to frame partial agreement with Yeah, but.

Disagreement frames
Macedonian learners of English used the following frames for shaping their
disagreement:
1. I think was found in 25% of the speech acts;
2. Disagreement prefaced with the verbs disagree / don’t agree + explanation
accounted for 19% of the examples;
3. Disagreement prefaced by I’m sorry, but was noted in 6% of the cases;
4. Explanation without any preface was present in 50 cases (26%);
5. Discourse markers (well, but) were found in 7% of the speech acts;
6. Partial agreement was noted in 14% of the speech acts;
7. Hints had the lowest frequency (3%).
The first two groups clearly belong to strong disagreement because Macedonian
speakers do not use I think to make room for other people’s disagreement, but to
emphasize their own opinion. They also don’t use I’m sorry with the aim of
apologizing, but to emphasize that their opinion is different and there is no room for
reconciliation. And while there was only one occurrence with I agree with that and
one with I don’t disagree in the native speakers’ speech acts, their number of
occurrences in the learners’ speech acts was much higher (38). The discourse
markers used here (well, so, but, actually) do not always soften disagreement either.
Some of the explanations without any preface represented strong disagreement (22),
some indicated softened disagreement (22) and only few represented neutral

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disagreement (6). Softened speech acts contained weak modal verbs (can, could,
need to, etc.), “if” clauses, and other linguistic means for mitigating disagreement.

Conclusion
The results of this study have confirmed the hypothesis we put forward at the
beginning of this paper. They can be summed up as follows:
1. Macedonian learners of English shape their disagreement as strong (61%),
softened (33%), neutral (3%) and as hints (3%). So when they want to disagree, they
would most probably opt for strong rather than mitigated disagreement.
2. When mitigating their disagreement, learners use fewer of the linguistic means
they had at their disposal than American speakers. Their use of pragmatic markers
for mitigation is extremely limited and their use of hedges and verbs for hesitation
and uncertainty are rendered null. Although we have seen that they use modal verbs,
the most frequent one in their speech acts is will, which conveys firmness and
decisiveness.
3. While mitigation devices are distributed throughout Americans’ speech acts,
Macedonian learners’ speech acts are prefaced with expressions which help them
state their disagreement explicitly.
4. The previous statements about learner’s disagreement mirror the most common
way that Macedonian native speakers shape disagreement, thus confirming our last
hypothesis that in shaping their disagreement, Macedonian learners are at least partly
influenced by their native language and culture.
One of the striking questions in this analysis is why Macedonian learners do not use
discourse markers, which are pervasive in shaping speech acts in Macedonian. The
reason may be that the meaning of these sequences is complex and it would be
difficult to find one-to-one correspondences in English, as illustrated below:
Види сега вака (see now like this ) – You told me what you thought of it on the basis
of your knowledge, or on the basis of your beliefs. However, that is not all that there
is to it. So now I’ll tell you what I have to say about it. And what I am going to say
will be different.
E па (добро) сега – (well but okay now) I don’t like / I don’t agree with what you
are saying. You know that we have talked about this (made a choice, we have
decided, we have worked a way out, etc.); добро intensifies the utterance.
А бе чекај сега малце (but бе hold on a second) - What you are saying can’t be
right. We are friends and I respect you, but you have to hear my opinion, and my
opinion is different from yours.
In conclusion, it is justified to claim that this paper contributes to studies that hold
that the speech act of disagreement is culturally constrained. Negotiating opposing
views is a reality that learners will have to engage in on daily basis when
communicating in the foreign language. Contrastive studies that compare learners'
175

�The art of mitigating disagreement: How EFL learners do it

conversation with that of native speakers provide insights into the problems students
may encounter when communicating in a foreign language.

176

�Journal of Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics

References
Aijmer, K. (1997). Epistemic modality as a discourse phenomenon — a SwedishEnglish cross-language perspective. In V. M. U. Fries, From Ælfric to the New
York Times. Studies in English Corpus Linguistics (pp. 215-227). Amsterdam:
Rodopi.
Baumgarten, N., &amp; House, J. (2010). I think and I don’t know in English as lingua
franca and native English discourse. Journal of Pragmatics 42, 1184–1200.
Biber, D., Johansson, S., Leech, G., Conard, S., &amp; Finegan, E. (2007). Longman
grammar of spoken and written English. London/New York: Pearson Education
Limited.
Brown, P., &amp; Levinson, S. (1987). Politeness. Some universals in language usage.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Caffi, C. (1999). On mitigation. Journal of Pragmatics 31, 881-909.
Caffi, C. (2007). Mitigation. New York: ELSEVIER.
Clemen, G. (2010). The concept of hedging: Origins, approaches and definitions. In
R. Markkanen, &amp; H. Schröder, Research in text theory. Hedging and discourse:
Approaches to the analysis of a pragmatic phenomenonin academic texts (pp.
235-256). Munchen, DEU: Walter de Gruyter.
Czerwionka, L. (2012). Mitigation: The combined effects of imposition and
certitude. Journal of Pragmatics 44 , 1163--1182.
Fraser, B. (1980). Conversational mitigation. Journal of pragmatics 4, 341-350.
Holmes, J. (1990). Apologies in New Zeland English. Language in Society, Vol. 19,
No. 2, 155-199.
Kakava, C. (2002). Opposition in Modern Greek discourse: Cultural and contextual
constraints. Journal of Pragmatics 34, 1537–1568.
Kärkkäinen, E. (2003). Epistemic stance in English conversation. A description of its
interactional functions, with a focus on I think. Philadelphia, PA, USA: John
Benjamins Publishing Company.

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Martinovski, B. (2006). A framework for the analysis of mitigation in courts:
Towards a theory in mitigation. Journal of Pragmatics 38, 2065-2085.
Tannen, D. (1992). Power and solidarity in Modern Greek conversation: Disagreeing
to agree. Journal of Modern Greek Study 10: 1, 11-35.
Кусевска, М. (2012). Меѓукултурна прагматика. Несогласување во усната
комуникација: англиски и македонски. Скопје: Академски печат.

