26 10 3494 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/01ace9687a0691cbd7cbc5622660ad83.pdf c7ab497501bdd8c7fe3063e90354f2e9 PDF Text Text POGLED NA STILSKE FIGURE PRIPOVIJETKE MRAK NA SVIJETLIM STAZAMA IVANA GORANA KOVAČIĆA Ana Tereza Barišić University of Zagreb, Croatia Article History: Submitted: 03.05.2015 Accepted: 01.06.2015 Abstract The aim of this paper is to explore the stylistic authenticity of Dark on the Lit Paths, a short story written by Ivan Goran Kovačić, within the context of theory of stylistic devices. The short story abounds in expressive lyrical descriptions which portray characters and events from the author’s own homeland who, sympathising with the minor, ordinary, suppressed members of society emphasizes an idyllic harmony between Jačica Šafran, a peasant and nature, at the same time warning against poverty, envy and inhuman relationships among people. The paper presents an analysis of stylistic devices which, like skillfully interwoven threads in the plot of this short story, in presentation of characters and in problems presented in this work, are extremely important for the poetic segment of the author’s work of fiction. Gérard Genette (1985; 52) claims that a stylistic device is space which has its own form, space “between a sign and sense”, “inner space of language”, and that there are as many stylistic devices as there are forms of this space that can be identified. Therefore, the paper aims to present a review of figures of diction, figures of speech based on sentence structure, tropes and figures of thought, using the concrete examples from the short story in order to show the characterisation of the figurative features of Kovačić’s text, such as its picturesque features or expressive syntax. Figures of literary discourse have been exempt from this paper. Analysing the short story through various examples of anaphora, epiphora, onomatopoeia, epithets, inversion, similes, metaphors, antithesis, gradation, hyperbole, irony, personification and many other stylistic devices, the author wishes to present, determine or dispute the recent claims by numerous critics who do agree about one thing – that Kovačić's fiction is original �both in its structure and expression. She also wishes to emphasize a wide range of meaning and engagement of the writer's discourse. Key words: Ivan Goran Kovačić, Dark on the Lit Paths, figures of diction, figures of speech, figures of speech based on sentence structure, figures of thought. �1. Uvodne napomene Autorica će se u svom radu pozabaviti stilskom originalnošću pripovijetke Mrak na svijetlim stazama Ivana Gorana Kovačića, pisca koji kroz lirske opise prikazuje likove i događaje iz vlastitog zavičaja, suosjećajući s običnim ljudima, naglašavajući idiličan sklad između seljaka Jačice Šafrana i prirode, upozoravajući na siromaštvo, zavist i međuljudske odnose, a istovremeno priklanjajući se strani slabijih i potlačenijih pripadnika društva. Tekst njegove pripovijetke obiluje stilskim figurama koje su vješto upletene u fabulu ove priče, karakterizaciju likova i kao takve pridonose poetizaciji njegova proznog uratka. Cilj rada je prikazati ih i pokazati istinitost tvrdnje da je Kovačićeva proza originalna po svojoj strukturi i izrazu. Jezik književnoga djela obogaćuje standardni jezik na dva načina: svojim pamćenjem i svojom kreativnošću (Benčić i Fališevac 1995). U radu se analiziraju figure dikcije1, figure konstrukcije2, figure riječi3 i figure misli4. 2. Figure misli Budući da je Kovačić naslovom djela dao naslutiti da se u njemu radi o kontrastu, razumno je započeti analizu antitezom. Antiteza se sastoji u tom, da se po dva suprotna pojma ili misli jedno drugomu naprotiv stavljaju (Zima 1988). Ovaj pripovjedni korpus odiše suprotnošćui kroz prikaz glavnih likova što je uočljivo u njihovim imenima, Jačica Šafran i Franina Brdar. Da se pretpostaviti da je vlastita imenica Jačica izvedena od deminutivnog pridjeva jak (jak + ica = jačica), a da njegova karakterizacija dobije puniji izgled,autor imenu dodaje prezime Šafran (cvijet) i time determinira i izrazitu senzibilnost samog lika što se iščitavanjem redaka i potkrepljuje. Tradicionalna onomastička teorija promatra vlastita imena kao jezične znakove koji identificiraju objekte imenovanja (Brozović Rončević i Žic Fuchs 2005). Jačica5 je neshvaćen pa njegovu pojavu i sam svećenik metaforizira svojim komentarom „Grešna duša“. Da je njegova misija bezuvjetno poslužiti svakomu tko traži od njega pomoć i požrtvovno prionuti poslu, iščitava se iz teksta „Ali Jačica nije već trideset godina dolazio u selo o Martinju – jer su njegovu čuvarinu polizali kroz godinu volovi s dlana, pozobale ptice u šumama i raznijeli sijači vjetrovi što je ovima preteklo…“ što je opet u suprotnosti s njegovom sitnom građom vidljivom iz vanjske karakterizacije. „Malena tijela (…) sličio je grmičku koji se podigao iz čučnja i gegavo popošao“. Jačica je, dakle, po svemu suprotan Franini Brdaru, paralelnom glavnom liku ove pripovijetke čije se ime može izvesti iz �vlastite imenice Fran. Njegovo je prezime Brdar, najvjerojatnije složeno i postalo od imenice brdo. Jačica i Franina suprotni su likovi i u načinu izražavanja. Dok se Jačica,u svojim vrlo kratkim iskazima, služi mnoštvom umanjenica koji naročito odgovaraju govorniku koji govori pod utjecajem emocija (Aristotel 1989) te raznim deminutivima što je vidljivo iz navedenim primjera „Golubo, Golubičice moja, žalosnice…/Milosnice, i opet će Jačica ljubiti teoce u čelo, u gubičicu“, Franina je odrješit i nemaštovit u svojim iskazima, pomalo drzak i grub kao pravi ugljenar: „Hej, Jače, ljudino čobanska…što ruješ po tom blatu…ti si, junačino, utovio krda njihova!“ Kao dio stilske komponiranosti ove pripovijetke je i uporaba ironije, suprotnosti od onoga što želimo da se shvati (Škreb 1983) ili figure koja se dakle sastoji u tom, da govornik bira onaki izraz, kojim jedno kaže, a drugo, tomu protivno, misli i hoće (Zima 1988). Ironija je uočljiva u ovoj rečenici: „Dočuo za nj i velečasni, pa se duhovnik snebio što jedan od stada njegova ne dolazi u crkvu, ne ide, kao ostali pričesnici, da (…) umilostivi Boga slušajući riječ njegovu s prodikaonice“ u kojoj se naglašava dužnost svećenika, posrednika Božje riječi, da vrati na put posrnulu ovčicu iako je ona sa svim svojim karakteristikama daleko od toga. Ironičan je i zajedljivo sarkastičan način na koji se suseljani odužuju i zahvaljuju Jačici za tridesetogodišnju pastirsku službu „Kad je onemoćao (…) dogovori se selo da mu nađe zamjenika (…) razložili mu svoje stajalište – pružili mu nekoliko polovnika kukuruze i uputili ga da se nastani u ruševnoj samotnoj kućici s vrtom, daleko od sela, povrh općinske ceste (…) Od svoje ušteđevine ćeš lako otrgnuti“. Ovakvim stilom pisanja autor je potvrdio da je ironija izraz koji potiče iz osećanja genijalne nadmoći koje vodi duhovitom poigravanju s ljudima i odnosima. Ironijom se postižu najsnažniji efekti ukoliko je razumljiva svima sem onome kome je upućena. U tom slučaju njegov položaj postaje komičan (Živković 1986). Slikovitost pjesnikova izraza uočljiva je u predočavanju Franine čitatelju koji je najavljen osobitim prizorom u kojem je vidljivo personificiranje prirodnog fenomena u kojem njegovu veličinu i snagu predočuje uvećanicom imenice oblak ne bi li naglasio njegovu osobnost od koje, eminentno je kroz tekst, svi bježe kao od zatamnjenog neba očekujući neizbježnu elementarnu nepogodu. „Ali jedno jutro polegla grdna oblačina iznad sunčane kolibice…“ S druge pak strane ne bi li nam lakše i intenzivnije predočio povezanost pejzaža i Jačice te Jačičinu senzibilnost i veliku privrženost samoj prirodi