178

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                <text>The principal motivation of this study is to investigate how Macedonian learners of English mitigate their disagreement. It is a follow-up of a much broader study in the field of cross-cultural pragmatics focusing on disagreement in Macedonian and American English (Kusevska, 2012). Our cross-cultural analysis reveals that Macedonian and American native speakers show preference for different types of disagreement, the major difference being the frequency of mitigation as well as the linguistic means used for its realisation.     For the purpose of this study, we have accepted the definition that mitigation is the linguistic communicative strategy of softening an utterance, reducing the impact of an utterance, or limiting the face loss associated with a message (Fraser, 1980; Caffi, 1999, 2007; Martinovski, 2006; Clemen, 2010; Czerwionka, 2012). As mitigation in disagreement is closely connected with politeness, we have also relied on the model of politeness and the strategies for FTA realisation proposed by Brown &amp; Levinson (1978/1987). We have looked at lexical and syntactic devices such as modal auxiliaries (e.g., can/could; may/might), hedges (kind of, sort of), discourse markers (well, but, look), verbs expressing uncertainty (I think, I don’t think), verbs expressing vagueness (seem, assume, guess), conditionals etc., that learners use to mitigate their utterances.     Key words: speech acts, disagreement, politeness, mitigation, EFL learners</text>
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                <text>In a paper titled “The Art of Synthetising Life and Literature: Critical and Theoretical Attempts at Understanding Sylvia Plath’s Poetics,” my intention is to concentrate on the comparative analysis of critical and theoretical models that structure the basis of a critical corpus about Sylvia Plath, an American poet. In the interpretation of analytical results my focus will be on 1. the most representative individual texts and studies that have been published about Plath, 2. their systematization and description, 3) their classification according to the orientation, being it modernist or anti-modernist, and, finally, 4. drawing a consclusion about dominant literary-theoretical interpretative models in general, following the critical and theoretical microcosmos that, since early sixties, has been constituted about Plath’s poetic and prose writing (basically psychoanalytical critical model, feminist, structuralist and poststructuralist). In the introductory part of the paper, my intention is to review briefly the literary context of her time or, in other words, to describe a map of American poetic tradition of that time succintly, with the special emphasis on confessional poetry and its basic postulates.</text>
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                    <text>THE ASPECTS OF PERRY-LORD FOR POPULAR BALLADS, CONCERNING
THREEANGLO-SAXON BALLADS (SIR PATRICK SPENS, LORD RANDAL, THE
WIFE OF USHER’S WELL)
Fatmire Isaki
State University of Tetovo, Macedonia
Article History:
Submitted: 11.06.2015
Accepted: 02.08.2015
Abstract: The purpose of this paper is through properly selected examples to prove that Millman
Parry and Albert Lord’s aspects of the theory of the popular ballad can be applied in the English
ballads too. Perry and Lord explained how the Homeric epic and numerous popular ballads of the
Balkans and traditions, could be transmitted through many generations by oral route and why
have appeared formulaic principles in the way they are created and presented. Following the
same procedure, we will try to show the same principles on an analysis of three Anglo-Saxon
ballads: Sir Patrick Spens, Lord Randal, and The Wife of Usher's Well. Ballads will be treated
according to the theory of oral-formulaic structure of the ballad. This theory suggests that the
more phrases the singer knows, the higher is the chance to improvise and structure strings of
verses. Ballads Sir Patrick Spens, Lord Randal, and The Wife of Usher's Well will be analyzed
starting from their metric system, rhyme, and as well as locating stylistic figures used in these
ballads. The paper will have a comparative approach to find similarities and differences between
ballads of Balkans posed by Perry and Lord, and three Anglo-Saxon ballads. Also, this paper will
analyze the themes treated in these ballads. Given that these ballads are located in two different
regions with different history and culture, this paper will try to come to the conclusion that no
matter that they belonged to two different traditions, histories and cultures, themes encountered
in them if not identical, then many are very similar.
Key words: ballad theory, structure, oral-formulaic, metric system

�INTRODUCTION
Ballads have great value in literature, in this case in English literature. It is impossible not
to notice so many valuable ballads in English literature, which motivate the reader and make
more curious in searching different ballads. Every good reader knows the importance of ballads
especially of the old English ballads, which use very clear language attracting the reader to read
more and more.
A ballad is “a folk song or orally transmitted poem telling in a direct and dramatic
manner some popular story usually derived from a tragic incident in local history or legend. The
story is told simply, impersonally, and often with vivid dialogue.”(The Oxford Dictionary of
Literary Terms, 2008:32). What Goethe says about ballads is that the value of these songs of the
simple people is in the fact to be found that their motifs are drawn completely from nature. He
added that in the art of saying things capably, uneducated men have greater skill than those who
are educated. Ballads deal with historical events, local traditions, with personal adventures or
achievements. We can say that they are totally objective. However, today’s poetry is completely
subjective which deals with the study of the subjective conditions rather than objective realities.
Accordingly, old ballads are of great value because of the spontaneity. They present
subject mattered lyrics where in general they show the unconsciousness or also called naïveté.
In some cases, the naïveté is presented with soft and acceptable humor, which attracts the spirit
of the man (reader) with its real, sincere and beautiful description of different human experience.
The old ballads are related to the popular epic, which deal with historical or real events. The old
ballads are told by ordinary people and written by authors, but they are valued by their simplicity
because they are presented just as the people told them.
The popular ballads are so different from the contemporary ones that all the people of
each culture must appreciate the unwritten literature such as, popular ballads, or stories and
proverbs because they deal with originality. Even though nowadays literature is seen as if it is
understood only by professional people and that only few people can write poetry or other forms
of literature, in fact it is not like that at all. There are many people of each nation who can
produce real impressive songs or poems which may seem original, clear and objective.
Time has shown that every nation with its own language and tradition can produce really
impressive songs that speak clearly and objectively for their uniqueness, but also for the cultural
communication with other nations. Simplicity is the element to which is always given
importance in this type of work, in which people have pointed out the necessity of
communication as an essential means by which this works are successfully transmitted from
generation to generation, from era to era and have survived through the millenniums. Oral
literature should be further investigated in order to discover its stylistic and structural elements
that provide its existence and still make it current, i.e. “alive” literature. Such is the case, of
course with the English and Scottish ballads, but firstly let us see how much are ballads
investigated in these regions.

�The interest in folklore in Balkans began in the 19th century as part of the Enlightenment
and Renaissance activities of intellectuals from the region, not only for cultural interest, but also
for nationalist interests. Despite numerous research projects in recent years, we can say that
relatively little has been explored in our region at the time when the research interest in folklore
in the UK and the USA during the first half of the 20th century was on upswing.
The American folklorists Millman Parry and Albert Lord are they who did a research on
ballads of Balkans. Albert Lord discusses the oral tradition through his theory of literary
composition and applied on Homeric epic and medieval epic. The theory set by Millman Parry
and later elaborated and expanded by Albert Lord, concentrates on the oral- formulaic
composition of these epics and ballads that were transmitted orally through the centuries before
finally being enrolled. The analysis is made of the ways by which the performers recite these
ballads and transform those ballads from oral form into written form. The development of their
theory suggests that folk singers use formulaic statements to recall long passages that make up
these ballads.
The theory of oral-formulaic composition is based on the key idea that poets have
available various "formulas" in the process of composition and with their use and connectivity
they can quickly compose a number of verses. But what is meant by the term "formula"?
Millman Perry offers the following definition: "a group of words that are regularly employed
under the same metrical conditions to express a given essential idea."(Lord, 2003:30).
The theory of oral-formulaic structure elaborated by Millman Parry and Albert Lord can
be traced, recorded and applied not only on the ballads of Balkans but also the Anglo-Saxon
ballads. Perry and Lord explained how the Homeric epic and numerous folk ballads in the
Balkans and traditions could be transmitted through many generations orally and why such
formulaic principles have appeared in the way these ballads are created and presented. Following
the same procedure, we will try to show these principles on an analysis of the three Anglo-Saxon
ballads: Sir Patrick Spens, Lord Randal, and The Wife of Usher's Well. Ballads will be treated
according to the theory of oral-formulaic structure of the ballad. Millman and Perry treated this
theory in the ballads of Balkans, so for us it is of great interest to examine whether the same
theory can be treated in the ballads originating from the Anglo-Saxon regions and traditions. Of
course, until ballads are not written in paper, the ballad cannot have a unified text. This allows
many singers of folk ballads and songs to improvise in their own words, i.e. with their formulaic
strategies and thus produce varieties and invariant of the same ballad.
Perry and Lord in the beginning give us a general introduction on the history of oral
formulaic composition. Furthermore, they continue to research the training of the singers of these
folk songs and the process of their performance. Much effort has been given to reveal who are
these people who have so much control over the performance of folk ballads, traveling from one
place to another in order to perform folk songs. The authors conclude that singers, who sing long
passages of ballads, do not tell the same story for the second time with the same words. Lord and
Perry indicate three stages in the preparation. In the first phase the man who is trained to be a
performer of folk songs is passive and his job is to listen to the songs in order to get acquainted

�with the themes and the general structure of the ballad. In the second stage he tries to put in
context the story that he knows, according to certain metrics of poetic verses. In the third phase,
he tries to recite a ballad for the first time and compose his first full song.
In the chapter titled "The Formula", Lord expresses his belief that there is a classical oral
formula and thus provides the definition of Perry, who thinks that the formulas are mathematical
in nature and defined as "a group of words that are regularly employed under the same metrical
conditions to express a given essential idea." (Lord, 2003:30 ) His analysis focuses more on the
metric system and the repetition rather than content.
In the chapter titled "Theme", Lord and Perry concentrates on the content of the ballad.
Perry says that the same subject can be expressed with the help of many different formulas and
give a few examples of such ballads from the Balkans.
"Songs and the Songs" is the chapter where precisely is given the difference between a
traditional singer of folk songs and modern or contemporary scientist and his views on oral
formulaic composition in a song as a text which is subject of change from one to another singing.
Lord tells us that traditional singers of folk songs think of them as "flexible plan of
themes."(Lord, 2003:99) As a result, a folk song or ballad goes through changes because over
time the memories begin to change and show new ways.
Furthermore, Albert Lord speaks of oral tradition and writing in a culture, exploring the
transition from oral to written tradition. While writing in a culture can affect its oral tradition and
while writing replaces the oral tradition, as a result we get the disappearance of the oral tradition.
Further, Lord applies the theory of oral formulaic composition on Homer's works Iliad, the
Odyssey and the medieval epic, and thus tells us that the modern reader treats Homer as oralformulaic composer.
To prove that the above theory of Parry and Lord may be applied on the English ballads,
we will argue and apply their views on appropriate examples. As a first example, we can
enumerate the analysis of one of the Anglo-Saxon ballads titled Sir Patrick Spens.
The ballad Sir Patrick Spens is a historical ballad written in 11 stanzas. The ballad has a
typical ballad stanza with four lines - a structure that helps singers as easy as possible to
remember it. In ballad describes the tragic event of the thirteenth century. The ballad tells the
story of the knight-sailor Sir Patrick Spence who goes in the sea on a mission for the King. Sir
Patrick should bring the King’s daughter and he needs to sail with her to Scotland. Sir Patrick
has to fulfill this mission in the winter, but he has the feeling that an accident is forthcoming that
actually occurs. The narrator tells the story "in medias res" ("in the middle of things"), without
any comment on the events. It remains to the readers to discover the reasons of sailing and to
decide whether this trip was a wise decision or not. But in the end of the ballad we understand
that Sir Patrick and his crew die in this journey. The rhyme of each stanza of this ballad is A B C
B. For example:
Up and spake an eldern knicht,
A
Sat at the King's richt kne:
B

�"Sir Patrick Spens is the best sailor
C
That sailed upon the se." (Witham, 1903&amp;1904:38)B
Almost all ballads have stanzas that consist of four or six lines, and use one of the two
main meters 4-3-4-3 or 4-4-4-4. The ballad Sir Patrick Spens uses 4-3-4-3 metric. There are no
other variants of Sir Patrick Spens and all lines have the same rhythm and rhyme scheme.
The first and third verse of each stanza, have four accents, while the second and fourth
verse have three accents. Their accents form a rhythm that is iambic and ballads have musicality
when reading, indicating that they were sung during the performance. An example of the first
four verses of Sir Patrick Spens:
The king sits in Dumfermline toune.
/
/
/
/
Drinking the blude-red wine:
/
/
/
'O whar will I get gnid skipper,
/
/
/
/
To sail this schip of mine?' (Sargent, 1904:103)
/
/
/
We can also say that in this ballad is used much alliteration, i.e. repeating the same
consonant at the beginning of some consecutive words:
For I brought as much white money
As will gane my men and me. (Sargent, 1904:105)
In the ninth and tenth stanza is used repetition, repeating the same word:
9.
They hadna been a week, a week,
In Noroway but twae,
10.
"Ye lie, ye lie, ye liars loud!
Sae loud’s I hear ye lie. (Bates, 2012:535)
In Sir Patrick Spens are included several topics. The ballad treats more topics such as
suffering, lost, loyalty, conflict between conviction and obedience to authority, dangers at sea
and death.
The Anglo-Saxon folk ballad Lord Randall which comes from the folk tradition is written
in 10 stanzas of four lines and is based on the tragedy of a young man who was poisoned by his

�beloved. Contrary to popular song Sir Patrick Spens where 4-3-4-3 metric system is used, in this
folk song the metric system which is used is 4-4-4-4. For example:
Oh where ha you been, Lord Randall, my son?
/
/
/
/
And where ha you been, my handsome young man?
/
/
/
/
I ha been at the greenwood: mother, mak my bed soon,
/
/
/
/
For I'm wearied wi hunting and I fain wad lie down. (Sargent, 1904:22)
/
/
/
/
The rhyme in Lord Randall may be unusual for us. We note that all stanzas have the same
last four words: 'son', 'man', 'soon', and 'down'. We can say that this song is written in rhyming
couplets. The words of his mother always end with 'son' and 'man'. Even though the words 'son'
and 'man' are not identical while reading, they are heard similar but not identical and therefore
the rhyme is not perfect ("imperfect rhyme" or "week rhyme"). The same can be said about these
two verses in which the accented word 'down' is read as 'doon'. So the rhyme in the ballad Lord
Randall is AABB.
Lord Randall
10
“What d’ ye leave to your true-love, Lord Randal, my son?
What d’ ye leave to your true-love, my handsome young man?”
“I leave her hell and fire; mother, mak my bed soon,
For I’m sick at the heart, and I fain wad lie down.” (Sargent, 1904:23)
As one of the most used stylistic figure in Lord Randall is repetition. In any line, in the
second part of each statement the same words are repeated. Whenever Randall answers the
questions posed by his mother, he ended his answer with the same words. Throughout these
questions and answers, we gradually learn more about the story and in the end, we learn what
happened to Lord Randall. This dialogical method built into the narrative is common in ballads
and it achieves greater dramatic tension in the singing of the ballad.
2
“An wha met ye there, Lord Randal, my son?
An wha met you there, my handsome young man?”
“O I met wi my true-love; mother, mak my bed soon,
For I’m wearied wi huntin, and fain wad lie down.” (Sargent, 1904:22)
The main theme treated in this folk sing is Randall’s sincere love and betrayal or cheating
of the beloved one. Poisoning in this song is used metaphorically, meaning the dearly loved