i njezinoj ljepoti, kao i prirodne čari, autor koristi personifikaciju, najčešće shvaćenu kao osobitu metaforu, u kojoj se �stvarima, prirodnim pojavama, apstraktnim pojmovima, životinjama ili biljkama pridaju ljudske osobine (Solar 2006). „Raspjevale se ptičice po šumama, dolepršali oblačići kao bijeli anđeli i porosili pšenicu, osvježili livadu u boku nad kućom…“. Da je priroda oživljena u punom mahu, da se poigrava s njezinim stanovnicima, vidimo iz sljedećih primjera koji pridonose lirskim opisima Kovačićeva djela. „Poljubilo toplo sunce sočne klice i izvuklo za vrat iz zemlje zelene klasove i zlatnim šibama istjeralo kukuruzne stabljike iz tame, da ne ljenčare“. Personifikacijom pokazuje i susret Jačice i prvih sazrelih kukuruza „Odgurnuo jedno jutro lišće na klipu, a ovaj se nasmijao prpošno Jačici u brk bijelim, mliječnim zubićima…“ u kojima se nazire toplina odnosa između dva nevina bića. Kovačić nam vješto prikazuje i duševna stanja lika kroz rečenice u kojima je vidljiva ta stilska figura ne bi li nam zornije prikazao jačinu strepnji koje je Jačica osjećao. „Bijelio se papir pred njim (…) i ledenio mu srce…“ U konačnici, iz načina prikazivanja Jačice zaključujemo da je toliko stopljen s okolinom i postao njezinim suživljenim dijelom da je potpuno prirodno pročitati „…dopodne je kosio travu na livadi, a na njivici oponašali ga vjetrom zanjihani kukuruzi, koji su u ritmu s njime (…) mahali zelenim kosama, i o bokovima ljuljali im se klipovi…“ i složiti se da je autorova vještina predočavanja zaljubljenosti u vlastiti zavičaj trajna inspiracija za retke poput ovih u kojima je uočljiva njegova originalnost. Ne bi li naglasio određeni emocionalni stav prema predmetima ili pojavama te tako istaknuo vlastiti odnos govornika prema onome što želi reći, Kovačić se služi hiperbolom, pretjerivanjem koje postaje, kad se što s tom namjerom, da jače u oči pada, preko mjere umoljava ili uveličava (Zima 1988). Hiperbola, koju je Bagić(2012) opisao u svom radu kao mikrostrukturu pojačavanja koja osjećanja i zbivanja prikazuje u ekstremnom stupnju jačine, a predmete idealizira u pozitivnom ili demonizira u negativnom smislu vidljiva je u ovim primjerima „Iz njegovih su ruku (…) lizali sonajpakosniji bodači volovi; na njegov poziv pristupale bi mu najupornije junice, i najjogunastijiteoci…/Naš govedar tuli najljepše i najjače!/…gdje se popeo na najvišu bukvu i do noći promatrao s visoka daljine…“ gdje je ona izrečena superlativima navedenih pridjeva ne bi li ih dodatno istaknula izazivajući u čitatelja gdjegdje čuđenje gdjegdje divljenje. 3. Figure riječi Izražavanje metaforom koju je Zima (1988) definirao kao izraz prenesen od pravoga u nepravo značenje radi živoga prikazivanja jedan je od češćih6 oblika stilskog oblikovanja �diskursne slikovitosti Kovačićeve pripovijetke, a to dokazuju i primjeri poput „…sličio je grmičku (…) koji je gdjegdje bjelkasto procvjetao“gdje autor prikazuje zapravo starca Jačicu i njegove pozne godine. Kovačić svoju spoznaju svijeta i života povezuje s osjećajima koje je utkao u starčev lik i predočuje ju kao savršenstvo koje je moglo nastati samo posredstvom Boga„Činilo mu se kao da srče suze s njegovih očiju…/Pomoći će vam kišica (…) da se pozlatite…“S druge pak strane, prepoznatljiva je i određena odbojnost prema Jačičinom susjedu koja progovara iz svake njegove riječi pa je uočljiva i određena razlika u opisivanju tog antijunaka kojega se Jačica pomalo plašio„Ali jedno jutro (…) grdna oblačina (…) zamuti oči Jačičine, smrknu mu vedro čelo…/...grmio svojim dubokim, teškim glasom…/A i djevojke bi se raspršile pred njime“ Kovačićeva averzija prema ljudima na položaju i neodobravanje njihovih manipulacija nad siromašnima i bijednima još jednom dolazi do izražaja kroz metaforičnost sljedećeg primjera „S oproštenjem rečeno, malo mu se vrti već od djetinjstva…“ gdje je kroz izraz vrti mu se od djetinjstva naglašeno susjedsko nepoštivanje Jačice za sve one godine njegove službe. Kako je poredba posve jednostavna u svom jezičnom obliku, prozirna u svojoj jednoličnosti i kako se broji u najraširenije i najomiljenije mikrostrukture pojačavanja afektivnosti izražaja (Škreb 1983) nije neobično što je baš u ovoj pripovijetki autor izrazio svoje misli upravo kroznju i time pridonio slikovitosti. Naime, poredba ili poređenje je jezično izražajno sredstvo kojim se neko svojstvo, stanje ili djelovanje i slično objašnjava, čini bližim, stilistički ističe, afektivno pojačava dovođenjem u vezu, povezivanjem s nekim drugim, čitaocu poznatijim svojstvom… (Živković 1986). Zanimljiv je primjer poredbe u kojem svećenik opisuje Jačicu „…grub kao gorska trava i nijem kao zvijer….“ gdje je starčeva priroda poistovjećena s najgoropadnijim zvijerima čime se aludira i na starčevu nepristupačnost i tvrdoću u razgovoru s ljudima. Jačičina odvojenost od pastirske službe koja mu je teško pala, opisana je ovako: „Iz početka je ustajao u predjutarje (dok su zvijezde, poput cvjetova, blijedeći venule na nebu)…“ kao i njegova briga za Golubom „…i poniknu pred njom skrušeno kao pokajnik“. Opisi prirode i njezinih ljepota zbog poredbe naročito dolaze do izražaja i time ublažavaju ili pojačavaju osnovni ton, raspoloženje koje izaziva neka pojava (Živković 1986). Tako u primjeru „…dolepršali oblačići bijeli kao anđeli…“ uočavamo svu ljepotu bjeline �neba. U ovim oslikanim primjerima „…a kukuruzi stali na noge kao vitezovi/ i o bokovima ljuljali im se klipovi kao golemi vodiri…/…Jačica je sjedio pod borovima, na kojima su visjeli šešerikao nakiti…“ istaknuta je afektivna snaga autorovih riječi i misli predočenih na bjeline papira kao skladna harmonija. I u opisu Franine Brdara, njegova načina izražavanja i ponašanja prema drugima prožima se poredba i time se ukazuje na određeni poseban aspekt promatranja lika i svega što se uz njega veže. Iz primjera „Prozvali ga Oblačina, jer bijaše uvijek namrštena lica i neprestano s kletvom, kao s gromom, na ustima…“ saznajemo opravdanje za iznenadna djevojačka bježanja pred njim „…i djevojke bi se raspršile pred njime kao golubice…“, razlog njegovog grubog nastupa prema svima „…udari lopovske gazde po tikvi i pokolji im stado kao vuk…“ kao i način odnošenja prema iskorištavanom starcu „…tom starom strvinom ti začepiše gubicu, tom kravetinom mrhavom, umjesto da im kao ljudina rečeš…“ Tako je i Franinova snaga jasno prikazana ovom poredbom „…udarci sjekire odjekuju u sobici kao u mrtvačkom sanduku.“ Da bi dao posebnu notu naoko običnim riječima i ukrasio tekst, autor ga kiti ukrasnim pridjevima koji upozoravaju na neka posebna svojstva i određene odnose među riječima…(Solar 2006), tj. ukrašava ih epitetima, a pod tim pojmom Zima (1988) podrazumijeva svaki dodatak, koji s onom riječju, kojoj se dodaje, čini jedan ukupni pojam. Evo primjera: „riječi pogrdne/ žalosnice stara / kravetina mrhava / ljudina čobanska / svjetina bućoglava / srčetinasmrdljiva/ gnusna riječ / najpakosniji bodači / malena tijela / okrugle mahovinaste brade / zveketljiv prasak / ohladnjele jagode / grešna duša / bezuba kravica / ruševna samotna kućica / grčeviti jecaji / snažni vrat / jutarnja rosa / malo kovrčasto tele / slinasta njuškica / turobne, paćeničke oči / krhka starost / meke travčice / zarašteni vrtić / toplo sunce / zlatne šibe / zelene sablje / sunčani poljupci / grdna oblačina / mračni vojnici / isukani mačevi“. Iščitavajući tako tekst, pojedini epiteti u čitatelja izazivaju posebne utiske dok su drugi navedeni radi izazivanja emocionalne napetosti. 