�didn’t poison him with poison, but the love he felt for her was actually the poison. This means
that love is a symbol of death and the bed is a symbol of the tomb. Also, as a subtopic treated in
the suffering of the mother for her son.
Our third and final folk ballad for analysis is The Wife of Usher's Well which dates from
the 17th century. The ballad has a tragic story: the death of three sons and sufferings of their
mother. This song is written in 12 stanzas of four verses with rhyme ABCB. This ballad begins
"in medias res", i.e. no previous introduction to the events that led to the tragedy of three sons.
The Wife of Usher's Well
THERE lived a wife at Usher's well,
And a wealthy wife was she;
She had three stout and stalwart sons,
And sent them o'er the sea.
They hadna been a week from her,
A week but barely ane,
When word came to the carline wife

5

That her three sons were gane. (Sargent, 1904:168)

The Wife of Usher's Well is written in the typical form of folk ballad, in 12 stanzas of
four lines with alternating 4-3-4-3 metric system. For example:
They hadna been a week from her,
/
/
/
/
A week but barely ane,
/
/
/
Whan word came to the carline wife,
/
/
/
/
That her three sons were gane. (Sargent, 1904:168)
/
/
/
The ballad has a refrain that is repeated to separate segments of the story. Many ballads
also have partial repetition in which a phrase is repeated with slight differences such as the story
progresses.

�"Fare ye weel, my mother dear!
Fareweel to barn and byre!
And fare ye weel, the bonny lass
That kindles my mother's fire!" (Sargent, 1904:168)
Alliteration is significantly present in this ballad with an aim to achieve an impressive
sound effect. In the second line, for example, And a wealthy wife was she or third She had three
stout and stalwart sons. Another stylistic figure used in this song is synecdoche (part of
something that is whole or vice versa). For example:
It fell about Martinmass,
When nights are lang and mirk,
The carlin wife’s three sons came hame
And their hats were of birk. (Sargent, 1904:168)
In line their hats were o the birk, "birk" is the name of birch that grows in front of the
gates of paradise. Also "birk" is used metaphorically as a symbol of death. One of the themes
treated in this ballad is supernatural. Mother uses magic to return her sons, but they can return
only as spirits and have to disappear early in the morning. Other themes are: tragic death,
medieval religion / superstition and magic of culture, the relationship between the mother and
her sons and suffering.
CONCLUSION
From the above discussion of the three Anglo-Saxon ballads we can conclude that, like
many Balkan ballads analyzed by Parry and Lord, Anglo-Saxon ballads also can be transferred to
generations orally because most of them follow the same characteristics as ballads of these
regions. This means that these characteristics have universal scope and application. The people
who sang these songs and folk ballads were illiterate people with simple, dramatic and powerful
language. These simple people managed to play a major role in their dissemination and transfer
from one generation to another and from one culture to another. Preferred structural model of the
ballad is stanza because almost by definition ballads were composed in stanzas with four rhymed
verses ABCB with 8 + 6 + 8 + 6 syllables, as in ballads Sir Patrick Spens and The Wife of
Usher's Well. However, there are other models such as the rhyming couplets with parallel AABB
rhyme, as we saw in the case of folk ballad Lord Randall. The rhyme in the ballads is simple, but
often irregular or "poor", often depends on the phonological features of the respective dialects in
which the ballad occurred. They use the same "formulaic" words, phrases or expressions because
they give musicality to the song. On a narrative level, in these songs are used repetition, symbol,
alliteration, metaphor etc. The themes of the Anglo-Saxon ballads and ballads of the region are
numerous and very similar. They treat themes of sincere love, the supernatural, often transferred

�to dialogic form (mother and son, brother, sister, etc.), betrayal, suffering, sacrifice and the like.
Given that these ballads are located in two different regions with different history and culture,
this paper comes to the conclusion that no matter what they belonged to two different traditions,
histories and cultures, the structure, the style and the themes that can be found in them if not
identical, then in large part very similar.

References






Baldick, Chris (2008). The Oxford Dictionary of Literary Terms. New York: Oxford
University Press.
Bates, Katharine L. (December 31, 2012). Ballad Book. retrieved 10.06.2015, from
www.gutenberg.org Web Site: www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/7935/pg7935.html
Lord, Albert B. (1960). The Singer of Tales. Cambridge: HARVARD UNIVERSITY
PRESS.
Lord, Albert B. (2003). The Singer of Tales. Cambridge, Massachusetts, London,
England: HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
R. Adelaide, Witham (1903&amp;1904). The English and Scottish Popular Ballads. Boston
and New York: Houghton Mifflin &amp; Company.

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                <text>The purpose of this paper is through properly selected examples to prove that Millman Parry and Albert Lord’s aspects of the theory of the popular ballad can be applied in the English ballads too. Perry and Lord explained how the Homeric epic and numerous popular ballads of the Balkans and traditions, could be transmitted through many generations by oral route and why have appeared formulaic principles in the way they are created and presented. Following the same procedure, we will try to show the same principles on an analysis of three Anglo-Saxon ballads: Sir Patrick Spens, Lord Randal, and The Wife of Usher's Well. Ballads will be treated according to the theory of oral-formulaic structure of the ballad. This theory suggests that the more phrases the singer knows, the higher is the chance to improvise and structure strings of verses. Ballads Sir Patrick Spens, Lord Randal, and The Wife of Usher's Well will be analyzed starting from their metric system, rhyme, and as well as locating stylistic figures used in these ballads. The paper will have a comparative approach to find similarities and differences between ballads of Balkans posed by Perry and Lord, and three Anglo-Saxon ballads. Also, this paper will analyze the themes treated in these ballads. Given that these ballads are located in two different regions with different history and culture, this paper will try to come to the conclusion that no matter that they belonged to two different traditions, histories and cultures, themes encountered in them if not identical, then many are very similar.</text>
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F. Duygu Bora
Bülent Ecevit University/ Zonguldak, Turkey
Key words: Video, Role-play, Multiple intelligence
ABSTRACT
As technology is getting more integrated with English language teaching process, using videos has also gained
popularity. In addition to the development of technology, great emphasis on communicative language teaching
increases the popularity of videos. With the help of videos, students deal with real-life language as well as the rules
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curriculum beside the main course. In spite of its facilitating role, students are generally the passive participants who
are responsible for watching the theme, and answer the questions about it. Students are only expected to comprehend
the story and catch some words in order to do the exercises on a sheet of paper. However, in a communicative
language teaching environment, students need to be the active participants of their learning process. If video is
regarded as fundamental to develop communicative skills, students should use it, not the questions. Otherwise, using
the language becomes a vehicle instead of a goal. This can be achieved by integrating role-play with video classes.
This study aimed to reveal the attitudes of learners towards role-play in video classes. It was applied with 20
students and lasted for 4 weeks. Different groups were given video scripts and assigned with performing it in an
appropriate environment. Then, the rest of the students in the class watched the video and made discussions about it.
The data was collected with an attitude scale and a multiple intelligence scale to determine their attitudes
considering their intelligence type. At the end of the study, it turned out that while the learners who have linguistic,
logical-mathematical, interpersonal and bodily-kinesthetic have find it useful and motivating, intrapersonal learners
prefer only to watch and answer the questions.

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                <text>Key words: Video, Role-play, Multiple intelligence  ABSTRACT  As technology is getting more integrated with English language teaching process, using videos has also gained popularity. In addition to the development of technology, great emphasis on communicative language teaching increases the popularity of videos. With the help of videos, students deal with real-life language as well as the rules they are exposed to as part of their curriculum. Sometimes, video is even considered as a separate class as part of the curriculum beside the main course. In spite of its facilitating role, students are generally the passive participants who are responsible for watching the theme, and answer the questions about it. Students are only expected to comprehend the story and catch some words in order to do the exercises on a sheet of paper. However, in a communicative language teaching environment, students need to be the active participants of their learning process. If video is regarded as fundamental to develop communicative skills, students should use it, not the questions. Otherwise, using the language becomes a vehicle instead of a goal. This can be achieved by integrating role-play with video classes.  This study aimed to reveal the attitudes of learners towards role-play in video classes. It was applied with 20 students and lasted for 4 weeks. Different groups were given video scripts and assigned with performing it in an appropriate environment. Then, the rest of the students in the class watched the video and made discussions about it. The data was collected with an attitude scale and a multiple intelligence scale to determine their attitudes considering their intelligence type. At the end of the study, it turned out that while the learners who have linguistic, logical-mathematical, interpersonal and bodily-kinesthetic have find it useful and motivating, intrapersonal learners prefer only to watch and answer the questions.</text>
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doctors because patients&amp;#39; knowledge of medicine and medical terminology is insufficient.&#13;
Therefore, they often remain uninformed and misunderstood.&#13;
A questionnaire-based study was carried out among 100 laypersons in Rijeka, Croatia. It&#13;
aimed to explore understanding, acceptance, use, and need for Croatian equivalents, which&#13;
show their attitudes towards using Anglicisms in medical communication. The findings show&#13;
some statistically significant differences in terms of understanding and use of Anglicisms with&#13;
respect to the age of the respondents and the level of their education. The respondents mainly&#13;
justify the use of English medical terms in medicine when there is no adequate Croatian&#13;
equivalent. However, a high percentage of them support the need for creating Croatian&#13;
equivalents, which should be more understandable and transparent than the English ones. We&#13;
can conclude that Anglicisms are widely used in the Croatian medical language, but the&#13;
Croatian equivalents should be created in collaboration between doctors and linguists.</text>
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                    <text>THE ATTRITION OF PORTUGUESE AS A THIRD OR ADDITIONAL LANGUAGE
OVER THE SUMMER HOLIDAYS

Teresa Maria Wlosowicz
Casimir the Great University, Poland

Article History:
Submitted: 13.06.2015
Accepted: 30.06.2015

Abstract:
The present study aims to investigate the attrition of Portuguese as a third or additional
language (L3, L4, etc., cf. de Angelis, 2007) over the summer holidays. The research
questions concern the correctness of the participants’ responses, the language areas in which
attrition is observed, the ways in which it manifests itself and the students’ perception of their
own attrition. Since multilingual systems are dynamic and the languages are in constant
interaction, when a language is not used, attrition sets in (Herdina &amp; Jessner, 2002). However,
some elements of linguistic knowledge are more prone to attrition than others (SharwoodSmith, 1989). The study was carried out with 42 Polish (L1) learners of Portuguese, 30 of
whom were second-year students of Portuguese philology, and 12 were students of other
Romance philologies who followed a Portuguese language course. After the summer holidays,
they completed a vocabulary and grammar test and participated in oral interviews, followed
by a questionnaire. In general, they produced more incorrect and partly correct (e.g. the right
verb in the wrong form) than correct responses. Attrition could be observed in various
language areas, from speaking fluency to grammar and vocabulary, though the subjunctive,
which they had only started to study before the holidays, caused them the most difficulty. The
attrition of Portuguese manifested itself in various forms, from avoidance and the inability to
retrieve certain items, through the confusion of Portuguese forms, to interference from other
languages. As the questionnaire indicates, the students were aware of the areas in which
attrition occurred. It can be concluded that attrition is connected mainly with a decrease in the
activation of a language. Given the interference from other Romance languages, it can be
supposed that, as the activation of Portuguese items is lower, Spanish, French and Italian
items compete for selection.

�Key words: multilingualism, language attrition, interference, Portuguese.

�1. Introduction
The purpose of the study has been an investigation of the attrition of Portuguese as a
third or additional language (term introduced by de Angelis, 2007, to include L3, L4, L5, etc.)
over the summer holidays. The study investigated attrition observable in both oral and written
production. On the one hand, fluency in oral communication deteriorates fastest (BardoviHarlig &amp; Stringer, 2010, p. 32), but on the other hand, it may be reflected mainly in an
increased number of hesitations and attempts to retrieve forgotten words, while errors in
writing may constitute more substantial evidence of language attrition. On the basis of the
results, it is attempted to draw some conclusions concerning language attrition in multilingual
systems.

2. The phenomenon of language attrition
In general, “language attrition may refer to loss of language as a result of contact with
majority languages, loss of language by communities, or loss of language by individuals in
both pathological and non-pathological settings” (Bardovi-Harlig &amp; Stringer, 2010, p. 2).
However, Köpke and Schmid (2004, p. 5, as cited in Herdina &amp; Jessner, 2013, p. 753)
propose a narrower definition, according to which language attrition is “the non-pathological
decrease in a language that had previously been acquired by an individual” and is therefore
distinct from such phenomena as language loss in aphasia.
It often occurs in situations of language contact, for example, in the case of L1 attrition
in immigrants living in a foreign country (Cherciov, 2013; Sharwood-Smith, 1989), but there
can also be attrition of a foreign language learnt at school and not used any more, that is why
in multilingual repertoires the chronological order of language acquisition does not
necessarily correspond to language dominance, which is determined by the proficiency levels
and the frequency of use of the particular languages (Herdina &amp; Jessner, 2013, p. 754).
According to Herdina and Jessner (2002), multilingual systems are dynamic and competence
in each of them changes with time, due to constant cross-linguistic interaction (an umbrella
term covering transfer, interference, borrowing, code-switching, etc., Herdina &amp; Jessner,
2002, p. 29). Consequently, if a language is not used for some time, attrition sets in.
Therefore, language learning does not take place “once and for all”, but, in order to prevent
attrition, language users have to make an effort to maintain the competence they have
acquired.
Even though the patterns of language attrition can offer interesting “insights into the
structure of the linguistic system” (Fase, Jaspaert &amp; Kroon, 1992, p. 9, as cited in Herdina &amp;