4. Figure dikcije Ne bi li postigao intenzivniji jezični izraz, Kovačić u svom pisanju koristi mikrostrukture ponavljanja. Anafora je ponavljanje iste riječi odnosno grupe riječi na početku više stihova ili strofa u poeziji, odnosno više rečenica ili rečeničnih dijelova u prozi (Živković 1986) koja je izražena već u početnoj rečenici pripovijetke „…bez drenovače u šaci, bez roga u ustima, bez riječi pogrdne…“te i u rečenici koja opisujeJačičinu kravicu i njezinu �svakodnevnicu: „Tako je glasno, tako je veselo žvakala dobra, bezuba kravica tvrdu gorsku travu…“ kao i u dijelu teksta Franina posprdna obraćanja na sramotnu i necijenjenu Jačičinu tridesetogodišnju pastirsku službu od koje se nije obogatio, a kamoli zbrinuo „Ti natravio bikove u koševinama, ti si, junačino,utovio krda njihova!/…tom starom strvinom ti začepiše gubicu, tom kravetinom mrhavom…/…Nećeš, vojsko, nećeš, narode…“ Ponavljanje se uočava u izražavanju njegova straha zbog nadolazećeg gubitka Golube „Svaki bi čas trčkarao u štalu i uvjeravao se da li je zasun dobro prebačen, da li Goluba u polutami zvekeće…“ te u završnom dijelu teksta gdje po prvi puta grubijan Franina pokazuje svoju suprotnost7, suosjećanje i brigu za Jačičino duševno stanje nakon odvođenja Jačičine kravice, njegova blaga „Kad je stigao pred kuću, priđe mu Franina blizu i stavi ruku na pleće: - Odveli su ti, Jače, kravu… Odveli su ti kravicu…“. Ovi primjeri obogaćuju smislenost rečenog u pripovijetki i izazivaju posebne emocionalne dojmove u srcima čitatelja koji mogu prodrijeti u razmišljanja i osjećanja likova. Jedina rečenica s izraženom epiforom, koju je Solar (2006) definirao kao pjesničku figuru iz skupine glasovnih figura, odnosno zvučnu figuru ili figuru dikcije, koja nastaje ponavljanjem riječi na kraju… je ona u kojoj Franina izražava nezadovoljstvo zbog ranjavanja svoje noge „…evo,nožurinu sam prebio, ali ne za drugoga, ali ne za drugoga!“ U svojim lirskim opisima autor često upućuje na idilu, skladnost između seljaka i prirode kako smo već ranije analizirali pa nije ništa neobično da će se u svom uratku poslužiti i onomatopejom koja je definirana (Bagić 2012) kao poseban tip ponavljanja odnosno glasovnog podudaranja. Ona uz ponavljanje pretpostavlja i oponašanje zvukova iz prirode, pa se jezični elementi kojima se takvo oponašanje predočuje katkada nazivaju imitativima. Ta je stilska figura prepoznatljiva u dijelu teksta gdje je neka mještanka, provocirajući Jačicu Šafrana i njegovu izolaciju od suseljana, izazvala smijeh i ludorije za vrijeme večere. „Prosuo se zveketljivprasak tanjura.“Onomatopejom je prikazan zvuk plača „…objesio se o vrat Jakanuzagušujući na dlaci grčevite jecaje…/…grčevito zaplače…“, način smijanja „…a ovaj se nasmijao prpošno…/…grohotali se Jačičini vršnjaci…“, cvokotanje zubi „…drugi drvosječe cvokotali zubima…“, zvuk šapata „…sipio je njegov šapat…“, zvuk zveckanja „…su sitno zveckale kolajne…/…zvekeće lančićem na koritu“. Dakle, autor je upotrebom tih određenih glasovnih skupina u čitatelja htio izazvati određene osjetilne podražaje. 5. Figure konstrukcije �Anadiploza pojašnjena kao jedna ili više rieči, koje na kraju jedne izreke stoje, ponavljaju se u početku druge izreke (Zima 1988)i koja se shvaća kao govornička ili pjesnička figura (fonetička), figura ponavljanja riječi ili izraza (…) čijim se ponavljanjem pojačava izražajnost riječi ili izreke (Simeon 1969) prepoznatljiva je u pretposljednjem dijelu pripovijetke „Plati vojnicu! Vojnicu plati!“ kada su gospoda došla pokupiti Jačičin dug jer u mladosti, kako doznajemo, nije izvršio svoju domovinsku dužnost. Autor ukazuje na ljudsku grubost prema onima koji zbog određenog razloga nisu bili ukalupljeni u društvo toga doba. Da bi jednostavnije prikazao uzbuđeno duhovno stanje Jačice Šafrana i snažnu emocionalnost, autor je posegnuo za inverzijom (Živković 1986), tj. obrtanjem uobičajenoga reda rečenice ili reči ne bi li istaknuo onu rečenicu ili riječ koju želi posebno naglasiti pri tome pazeći ne bi li izazvao određen učinak i na čitatelja. Kroz primjere „bez riječi pogrdne/ napokon se velečasni odluči i uz pomoć crkvarovu popne se/ Golubičice moja, žalosnice stara/ on bi se svaki put trgnuo kao knutom udaren, zamrmoljivši glasnije / sjede mrko na prag“ je jasno da nisu napisani na navedeni način, ne bi izazvali takvu ekspresiju. 6. Zaključak Analizom pripovijetke Mrak na svijetlim stazama Ivana Gorana Kovačića proničemo u neizmjerno lijep i individualiziran svijet prepun stilski ukrašenih rečenica, lirskih opisa, predodžbi kao i problematiku svijeta i ljudskih odnosa. U tome nam uvelike pomažu karakteristike Kovačićeva teksta iskazane brojnim stilskim figurama, od onih koji pridonose slikovitosti njegova izraza do onih koje njegove misli i razmišljanja čine izraženijima. Svoju povezanost za zavičajem i ljudima s kojima je odrastao najbolje je iskazao upotrebom metafora, personifikacija i slikovitih poredbi i epiteta pomoću kojih je načinio ponajljepše lirske opise. Kroz uočljiv naslov, odnose među likovima otkrio nam je šaroliku lepezu trzavica, suprotnosti i rastrganosti koje mogu nastati posredstvom ljudskih nastojanja u svim oblicima komunikacije pa tako pročitavši djelo zaključujemo da je mrak na svijetlim stazama zapravo zloba suprotstavljena dobroti, grubost suprotstavljena nježnosti, nehumanost suprotstavljena humanosti, neljudi suprotstavljeni čovjeku. Uspješnim stvaranjem izražajnih predodžbi posredstvom inverzija, izazivanjem emocionalne napetosti pomoću hiperbola, gradacija i posebnih utisaka posredstvom onomatopeja, ironije i drugih, Kovačićeva pripovijetka itekako ostavlja traga na svakog čitatelja koji se, htio to ili ne, mora zamisliti pred zadaćom koju nam je zadao sam autor – �angažman na strani slabijih i obespravljenih. No, iza svih tih poruka progovara ona najglasnija – sjeti se odakle si nastao i budi čovjek. Bilješke 1 Anafora, epifora, onomatopeja. 2 Inverzija, anadiploza. 3 Metafora, epitet, poredba. 4 Antiteza, hiperbola, ironija, personifikacija. 5 Jačici su suprotstavljeni svi navedeni likovi bilo da je riječi o fizionomiji (Franina Brdar), razmišljanju (suseljani) ili odnosu prema prirodnim ljepotama i životinjama. Dok Franina nemilosrdno siječe drveće, svima se obraća s nepoštovanjem i grubošću, Jačica brine o svakoj travci, skroman je i sretan s onim što ima, izbjegava kontakte s ljudima. 6 Ni jedna stilska figura nije po opširnosti kao metafora zastupljena u djelu. 7 Prvi je i jedini put Franina Brdar prikazan kao osjećajan čovjek koji razumije tuđu nevolju. Literatura Aristotel,(1989). Retorika, Zagreb: Naprijed. Benčić, Ž. i Fališevac, D. (1995). Tropi i figure, Zagreb: Zavod za znanost o književnosti. Bagić, K. (2012). Rječnik stilskih figura, Zagreb: Školska knjiga. Brozović Rončević, D. i Žic Fuchs, M. (2005). Metafora i metonimija kao poticaj u procesu imenovanja, Foliaonomastica Croatica, 12/13, 96. Kovačić, I.G. (2001). Pripovijetke, Zagreb: Naklada Fran. Simeon, R. (1969). Enciklopedijski rječnik lingvističkih naziva I/II., Zagreb: Matica hrvatska. Solar, M. (2006). Rječnik književnoga nazivlja, Zagreb: Golden marketing-Tehnička knjiga. Škreb, Z. (1983). Mikrostrukture stila i književne forme, u:Uvod u znanost: teorija, metodologija, ur. Z. Škreb i A. Stamać, Zagreb: Rotulus. Zima, L. (1988). Figure u našem narodnom pjesništvu, Zagreb: Globus. Živković, D.(1986). Rečnik književnih termina, Beograd:Nolit. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2905 Title A name given to the resource POGLED NA STILSKE FIGURE PRIPOVIJETKE MRAK NA SVIJETLIM STAZAMA IVANA GORANA KOVAČIĆA Author Author Barišić, Ana Tereza Abstract A summary of the resource. The aim of this paper is to explore the stylistic authenticity of Dark on the Lit Paths, a short story written by Ivan Goran Kovačić, within the context of theory of stylistic devices. The short story abounds in expressive lyrical descriptions which portray characters and events from the author’s own homeland who, sympathising with the minor, ordinary, suppressed members of society emphasizes an idyllic harmony between Jačica Šafran, a peasant and nature, at the same time warning against poverty, envy and inhuman relationships among people. The paper presents an analysis of stylistic devices which, like skillfully interwoven threads in the plot of this short story, in presentation of characters and in problems presented in this work, are extremely important for the poetic segment of the author’s work of fiction. Gérard Genette (1985; 52) claims that a stylistic device is space which has its own form, space “between a sign and sense”, “inner space of language”, and that there are as many stylistic devices as there are forms of this space that can be identified. Therefore, the paper aims to present a review of figures of diction, figures of speech based on sentence structure, tropes and figures of thought, using the concrete examples from the short story in order to show the characterisation of the figurative features of Kovačić’s text, such as its picturesque features or expressive syntax. Figures of literary discourse have been exempt from this paper. Analysing the short story through various examples of anaphora, epiphora, onomatopoeia, epithets, inversion, similes, metaphors, antithesis, gradation, hyperbole, irony, personification and many other stylistic devices, the author wishes to present, determine or dispute the recent claims by numerous critics who do agree about one thing – that Kovačić's fiction is original both in its structure and expression. She also wishes to emphasize a wide range of meaning and engagement of the writer's discourse. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-09 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed PN Literature (General),PN0080 Criticism https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/8bfe4138c8f7c64806bbdcd291147ca1.pdf 27685eda4499a7625e641afb06226cc1 PDF Text Text KOKUJI (国字): THE JAPANESE “NATIONAL CHARACTERS”. A CASE STUDY: THE JAPANESE ACQUATIC FAUNA Giovanni Borriello* Roma Tre University, Italy Article History: Submitted: 15.06.2015 Accepted: 30.06.2015 Abstract: The great influence that the Chinese writing system has had on the Japanese, Korean and Vietnamese writing systems is widely demonstrated. Nevertheless, besides the use of the characters directly imported from China, these cultures have had the necessity to create “national characters” to satisfy the needs of their own languages. This paper, that analyzes this phenomenon in the Japanese environment, begins with an analysis of the reasons that have pushed the Japanese “to create” own characters and the reasons why at a certain moment such “creation” has been suspended. In the second part of the paper samples of kokuji will be presented that can be circumscribed to those with radicals 魚・鳥・木・草 and that result to be surely the most numerous and related to species of flora and fauna japonica. Key words: Kokuji, Japanese Kanji, National Characters. �On Web page http://homepage2.nifty.com/TAB01645/ohara/index.htm is possible to read the following presentations in Japanese and English for the first kokuji online dictionary edited by Ōhara Nozomu1: 「俥・柾・畠・鯰」が国字ではないというとみなさんは驚かれますか。この辞典では 、定説ともいえる扱いを受けてきた文字についても再調査を行い、国字説の誤りを是正す るとともに、多くの新たな国字の追加を行っています。 読者の皆様方からのご指摘の点を含め改善に努めてはいますが、改善すべき点は残っ ています。ご質問のメールもいただけるようになりましたが、本辞典の内容に対する典拠 を付けた反論もお待ちしております。 読者の方からのメールにより、欧米からもアクセスしていただいていることがわかり ました。 リンクしていただいているページも増えつつあります。基本的にリンクフリーではあ りますが、リンクした旨ご連絡いただくようお願いします。 日本を代表できる「和製漢字の辞典」として恥ずかしくないものにしていきたいと存 じますので、気が付かれた点や感想・質問など遠慮なくメールしていただきますようお願 いいたします。 漢字・ジテン（辞典・字典・事典を含む）に関する質問をお受けするために掲示板を 、私の全てのWebページを一覧できるために『ジテン・フェチの漢字辞典』を、開設いた しましたので、こちらもご利用ください。2 Wasei Kanji no Jiten – Dictionary of Kanji created in Japan is the first online dictionary dedicated to Kokuji (Kanji created in Japan). Almost all Kanji (Chinese characters) in Japanese were imported from Chinese. But some characters were created by Japanese people. We call them Kokuji 国字 (literally “national characters”). For example, touge 峠, mountain pass was created combining ‘mountain’ 山, ‘up’ 上, and ‘down’ 下. This dictionary includes some Kokuji and Kanji which was thought as Kokuji.3 ***** * Giovanni Borriello PhD (giovanni.borriello77@gmail.com), Professor of History and Institutions of Asia, Roma Tre University, Italy. 1 Ōhara Nozomu (ed. by), Wasei kanji no jiten, 2000, http://homepage2.nifty.com/TAB01645/ohara/index.htm (13.06.2015) 2 http://homepage2.nifty.com/TAB01645/ohara/index.htm (13.06.2015) 3 http://homepage2.nifty.com/TAB01645/ohara/abstract.htm (13.06.2015) �It is known that the Japanese enriched the vocabulary of Chinese characters (hanzi, kanji) with characters of their own coinage, called kokuji (‘national characters’)4. Overall, their number was calculated in 15005. In general, they could be introduced to make use graphically locutions, concepts, especially names of things found absent in Chinese lexicons. It can be confirmed at first glance from the high percentage of kokuji with radicals of “tree” and “fish”, likely to indicate actual or presumed native species, of which precise corresponding Chinese appeared missing. The matter would appear more compelling because among the other things is well-known the variety and richness of the Japanese flora and fauna patrimony with an high number of species listed as japonicae, even if they are not exclusive of Japan, but in any case “typical” of its terraqueous environment6. Now, if we extrapolate the kokuji of its aquatic fauna, we are faced with a list of characters, such as the following, taken from the Dōbun tsūkō7 by Arai Hakuseki (1657-1725): 魸 namazu, 鰯 iwashi, 鱈 tara, 鯲 dojō, 鯐 subashiri, 鮱 bora, gigi, 鯒 kochi, 鮲 mate, 鱰 shiira, 魞 eri, isaza, konoshiro, 鯎 ugui, 鯑 kazunoko, asari. Reviewing them individually, we find the following data on the basis of the main current lexicons and any possible recurrences in Chinese8: 魸 namazu ‘Japanese catfish’ (Parasilurus asotus)9; 鰯 iwashi ‘Japanese sardine’ (Sardinops melanostictus)10; 4 They are also referred to as waji 和字・倭字, wazokuji 和俗字, honpō seisakuji 本邦製作字, wasei kanji 和製漢字. 5 Anne Commons, “The development of kokuji (‘Chinese’ characters coined in Japan)”, in Fifth Annual Graduate Student Conference on East Asia, Columbia University, 1996. 6 For an overview of the phenomenon, see Giovanni Borriello, “The Historical Development of the kokuji 国字 Phenomenon in Japan”, Susret Kultura 6, Međunarodni interdisciplinarni simpozijum Susret kultiura, II, Filozofski fakultet, Novi Sad, 2013, I, pp. 507-512. http://digitalna.ff.uns.ac.rs/sadrzaj/2013/978-86-6065-040-7121 7 Itani Zen’ichi (edited by), Arai Hakuseki, “Dōbun tsūkō”, Arai Hakuseki shū, Tōkyō, Seibundō shinkōsha, 1936, pp. 407-476. 8 In References, they are reported the abbreviations for the dictionaries and lexicons consulted for the following notes. 9 Morohashi and Wasei kanji no jiten confirm the use of the kokuji. For the lemma namazu, Kokujikō by Ban Naokata and Wasei kanji no jiten report the kokuji too; Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien and Kenkyūsha 74 report, always with the same meaning, the character 鯰, that is unanimously classified as kokuji. Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten gives for namazu the character 鯰, ascribing the lemma to the area of Wakayama. Of the three kokuji reported, Ricci attests the character 鯰 with the reading nien. 10 For the Chinese, Ricci gives the same character with the reading ruo and the same meaning. �鱈 tara ‘Japanese variety of cod’ (Gadus morhua)11; 鯲 dojō ‘Japanese loach’ (Cobitis barbatula)12; 鯐 subashiri ‘Unidentified variety of Japanese marine fauna’13; 鮱 bora ‘Japanese flathead grey mullet’ (Mugil cephalus)14; isaza ‘Biwa goby’ (Chaenogobius isaza)15; konoshiro ‘Japanese gizzard shad’ (Konosirus punctatus)16; 鯎 ugui ‘Big-scaled redfin’ (Leuciscus hakonensis)17; 鯑 kazunoko ‘Herring roe’18; gigi ‘Japanese variety of marine flora of the Species Pelteobagrus nudiceps’19; 鯒 kochi ‘Japanese variety of marine flora of the Species Platycephalus indicus’20; 鮲 mate ‘Japanese variety of marine flora of the Species Platycephalus indicus’21; 鱰 shiira ‘Japanese dolphin fish’ (Coryphaena hippurus)22; In Chinese, the character is attested with the reading xue as generic name for ‘cod’. The character is given in Morohashi, Nelson and Wasei kanji no jiten. For the lemma dojō, Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien and Kenkyūsha 74 give the character 鰌, a common use Chinese character with reading qiu and the meaning of ‘small 11 12 fish that lived in the mud’; for the same lemma, Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten use the compound 泥鰌, niqiu in Chinese. 13 The kokuji is given in Morohashi and Wasei kanji no jiten. For the lemma subashiri, Kōjien introduces the compound 州走, of common use in Chinese with the reading chouzou. The lemma is not reported in Kenkyūsha 32, Kenkyūsha 74 and Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten. 14 The kokuji is given in Morohashi and Wasei kanji no jiten. For the lemma bora, Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien and Kenkyūsha 74 introduce, always with the meaning of ‘Japanese flathead grey mullet’, the character 鯔. The latter character is recorded, both in Dōbun tsūkō by Arai Hakuseki and in Morohashi as kokuji and with the reading of kochi too. The kokuji is given in Morohashi and Wasei kanji no jiten. For isaza, Kōjien uses the character 鯋, of common use in Chinese with the reading sha for ‘white shark’. 16 The kokuji is given in Morohashi, Wasei kanji no jiten and Nelson; for the same lemma konoshiro, Kenkyūsha 32, 15 Kōjien and Kenkyūsha 74 introduce the character 鰶, a common use character in Chinese. 17 The kokuji is given in Morohashi, Kōjien and Wasei kanji no jiten. For the lemma ugui, Kenkyūsha 32 and Kenkyūsha 74 introduce the Chinese compound 石斑魚 shibanyu. 18 The kokuji is given in Morohashi, Nelson, Wasei kanji no jiten. For the lemma kazunoko, Kenkyūsha 74 gives the characters 数の子. Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien and Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten don’t record the entry. 19 The kokuji, with the related lemma of gigi, is given in Morohashi and Wasei kanji no jiten only. 20 All the Japanese dictionaries, except for Kokujikō and Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten, that don’t record the lemma, identify this fish with the same kokuji. In Chinese, the kokuji is attested with the reading yong and with the same meaning in Ricci and in Han Ying Da Cidian. 21 The kokuji is given in Morohashi and Wasei kanji no jiten only. Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien, Kenkyūsha 74 and Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten don’t record the lemma mate. 22 Kokuji and lemma attested in Morohashi, Wasei kanji no jiten, Kōjien, Kenkyūsha 32 and Kenkyūsha 74. �魞 eri ‘Japanese lizardfish’ (Synodus saurus)23; asari ‘Japanese little-neck clam’ (Tapes philippinarum)24. ***** To the list of Arai Hakuseki, we can add the following kokuji, extrapolated from other lexicons: anago ‘Japanese variety of conger of the Species Conger japonicus’25; ayu ‘Japanese sweetfish’ (Plecoglossus altivelis)26; 魹 azarashi ‘Japanese hair seal’ (Phoca vitulina)27; 鰕 ebi ‘Japanese lobster’ (Uruptychus japonicus)28; hamo ‘Japanese barracuda’ (Sphyraena japonica)29; 鰚 haraka ‘Unidentified variety of Japanese marine fauna’30 鰰・鱩 hatahata ‘Japanese sandfish’ (Arctoscopus japonicus)31; 23 The kokuji is attested in Morohashi, Kōjien and Wasei kanji no jiten. Morohashi records the reading eso too, that we can find also in Kenkyūsha 74 to which is ascribed, in this latter dictionary, the character 鱠 of common use in Chinese with the reading kuai. Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten gives for the same kokuji the reading eso ascribing it to the area of Wakayama. In Chinese, the kokuji is attested only in Giles with the reading ren to indicate a ‘fabulous creature half man, half fish’. 24 Kokuji and lemma attested in Morohashi, Nelson and Wasei kanji no jiten. For the lemma asari, Kōjien introduces the mixed form 漁り, while Kenkyūsha 32, Kenkyūsha 74 and Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten use the Chinese compound 浅蜊 jianli. 25 The kokuji is recorded only by Wasei kanji no jiten. For the lemma anago, Kenkyūsha 32 uses the transcription in hiragana あなご replaced in Kenkyūsha 74 with the compound 穴子, of common use in Chinese with the reading xuezu. 26 Wasei kanji no jiten only gives the kokuji ; Kenkyūsha 32 and Kenkyūsha 74 give for the lemma the character 鮎, that is a common use character in Chinese with the reading nian, for an unspecified variety of trout. In turn, Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten ascribed the previous character assigning it also the readings ai and ae. 27 Wasei kanji no jiten only confirms the kokuji. For the lemma azarashi, Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien and Kenkyūsha 74 use, always with the meaning of ‘seal’, the compound 海豹, that is of common use in Chinese with the reading haipao and the meaning of ‘sea lion’, other name for ‘seal’, while this lemma is not recorded in Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten. 28 The kokuji is recorded in Kenkyūsha 32, Morohashi, Kōjien and Wasei kanji no jiten. For the lemma ebi, Kenkyūsha 74 and Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten introduce the compound 海老, hailao in Chinese. 29 The kokuji is attested in Morohashi and in Wasei kanji no jiten. For the lemma hamo, Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien, Kenkyūsha 74 and Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten introduce the character 鱧 of common use in Chinese with the reading li. 30 Morohashi and Wasei kanji no jiten agree on the generic designation. Other dictionaries don’t attest the kokuji or the lemma. 31 The first kokuji is recorded in Morohashi, Kōjien, Kenkyūsha 74, Nelson and Wasei kanji no jiten; Kōjien and Kenkyūsha 74 give the character 鱩 too, that Morohashi and Wasei kanji no jiten classify as kokuji, while Gendai �鰙 haya ‘Japanese variety of marine flora of the Species Leuciscus macropus’32; 鮃 hirame ‘Japanese halibut’ (Paralichthys olivaceus)33; hokke ‘Japanese mackerel’ (Pleurogrammus azonus)34; ・ ・鯔 ina ‘Japanese amberjack’ (Seriola dumerili)35; inada ‘Japanese amberjack’ (Seriola lalandi)36; 鮖 kajika ‘Japanese sculpin’ (Cottus hilgendorfi)37; kamasu ‘Japanese saury’ (Cololabis saira)38; karasumi ‘Mullet roe’39; ・鮙 karei ‘Japanese plaice’ (Pleuronectes platessa)40; Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten for the same lemma gives the transcription in hiragana はたはた ascribing the noun to the area of Akita. 32 Kokuji given only in Morohashi and Wasei kanji no jiten. Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten records only the lemma with the transcription in hiragana はや, that ascribes to the area of Kyōto. 33 Both Morohashi and Wasei kanji no jiten record the character, but Morohashi gives it also the readings -hei, -byō, and doesn’t classify it as kokuji. Kōjien introduces for the same lemma the compounds 平目 pingmu and 比目魚 pimuyu. Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten uses only the compound 平目 pingmu, ascribing it to the area of Shichio, while both Kenkyūsha 32 and Kenkyūsha 74 use for the lemma hirame the compound 比目魚 pimuyu. In Chinese, the kokuji is attested with the reading p’ing in Ricci and in Han Ying Da Cidian, that identifies it with the Japanese hirame. Tha fact that the character is a kokuji seems to be sure as confirmed in the definition that we can find in the Chinese dictionaries. Then, it was replaced by the Chinese characters that, alluding to the characteristics of the eyes, better identify the fish. 34 Kōjien, Kenkyūsha 74, Nelson and Wasei kanji no jiten report it as kokuji. Kenkyūsha 32 doesn’t record the lemma, while Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten uses the transcription in hiragana ほっけ, ascribing the lemma to the area of Fukushima. 35 The first character is recorded in Morohashi and in Wasei kanji no jiten, but Morohashi doesn’t classify it as kokuji. For the lemma ina, Wasei kanji no jiten records the kokuji too, while Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien and Kenkyūsha 74 introduce, for the same lemma, the kokuji 鯔. The latter is recorded, both in Dōbun tsūkō by Arai Hakuseki and in Morohashi, as kokuji and with the reading of kochi as well. Indeed, Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten gives for ina the Chinese character 鰤 with the reading shi and with the same meaning, but ascribing the noun to the area of Kyōto. 36 Wasei kanji no jiten only gives the kokuji . For the lemma inada, Kōjien uses the transcription in hiragana いなだ, while Kenkyūsha 32 and Kenkyūsha 74 introduce the common Chinese character 鰍 qiu, with the meaning of ‘Japanese amberjack’. For the same lemma, Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten introduces the already reported character 鰤, as previously seen, for the lemma ina, ascribing it to the area of Shizuoka and of Ishikawa and implicitly meaning the identity between inada and ina. 37 The kokuji is attested in Morohashi, Wasei kanji no jiten and Nelson. For the lemma kajika, Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien, and Kenkyūsha 74 introduce the character 鰍, that is a common use character in Chinese with the reading qiu. 38 Wasei kanji no jiten only gives the kokuji . For the lemma kamasu, Kōjien introduces the character 魣 xu, while Kenkyūsha 32 and Kenkyūsha 74 give the compound 梭魚 suoyan. Indeed, the lemma is not recorded in Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten. 39 The kokuji is recorded in Wasei kanji no jiten only. Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien and Kenkyūsha 74, for the lemma karasumi, use the transcription in hiragana からすみ. Such form in hiragana is given in Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten as well and ascribed to the area of Ōshū. �鰹 katsuo ‘Japanese Skipjack tuna’ (Katsuwonus pelamis)41; kawagisu ‘Japanese gudgeon’ (Pseudogobis esocinus)42; 鱚 kisu ‘Japanise whiting’ (Sillago japonica)43; ・鯉 koi ‘Japanese carp’ (Cyprinus carpio)44; kujira ‘Japanese whale’ (Balaena mysticetus)45; masu ‘Masu salmon’ (Oncorhynchus masou)46; 鮴 mebaru ‘Japanese rockfish’ (Sebastes inermis)47; 鰘 muroaji ‘Japanese horse mackerel’ (Trachurus japonicus)48; mutsu ‘Japanese blue fish’ (Scombrops boops)49; ・鯰 namazu ‘Japanese catfish’ (Parasilurus asotus)50 The first kokuji is given in Morohashi and in Wasei kanji no jiten only. The latter gives the kokuji 鮙 too. For the lemma karei, Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien, Kenkyūsha 74 and Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten record the Chinese character 鰈 die. 41 Kokujikō, Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien, Kenkyūsha 74, Wasei kanji no jiten and Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten record the kokuji 鰹 present in Morohashi as well, but not classified as kokuji. In the consulted Chinese dictionaries, the kokuji 40 鰹 is attested with the reading jian in Giles and in Ricci only. 42 Wasei kanji no jiten only gives the kokuji . For the lemma kawagisu, Kenkyūsha 32 uses the mixed form 川ぎす, while Kenkyūsha 74 introduces the compound 川鱚, where the second character is recorded as kokuji in all the Japanese dictionaries consulted, except for Dōbun tsūkō that doesn’t record the character. 43 The kokuji is recorded in all the Japanese dictionaries consulted, except for Dōbun tsūkō and Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten that don’t give the kokuji and the lemma kisu. In Chinese, the kokuji is attested with the reading xi and with the same meaning in Ricci and in Han Ying Da Cidian. 44 The first kokuji is recorded in Wasei kanji no jiten only, that for the lemma koi, gives the kokuji as well, that Morohashi doesn’t’ classify as kokuji. For the lemma koi, Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien, Kenkyūsha 74 and Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten introduce the character 鯉, that Nelson only classifies as kokuji. In Chinese, the character 鯉 is recorded with the same meaning and reading li in Ricci only. 45 Wasei kanji no jiten only gives the kokuji . For the lemma kujira, Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien and Kenkyūsha 74, and the Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten as well, use the Chinese character 鯨 jing. 46 The kokuji is attested in Wasei kanji no jiten only. For the lemma masu, Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien, Kenkyūsha 74 introduce the character 鱒, that is a Chinese character with the reading zun. Indeed, Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten for the same lemma uses the transcription in hiragana ます, ascribing the lemma to the area of Fukushima. 47 Wasei kanji no jiten and Nelson only register the kokuji 鮴.For the lemma mebaru, Kōjien and Kenkyūsha 74 introduce the compound 眼張 of common use in Chinese yanzhang. Indeed, there aren’t attestations in Kenkyūsha 32 or in Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten. 48 Morohashi, Kōjien and Wasei kanji no jiten attest the kokuji 鰘, while for the lemma muroaji, Kenkyūsha 32 and Kenkyūsha 74 introduce the compound 室鯵, that are common use characters in Chinese with the reading shisao. 49 Wasei kanji no jiten only registers the kokuji, while for the lemma mutsu, Kōjien and Kenkyūsha 74 introduce the Chinese character 鯥 lu, Kenkyūsha 32 gives the compound 石鮅魚; for the same lemma, Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten uses the transcription in hiragana むつ ascribing the noun to the area of Shiga. 50 See note 4. �鮄 saba ‘Chub mackerel’ (Scomber japonicus)51; 魝・ ・ saku ‘Chum salmon’ (Oncorhynchus keta)52; same ‘Japanese variety of great white shark’ (Carcharodon carcharias)53; 鯱 shachi ‘Japanese variety of killer whale’ (Grampus orca)54; 魴 tai ‘Japanese mirror dory’ (Zenopsis nebulosa)55; tai ‘Red seabream’ (Pagrus major)56 鯎 ugui ‘Big-scaled redfin’ (Leuciscus hakonensis)57; urumeiwashi ‘Sardine variety of the Species Etrumeus micropus’58 . ***** Now, of these kokuji listed: 51 Wasei kanji no jiten and Morohashi give the character 鮄, that Morohashi doesn’t record as kokuji. For the same lemma, Kenkyūsha 32, Kenkyūsha 74 and Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten introduce 鯖, a common use character in Chinese with the reading qing. 52 With saku is identified a variety of ‘salmon’ (Oncorhynchus keta), the most important Japanese species of salmon, that it is possible to find mainly in the Tonegawa and Nakagawa rivers. Wasei kanji no jiten gives the kokuji 魝, that Morohashi records for the lemma saku, but doesn’t classify it as kokuji. In the Chinese dictionary consulted, the only one that gives this character is Giles with the reading of jie and the meaning of ‘to dissect’ or ‘to cut (slice) the fish to be dried’. For the lemma saku, Kokujikō and Wasei kanji no jiten give the kokuji and as well, that are not in the other Japanese lexicons consulted. For the same lemma, Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien, Kenkyūsha 74 and Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten introduce, giving the readings sake and shake too, the common use character in Chinese 鮭 kui. 53 Wasei kanji no jiten only gives the kokuji . For the lemma same, Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien and Kenkyūsha 74 use the character 鮫, that is a common use character in Chinese chao. Morohashi, Kōjien, Nelson, Wasei kanji no jiten and Kenkyūsha 74 give the kokuji 鯱. It is not attested in the other Japanese and Chinese dictionaries. 