�Jessner, 2002, p. 94), this phenomenon remains insufficiently researched for the following
reasons: First, “language attrition is a gradual and much less spectacular phenomenon than
abrupt complete language loss” (Herdina &amp; Jessner, 2002, p. 96). Second, if language attrition
becomes noticeable, speakers try to counteract it by using compensatory strategies. Third, “at
least at an early stage, it expresses itself in the form of an increased scatter of performance”
(Herdina &amp; Jessner, 2002, p. 96). Indeed, errors in performance do not have to reflect a
corresponding loss of competence. As Sharwood-Smith (1989, p. 190) remarks in reference to
L1 attrition, “subjects in a loss situation can demonstrate their possession of native
competence by various means, including self-correction and also the selection and rejection of
test items exemplifying standard and deviant forms respectively.”
To explain the order of language attrition, several hypotheses have been proposed, two
of which are discussed by Riemer (2005, p. 217-218): “last learned - first forgotten”, with
emphasis on the temporal sequence, and “best learned – last forgotten”, with emphasis on the
depth of cognitive processing (Schöpper-Grabe, 1998, as cited in Riemer, 2005, p. 218).
However, language attrition does not involve only the loss of language skills, because the
incubation period, when the language is no longer studied actively, also involves language
retention, or “the maintenance or improvement of proficiency in a language following its
initial acquisition” (Gardner, 1982, p. 24, as cited in Riemer, 2005, p. 218) and even some
residual learning, or a kind of cognitive maturation which can lead to an increase in
competence (Riemer, 2005, p. 217-219). Moreover, if a critical threshold, or a level of
competence which protects information from being forgotten, is reached (Neisser, 1984, as
cited in Riemer, 2005, p. 218), a certain amount of knowledge remains permanently in the
learner’s mind.
Furthermore, some features of language are more prone to attrition than others.
Preston (1982, as cited in Sharwood-Smith, 1989, p. 191) enumerates several sites of “high
attrition likelihood”, such as marked items, low-frequency items, items learnt last,
irregularities, etc.
Moreover, the availability of a language for production and/or comprehension largely
depends on its activation level, which is connected with the frequency and recency of its use.
According to Green’s Inhibitory Control model (Green, 1986, p. 215), “a language can be
selected (and hence controlling speech output), active (i.e., playing a role in ongoing
processing), and dormant (i.e., residing in long-term memory but exerting no effects on
ongoing processing)”. If a language is not used, its activation falls (Green, 1986, p. 215). Thus

�a language that has undergone some attrition due to non-use can also be assumed to be partly
deactivated.
In order to speak a particular language, one has to suppress the other language(s),
which requires inhibitory resources (Green, 1986, p. 217-218). As a means of ensuring that
the speech plan is produced only in the selected language, Green (1998, p. 101) postulates the
existence of language tags. In the Inhibitory Control model, the main role of language tags is
that played in lemma selection (Green, 1998, p. 101).
Finally, apart from linguistic factors, an important role is played by social and affective
factors, such as language attitudes and motivation (e.g. Riemer, 2005). However, as Cherciov
(2013) has shown, the relationship between attitudes and language proficiency is ‘neither
clear-cut nor linear across all bilinguals’ (Cherciov, 2013: 730). A positive attitude does not
constitute a guarantee of avoiding language attrition, but, as Cherciov (2013: 730) concludes,
it can counterbalance attrition if it is “conducive to an active effort to maintain the L1.”

3. The study
3.1. Participants
The study was carried out with 42 Polish (L1) learners of Portuguese, including 30
second-year students of Portuguese philology (22 from Maria Sklodowska-Curie University
in Lublin and 8 from Jagiellonian University in Cracow) and 12 students of other Romance
philologies (Spanish, French or Italian), who studied Portuguese as an additional foreign
language at Jagiellonian University.
They had a variety of language combinations, that is why Portuguese was not
necessarily their L3, but rather a third or additional language (L4, L5, etc.). Apart from Polish
and Portuguese, the participants’ language combinations included English (41 participants),
Spanish (33), German (17), French (11), Italian (11), Russian (6), Romanian (5), Latin (3),
Swedish (1) and Chinese (1).

3.2. Method
The study consisted of a written grammar and vocabulary test, followed by oral
interviews with the students, carried out by the researcher, and, finally, a questionnaire
concerning the students’ language combinations and experience, and the study they had just
participated in, paying special attention to the areas of attrition observed by the participants in
their own performance.

�The test consisted of three parts: cued translation (e.g. Se ________ esse livro,
____________ amanhã), gap-filling and a multiple-choice test. It involved items and
structures which were either marked and specific to Portuguese (for example, the first
conditional with the future subjunctive instead of the present indicative, e.g. Se encontrar esse
livro,…, not: Se encontro esse livro), marked but common to Portuguese and Spanish (for
example, certain uses of the subjunctive), or items slightly different in Portuguese in Spanish,
which could lead to interference (for example, Vais tomar duche agora? vs. ¿Vas a ducharte
ahora?). However, the items were typical and fairly simple, because they could not be
completely new to the participants, but rather, the participants were expected to have already
encountered and possibly forgotten them.
Similarly, the topics of the oral interviews, which were randomly drawn out by the
participants, were quite simple in terms of the background knowledge they required (hobbies,
favourite animals, favourite books, travelling, etc.).
The research questions were as follows:
1) How correct are the participants’ responses?
2) What areas of linguistic competence can attrition be observed in?
3) How does the attrition of Portuguese manifest itself?
4) How do the students themselves perceive their attrition?

3.3. Results and discussion
In general, the participants produced a large number of errors, as well as partly correct
responses (e.g. the right verb in the wrong form). The “partly correct” category was
introduced to take into account responses which indicated that the students had retained some
of the necessary knowledge, and only some of it had been affected by attrition.
In the cued translation test, as Table 1 shows, most of the answers were partly correct,
followed by incorrect and correct ones and, finally, avoidance.
Table 1: The contingency table comparing the groups’ performance on the cued translation
task
Lublin

Cracow Other

Cracow Port.

Correct

30

16

29

75

Partly correct

89

58

41

188

Incorrect

51

32

7

90

�Avoidance

50

14

3

67

220

120

80

420

df = 6
The difference between the groups, calculated by means of a chi-square test, is
statistically significant at p&lt; 0.001.
By contrast, in the gap-filling task, most of the answers were correct (in most cases,
more than one answer was possible), followed by incorrect answers, avoidance and partly
correct answers.
Table 2: The contingency table comparing the groups’ performance on the gap-filling task
Lublin

Cracow Other

Cracow Port.

Correct

90

45

48

183

Partly corr.

23

16

9

48

Incorrect

55

48

17

120

Avoidance

52

11

6

69

220

120

80

420

df =6
The difference between the groups, calculated by means of a chi-square test, is
statistically significant at p&lt; 0.001.
In the multiple-choice test, most of the answers were correct, followed by incorrect
ones and avoidance.
Table 3: The contingency table comparing the groups’ performance on the multiple-choice
test
Lublin

Cracow Other

Cracow Port.

Correct

197

77

70

344

Incorrect

19

41

10

70

Avoidance

4

2

0

6

220

120

80

420

df =4
The difference between the groups, calculated by means of a chi-square test, is
statistically significant at p&lt; 0.001.

�The comparisons of all three groups indicate that there were indeed significant
differences, and that the students of Portuguese as an additional language, not of Portuguese
philology, performed significantly worse. On the one hand, they spent less time studying
Portuguese, as their main foreign languages were Spanish, French or Italian, and on the other
hand, the higher level of activation of the dominant foreign language probably led to more
interference.
Moreover, the correctness of the students’ answers also depended on the task.
Table 4: The contingency table comparing the groups’ performance on all three tasks
Translation

Gap-filling

MCT

Correct

75

183

344

602

Partly corr.

188

48

0

236

Incorrect

90

120

70

280

Avoidance

67

69

6

142

420

420

420

1260

df =6
The difference between the tests, calculated by means of a chi-square test, is
statistically significant at p&lt; 0.001.
All three groups performed significantly best on the multiple-choice test, which proves
that recognition is easier than production. As the items were presented to the students, access
to their meanings was easier than retrieving them from memory. Moreover, they performed
significantly better on the gap-filling task, which was mainly lexical (though some items were
located between grammar and vocabulary, such as inserting the right preposition) than on the
translation task, which was predominantly grammatical (even if, for example, a verb had to be
retrieved from the mental lexicon, it had to be given in the right form, for example, the
subjunctive). On the one hand, it is possible that grammar is more prone to attrition than
vocabulary, but this would require further research. On the other hand, it is possible that
grammar requires greater precision and if a structure requires, for example, the subjunctive,
an indicative form is incorrect, whereas in the case of vocabulary, a gap can allow several
synonyms, their hyperonym, etc., as long as they fit in the context.
Qualitatively, the errors can be said to have been the result of interference from several
languages, especially Spanish, but also French and Italian, and, possibly, also a combination
of languages, including Polish. However, as the present author remarked elsewhere
(Wlosowicz, 2012), in the case of a foreign language distant from the native one, L1 influence

�can be subtle, such as the preference of certain structures over others. Some examples of
errors in the cued translation task are presented below.
Table 5: Examples of errors in the cued translation task
Student’s version

Target version

Problems detected

Se a Sílvia não tivesse Se a Sílvia não rejeitou, The past tense (Pretérito
recusado, trabalharia agora _____ agora numa empresa Perfeito) instead of the past
numa empresa multinacional.

multinacional.

subjunctive: possible transfer
from

Polish;

inability to

retrieve the conditional form
(trabalharia).
Se

encontrar

esse

livro, Se encontro esse livro, o lhe Interference from Spanish (Si

emprestar-lho-ei amanhã.

prestarei amanhã.

encuentro ese libro, se le
prestaré mañana); possibly
also from English (If I find
this book…).

Enquanto o sol se punha, Mentre o sol tramontava, Interference
estavam

sentados

terraça junto à praia.

from

Italian

numa sentiam-se numa terraça à (mentre – while, tramontare
praia.

– to set); the confusion of
two Portuguese verbs: sentarse (to sit down) and sentir-se
(to feel).

Não te preocupes!

Não te preocupa!

Retrieval of the wrong rule in
Portuguese:
imperative

the

negative

takes

the

subjunctive form (‘não te
preocupes’ instead of ‘não te
preocupas’); instead of the
subjunctive, the student used
the indicative form of the
third person singular.
As for transfer from Polish, it was possibly due to the fact that it was the source
language of the cued translations. While Portuguese was partly deactivated, the students’
native language remained constantly active, which may have made them fall back on L1
routines (cf. Sharwood-Smith, 1986).

�In the gap-filling task, the sentences which posed the participants particular difficulty
were Sentence 4 (Se ________ quente no domingo, __________ um piquenique), Sentence 6
(Não gosto que vocês _______ palavrões na escola), Sentence 8 (________-me ver o novo
filme sobre Robin dos Bosques) and Sentence 10 (Como te __________ o exame ontem?).
Sentence 4 required both the idiomatic use of two verbs (Se estiver quente no domingo,
faremos um piquenique – If it’s warm on Sunday, we’ll have a picnic) and the correct forms
(the future subjunctive and the future tense, which is irregular in the case of the verb ‘fazer’.
Errors included, for example: “Se está (present indicative) quente no domingo, faziamos
(past tense, also used as the second conditional) um piquenique.”
Sentence 6 required the subjunctive: Não gosto que vocês usem (or: digam) palavrões
na escola (I disapprove of your using (or: saying) swear words at school). As the participants
had only started the subjunctive before the holidays, it posed them problems, just like the
translation items which required the subjunctive.
Sentence 8 was idiomatic (Apetece-me ver o novo filme sobre Robin dos Bosques – I
feel like seeing the new film about Robin Hood), which proved quite difficult to retrieve and
resulted in such errors and non-target responses as: Queria-me ver o novo filme sobre Robin
dos Bosques (I would like me to see the new film…) or Deixa-me ver o novo filme sobre
Robin dos Bosques (Let me see the new film… - actually, the latter version was accepted, as
it was possible in the context).
Finally, Sentence 10 was also idiomatic (Como te correu o exame ontem? – How did you do
at the exam yesterday?). However, the participants tended to write: Como te passou o exame
ontem?, which was most probably an interference from Spanish (¿Cómo te pasó el examen
ayer?)
The multiple-choice test was not very difficult, but Sentences 2 and 7 proved to be
quite problematic. In Sentence 2 there were actually two possible options: Quando encontrei a
Ana, usava/ vestia sandálias brancas (When I met Ann, she was wearing white sandals).
However, the choice of the option “portava” reflected interference from French (“porter”) or
from Italian (“portare”), while “trazia” (she was carrying) may have been an
overgeneralization based on Polish, which does not differentiate between wearing and
carrying (the verb “nosić” has both meanings).
By contrast, Sentence 7 (No verão muita gente gosta de apanhar cogumelos – In
summer many people like picking mushrooms) required the collocation “apanhar cogumelos”.
However, especially the students of other philologies with Portuguese as an additional
language (9 out of 12 chose non-target responses) tended to choose the other options, namely:

�“coleccionar”(to collect – theoretically possible, but not idiomatic), “picar” (possibly under
the influence of English) and “pegar” (to catch/grab – a loose synonym, but incorrect in the
context).
On the other hand, the oral interviews mostly revealed attrition in the form of a loss of
fluency, which was also noticed by the students themselves (see below), however, some
interference from other languages was also observed.
The signs + and _ _ in the examples indicate the lengths of the pauses: + - a short
pause, and _ _ - a medium pause.

Example 1:
eh sou + uma estudante de: + eh + leitetura eh + e língua + ehm + italiana
(er I’m + a student of: + er + literature er + and language + erm + Italian)
The example reflects interference from Italian: 1) an interlingual blend (cf. Dewaele, 1998):
“leiteratura” instead of “literature”, cf. “letteratura”; 2) sou uma estudante: in Portuguese,
professions with the verb “to be” do not require an article, e.g. sou estudante (I am a student;
cf. sono una studentessa).

Example 2:
estudo anche inglês + com- + como: + os todos
(I also study English + li- + like + everyone)
“Anche” (also) is a switch into Italian; possibly the unfinished word (com-) was also an
interference which the participant managed to control (“come” in Italian, instead of “como”
(as) in Portuguese).

Example 3:
queria especialmente visitar eh + eh Lisboa + claro + eh: + e + otras + cidades + mais grandes
acho + como Porto + ou Faro
(I would especially like to visir er + Lisbon + obviously + er + and + other + cities + bigger I
think + like Porto + or Faro)
Interference from Spanish includes “otras” instead of “outras” (other) and “mais grandes”
instead of “maiores” (cf. más grandes); the omission the article (“o Porto” takes the definite
article, unlike other cities) may be either an overgeneralization, or interference from Polish,
which has no articles.