54 Wasei kanji no jiten gives the kokuji 魴, that Morohashi records for the lemma tai, but doesn’t classify it as kokuji. It is not attested in the other Japanese dictionaries consulted. Indeed, the kokuji is recorded in all the Chinese dictionaries consulted with the reading fang and the same meaning. So is it really a kokuji or simply a Chinese character acquired from Japan, then abandoned because not indicating an important character or species? 56 Wasei kanji no jiten only gives the kokuji . Kenkyūsha 32, Kōjien, Kenkyūsha 74 and Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten, for the lemma tai, introduce the character 鯛, that it’s a common use character in Chinese with the reading tiao. 55 57 Dōbun tsūkō, Morohashi, Kōjien and Wasei kanji no jiten give the kokuji 鯎, that it’s not attested in the other Japanese characters. For the lemma ugui, Kenkyūsha 32 and Kenkyūsha 74 introduce the compound 石斑魚 shipayu. Indeed, the lemma ugui is not recorded in Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten. 58 With urumeiwashi is identified a ‘Sardine variety’ of the Species Etrumeus micropus. Wasei kanji no jiten gives the kokuji , that is not attested in the other Japanese dictionaries. For the lemma urumeiwashi, Kōjien, Kenkyūsha 74 and Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten introduce the compound 潤目鰯 runmuruo, of common use in Chinese. The lemma is not attested in Kenkyūsha 74. �Forty-nine are names of fishes: 魸・ ・鯰 namazu ‘Japanese catfish’; 鰯 iwashi ‘Japanese sardine’; 鱈 tara ‘Japanese variety of cod’; 鯲 dojō ‘Japanese loach’; 鮱 bora ‘Japanese flathead grey mullet’; isaza ‘Biwa goby’; konoshiro ‘Japanese gizzard shad’; 鯎 ugui ‘Big-scaled redfin’; 鯒 kochi ‘Japanese variety of marine flora of the Species Platycephalus indicus’; 鮲 mate ‘Japanese variety of marine flora of the Species Platycephalus indicus’; 鱰 shiira ‘Japanese dolphinfish’; 魞 eri ‘Japanese lizardfish’; anago ‘Japanese variety of conger of the Species Conger japonicus’; ayu ‘Japanese sweetfish’; gigi ‘Japanese variety of marine flora of the Species Pelteobagrus nudiceps’; hamo ‘Japanese barracuda’; 鰰・鱩 hatahata ‘Japanese sandfish’; 鰙 haya ‘Japanese variety of marine flora of the Species Leuciscus macropus’; 鮃 hirame ‘Japanese halibut’; ・鯔 ina ‘Japanese amberjack’; kamasu ‘Japanese saury’; hokke ‘Japanese mackerel’; ・ inada ‘Japanese amberjack’; 鮖 kajika ‘Japanese sculpin’; ・鮙 karei ‘Japanese plaice’; 鰹 katsuo ‘Japanese Skipjack tuna’; kawagisu ‘Japanese gudgeon’; 鱚 kisu ‘Japanise whiting’; ・鯉 koi ‘Japanese carp’; masu ‘Masu salmon’; 鮴 mebaru ‘Japanese rockfish’; 鰘 muroaji ‘Japanese horse mackerel’; mutsu ‘Japanese blue fish’; 鮄 saba ‘Chub mackerel’; 魝・ ・ saku ‘Chum salmon’; ‘Japanese variety of great white shark’; 魴 tai ‘Japanese mirror dory’; ugui ‘Big-scaled redfin’; same tai ‘Red seabream’; 鯎 urumeiwashi ‘Sardine variety of the Species Etrumeus micropus’. Three of marine mammals: 魹 azarashi ‘Japanese hair seal’, whale’. One of crustaceans: 鰕 ebi ‘Japanese lobster’. kujira ‘Japanese whale’, 鯱 shachi ‘Japanese variety of killer �One of molluscs: asari ‘Japanese little-neck clam’. Two of roe: 鯑 kazunoko ‘Herring roe’, karasumi ‘Mullet roe’. Two are varieties of “Unidentified variety of Japanese marine fauna”: 鯐 subashiri, 鰚 haraka. ***** Therefore, we have in total fifty-eight kokuji of which thirteen are still in use today. From the series of forty-nine kokuji related to the fishes’ names, there are the following ten: 鰯 iwashi ‘Japanese sardine’; 鱈 tara ‘Japanese variety of cod’; 鯒 kochi ‘Japanese variety of marine flora of the Species Platycephalus indicus’; 鮲 mate ‘Japanese variety of marine flora of the Species Platycephalus indicus’; 鱰 shiira ‘Japanese dolphinfish’; gigi ‘Japanese variety of marine flora of the Species Pelteobagrus nudiceps’; 鰙 haya ‘Japanese variety of marine flora of the Species Leuciscus macropus’; hokke ‘Japanese mackerel’; 鰹 katsuo ‘Japanese Skipjack tuna’; 鱚 kisu ‘Japanise whiting’; 魴 tai ‘Japanese mirror dory’. Of the three kokuji relating to the names of mammals, the only one still in use is 鯱 shachi ‘Japanese variety of killer whale’. Of the two names of unidentified marine species remains in use only 鰚 haraka that in the Japanese dictionaries used is reported exclusively as “fish” (魚). ***** �Summing up, we can deduce the following situation. Many kokuji, and they were the majority, or thirty-three, fall into disuse. They could be introduced when Japanese were not even aware of the existence of corresponding kanji (or kanji compounds). Once it was found to have in the Chinese vocabulary, they were abandoned in favor of the latter. This is the longer list: xuezu; asari → 浅蜊 ZH dian li; anago → 穴子 ZH ayu → 鮎 ZH nian; 魹 azarashi → 海豹 ZH hai pao; 鯲 dojō → 鰌 ZH qiu・泥鰌 ZH niqiu; 鰕 ebi → 海老 ZH hailao; 魞 eri → 鱠 ZH kuai; 鱧 ZH li; 鮃 hirame → 平目 ZH pingmu・比目魚 ZH pimuyu; isaza → 鯋 ZH sha; 鮖 kajika → 鰍 ZH qiu; karei → 鰈 ZH die; 鯨 ZH jing; shisao; konoshiro → 鰶 ZH ji; karei・鮙 kujira → masu → 鱒 ZH zun; 鮴 mebaru → 眼張 ZH yanzhang; 鰘 muroaji → 室鯵 ZH mutsu → 鯥 ZH lu; 鮄 saba → 鯖 ZH qing; 魝・ ・ 鮫 ZH chao; 鯐 subashiri → 州走 ZH chouzou; shipayu; inada → 鰍 ZH qiu・鰤 ZH shi; kamasu → 魣・梭魚 ZH suoyu; kawagisu → 川鱚 ZH zhuanxi; 鮗・ hamo → saku → 鮭 ZH nian; same → tai → 鯛 ZH tiao; 鯎 ugui → 石斑魚 ZH urumeiwashi → 潤目鰯 ZH junmuruo. A number of kokuji, to be precise eight, falls into disuse, because they had to prevail on them other kokuji. Indeed, we have found that some nouns had been created with more kokuji, who apparently had been introduced as “neologisms” created in different locations or by different “authors”; it was the case for the following: for the lemma bora (‘Japanese flathead grey mullet’), they had been introduced two kokuji 鮱・鯔, the latter prevailed on the first one; the same phenomenon was found for the lemma hatahata (‘Japanese sandfish’), where among the two kokuji created, 鰰・鱩 prevailed the second one. For the lemmas koi, ina and namazu, for which they had come into use even three kokuji, 鮘 koi・ koi・鯉 koi; ina・ ina・鯔 ina; 魸 namazu・ namazu・鯰 namazu, prevailed respectively 鯉 koi, 鯔 ina e 鯰 namazu. They were probably kokuji adopted to designate an identical variety or fish species maybe in different regions and then replaced by those of more frequent or widespread use that consolidated the coding. Finally, a series of seven kokuji was replaced, as we have already seen, or by one or more kanji or by transcriptions in kana only: anago → あなご・穴子 ZH xuezu; inada → いなだ; �masu → 鱒 ZH zun・ます; hatahata, hokke → ほっけ; mutsu → 鯥・石鮅魚・むつ, 鰰 hatahata → はたはた・鱩 karasumi → からすみ. ***** So from the analysis of a small group of kokuji emerges already the complexity of the phenomenon