�Example 4:
agora + gosto d’ameliorai + ameliorar a minha + eh conhecidade deste + hm + desta língua
(now + I like to improve + improve my + er knowledge of this + hm + this language)
“Conhecidade” instead of “conhecimento” (knowledge) is a spontaneous creation in
Portuguese, but, possibly, Polish interfered with the speech plan, as in Polish “knowledge”
(“wiedza”) is feminine (masculine in Portuguese), while “a language” (“język”) is masculine,
that is why the student first wanted to say “deste língua”, but immediately corrected it to
“desta língua”.

Example 5:
penso em + traduzir + eh + documentos + leies
(I’m thinking of + translating + er + documents + laws)
Interference from Spanish resulted in the form “leies” instead of ‘leis’, cf. “leyes”.
Finally, as for the students’ own perception of the attrition of Portuguese, they
mentioned a variety of problems in the questionnaires:
They noticed attrition in the following areas: grammar (33 participants), fluency in oral
production (31), vocabulary (30), writing skills (11), auditory comprehension (9), and one
person wrote: “all of these, to different degrees” (translation mine). Only two did not report
any decrease in language skills. Some of them mentioned particular structures, such as
conjuntivo (the subjunctive), past tense forms, conditionals, some vocabulary items, some
forms of the imperfect, or grammar in general. One person wrote: “all that I haven’t written, I
forgot it over the summer holidays” (translation mine).

4. Conclusions:
To answer the research questions, first, apart from the multiple-choice test, which
required recognition rather than retrieval from memory, there were more incorrect and partly
correct answers and avoidance, than correct ones. Quite a lot of interference was observed,
from other Romance languages, especially from Spanish, but also French and Italian, as well
as from Polish and possibly from English (the errors in the conditionals, such as “se encontro
esse livro” may have been due to interference from Spanish or to combined interference from
Spanish and English). It is possible that English, as the foreign language they have studied
and/or used the longest, plays a special role in the participants’ language repertoires. Even
though it cannot serve as a source of lexical transfer, it may be a point of reference at the

�grammatical level, and transfer from Spanish which is also confirmed by the existence of a
similar structure in English may seem to the learner more likely to be correct. However,
Polish, as the native language, also remains active and is difficult to inhibit, that is why the
participants sometimes fell back on L1 routines, probably without even realising it.
Second, attrition can be observed in all areas, including fluency, pronunciation (some
Portuguese words, e.g. “especialmente”, were pronounced the Spanish way), grammar,
vocabulary and, as the students indicated, also writing skills and listening comprehension.
However, it can be assumed that this attrition is only temporary, that is, it is reflected in
performance, which is more prone to interference, but the underlying competence may not
have been affected. In fact, some of the students who did not remember how to form the
subjunctive at least wrote the word “conjuntivo” next to the sentences which required it, so
they remembered the rule, but not the verb forms. As they had only just started studying the
subjunctive before the holidays, the difficulty in using it suggests that the “last learned – first
forgotten” hypothesis may be true in this case.
Third, the attrition of Portuguese manifests itself, on the one hand, in the decreased
availability of words and structures, which is visible not only in the hesitations in speech, but
also in the gaps left in the test. On the other hand, the amount of interference from other
languages suggests that, while interference leads to attrition, a language which has not been
used for some time and has been partly deactivated may be even more prone to interference
from languages which remain more active.
Finally, as mentioned above, the students are aware of the attrition process and of the
areas it occurs in. The only dubious cases are the two participants who did not indicate any
decrease in language skills. The lack of attrition is quite unlikely; rather, it is possible that
either they did not monitor their production well enough, or they lacked metalinguistic
awareness. In fact, one person had visited Portugal during the summer holidays and worked
there as a volunteer on an ecological farm, but she indicated some problems with vocabulary
and writing and, rather surprisingly, speaking fluency. It is possible that while working on the
farm, unlike at university, she had little opportunity to speak about different topics.
In conclusion, one should agree with Herdina and Jessner (2002: 96) that attrition is
reflected mainly in a scatter of performance and that, over such a short period as the summer
holidays, it is performance rather than competence that undergoes attrition. In fact, in
multilingual systems, attrition can be accelerated by constant cross-linguistic interaction.
Given the interference from Spanish and other Romance languages (Italian and French), it can

�be supposed that, as two similar languages are coactivated to a comparable degree, they
influence and restructure each other more than less similar languages would.
In fact, the whole phenomenon of attrition can be attributed to a decrease in language
activation. As the activation of Portuguese items is lower, Spanish (and other) items compete
for selection (cf. Green, 1993) and can be overlooked by control mechanisms, which leads to
increased interference. It is also possible that not only does attrition increase the activation
thresholds of languages, but it also weakens the control mechanisms which keep them apart;
to use Green’s (1986) terms, attrition depletes the resources necessary for the inhibition of the
non-target language. Another possibility is that the tags which indicate which language each
item belongs to are also partly deactivated and thus less available, that is why an item from a
non-target language may slip in.

References
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              <elementText elementTextId="2806">
                <text>THE ATTRITION OF PORTUGUESE AS A THIRD OR ADDITIONAL LANGUAGE OVER THE SUMMER HOLIDAYS</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="96">
            <name>Author</name>
            <description>Author</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="2807">
                <text>Wlosowicz, Teresa Maria</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="94">
            <name>Abstract</name>
            <description>A summary of the resource.</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="2808">
                <text>The present study aims to investigate the attrition of Portuguese as a third or additional language (L3, L4, etc., cf. de Angelis, 2007) over the summer holidays. The research questions concern the correctness of the participants’ responses, the language areas in which attrition is observed, the ways in which it manifests itself and the students’ perception of their own attrition. Since multilingual systems are dynamic and the languages are in constant interaction, when a language is not used, attrition sets in (Herdina &amp; Jessner, 2002). However, some elements of linguistic knowledge are more prone to attrition than others (Sharwood-Smith, 1989). The study was carried out with 42 Polish (L1) learners of Portuguese, 30 of whom were second-year students of Portuguese philology, and 12 were students of other Romance philologies who followed a Portuguese language course. After the summer holidays, they completed a vocabulary and grammar test and participated in oral interviews, followed by a questionnaire. In general, they produced more incorrect and partly correct (e.g. the right verb in the wrong form) than correct responses. Attrition could be observed in various language areas, from speaking fluency to grammar and vocabulary, though the subjunctive, which they had only started to study before the holidays, caused them the most difficulty. The attrition of Portuguese manifested itself in various forms, from avoidance and the inability to retrieve certain items, through the confusion of Portuguese forms, to interference from other languages. As the questionnaire indicates, the students were aware of the areas in which attrition occurred. It can be concluded that attrition is connected mainly with a decrease in the activation of a language. Given the interference from other Romance languages, it can be supposed that, as the activation of Portuguese items is lower, Spanish, French and Italian items compete for selection.</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="2809">
                <text>International Burch University</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="2810">
                <text>2015-09</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="97">
            <name>Keywords</name>
            <description>Keywords.</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="2811">
                <text>Article
PeerReviewed</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
        </elementContainer>
      </elementSet>
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    <tagContainer>
      <tag tagId="32">
        <name>P Philology. Linguistics</name>
      </tag>
    </tagContainer>
  </item>
</itemContainer>