that is behind the characters created in Japan. Definitely a phenomenon rarely studied in Japan itself, where it tends to talk only of kanji and kana and to limit the notion of kokuji mostly to the “Japanese” writing in general59. In truth, that of kokuji, as complex of characters come into use in Japan, is a phenomenon that follows the entire course of the Japanese language and writing and should therefore be put in an historical context through a precisely record of the occurrences of each characters in the texts that have remained and their frequency at least in the literary use. The study should also be thorough about the possible “geographical” pertinences of each attributions of the names, as already reported in the notes for some kokuji or their transcriptions in kana. They are examples: hokke → ほっけ ascribed to the area of Fukushima; Shiga; 鰰 hatahata → attributed to Akita and masu → ます e mutsu → むつ ascribed to the area of karasumi → からすみ to Ōshū. The sampling shown authorize us to conjecture that the phenomenon has manifested itself already at the beginning of the adoption of the Chinese writing. It can explain how many characters of local creation prove then superfluous to the finding of Chinese counterparts already in use and then become obsolete. It may be also interesting to note that of all the above mentioned kokuji, it seems that the Chinese used just the following eight entered and remained in current use: 魞 eri → ZH kuai; 鮃 hirame → ZH ping; 鰯 iwashi → ZH ruo; 鰹 katsuo → ZH jian; 鱚 kisu → ZH xi; 鯒 kochi → ZH yong; 魴 tai → ZH fang; 鱈 tara → ZH xue. 59 Satō Kiyoji (ed. by), Kokugaku kenkyū jiten, Tōkyō, Meiji shoten, 1972, p. 77 �References Borriello Giovanni, “The Historical Development of the kokuji 国字 Phenomenon in Japan”, Susret Kultura 6, Međunarodni interdisciplinarni simpozijum Susret kultiura, II, Filozofski fakultet, Novi Sad, 2013, I, pp. 507-512. http://digitalna.ff.uns.ac.rs/sadrzaj/2013/978-86-6065-0407121; Borriello Giovanni, “I kokuji della fauna volatile”, in Mastrangelo Matilde, Maurizi Andrea (ed. by), I dieci colodi dell’eleganza. Saggi in onore di Maria Teresa Orsi, Roma, Aracne, 2013, pp. 69-83; Commons Anne, “The development of kokuji (‘Chinese’ characters coined in Japan)”, in Fifth Annual Graduate Student Conference on East Asia, Columbia University, 1996. Giles Herbert (ed. by), A Chinese-English Dictionary, Shanghai, Kelly & Welsh, 1892, (Giles); Haig John H. (ed. by), The New Nelson. Japanese-English Characters Dictionary, Rutland, Charles E. Tuttle Co., 1997, (Nelson); Hirayama Teruo (ed. by), Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten = Dictionary of Japanese Dialects, Tōkyō, Meiji shoin, 1992-94, (Gendai Nihongo Hōgen Daijiten); Instituts Ricci (ed. by), Grand Dictionnaire Ricci de la Langue Chinoise, Paris-Taipei, Desclée de Brouwer, 2001, (Ricci); Itani Zen’ichi (ed. by), Arai Hakuseki, “Dōbun tsūkō”, Arai Hakuseki shū, Tōkyō, Seibundō shinkōsha, 1936, (Dōbun tsūkō); Iwasaki Tomihei, Kawamura Jujirō (ed. by), Kenkyūsha New Japanese-English Dictionary, Tōkyō, Kenkyūsha, 1932, (Kenkyūsha 32); Iwasaki Tomihei, Kawamura Jujirō (ed. by), Kenkyūsha New Japanese-English Dictionary, Tōkyō, Kenkyūsha, 1974, (Kenkyūsha 74); Mathews Robert Henry (ed. by), Mathews’ Chinese-English Dictionary, Shanghai, China Inland Mission and Presbyterian Mission Press, 1931, (Mathews); Morohashi Tetsuji (ed. by), Dai kanwa jiten, Tōkyō, Taishūkan shoten, 1955, (Morohashi); Shinmura Izuru (ed. by), Kōjien, Tōkyō, Iwanami shoten, 1991 (Kōjien); Oga Tetsuo (ed. by), Dai nihon hyakka jiten = Enciclopedia Japonica, Tōkyō, Shōgakukan, 1967- , (Japonica); Ōhara Nozomu (ed. by), Wasei kanji no jiten, http://homepage2.nifty.com/TAB01645/ohara/index.htm, 2000 (Wasei kanji no jiten); Satō Kiyoji (ed. by), Ban Naokata, “Kokujikō”, Kokugogaku kenkyū jiten, Tōkyō, Meiji shoin, 1977, (Kokujikō); �Wu Guanghua (ed. by), Han ying da cidian, Shanghai, Shanghai jiao, 1996, (Han Ying Da Cidian). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2910 Title A name given to the resource KOKUJI (国字): THE JAPANESE “NATIONAL CHARACTERS”. A CASE STUDY: THE JAPANESE ACQUATIC FAUNA Author Author Borriello, Giovanni Abstract A summary of the resource. The great influence that the Chinese writing system has had on the Japanese, Korean and Vietnamese writing systems is widely demonstrated. Nevertheless, besides the use of the characters directly imported from China, these cultures have had the necessity to create “national characters” to satisfy the needs of their own languages. This paper, that analyzes this phenomenon in the Japanese environment, begins with an analysis of the reasons that have pushed the Japanese “to create” own characters and the reasons why at a certain moment such “creation” has been suspended. In the second part of the paper samples of kokuji will be presented that can be circumscribed to those with radicals 魚・鳥・木・草 and that result to be surely the most numerous and related to species of flora and fauna japonica. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-09 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed P Philology. Linguistics,PI Oriental languages and literatures,PL Languages and literatures of Eastern Asia, Africa, Oceania https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/8ca23b7721abd4b4ee6a2ec4407aece7.pdf 9a588a11f013649d74365b0d3e3bb496 PDF Text Text HEMINGWAY AND KADARE - A COMPARATIVE OUTLINE Fatbardha Doko University of Tetova, Macedonia Article History: Submitted: 11.06.2015 Accepted: 26.06.2015 Abstract: In this article I tried give a comparative view between two great novel writers, who belong to different nations, cultures and periods, Ernest Hemingway and Ismail Kadare. Both of them are the greatest representatives of their own national literature, and both are part of the world elite literature, translated in more than 40 languages, and internationally awarded. Similarity between Hemingway and Kadare can be noticed not only in their literary works, but in their political ideology as well. I analyzed some of their novels, and in this paper I pointed out some similarities and differences in themes, characters, style, narration etc. Hemingway’s novels that I cover in this paper are Farewell to Arms, For Whom the Bell Tolls, Islands in the Stream, Moveable Feast and Old Man and the Sea, as long as Kadare’s novels are: Chronicle in Stone, General of the Dead Army and November of a Capital City. As a result, I noticed that these two authors have many things in common, their relation to Paris, their political ideology, and in their novels we can notice similar characteristics in their characters - their heroes represent moral values; themes - both of them write about war, love, social issues, etc; naration, style, etc. So, no matter Hemingway and Kadare distant in time and place, there are some touching points between them. Key words: Hemingway, Kadare, war, novels, characters, politics. �1. Introduction Both Hemingway and Kadare are distinctive part of the elite group of world writers; they both are the most prominent writers of their native literatures, translated in over 40 world languages. Hemingway is one of the greatest modernist writers of American literature. He was born in Oak Park, Illinois, on 21st July 1899. As a part of a big family, he didn’t feel free enough to express himself, so he found some freedom and independence in hunting, fishing, and camping with friends. However, as far as his profession is concerned, he took up journalism from a very young age, so he became a great reporter of very important events, like different wars and conflicts in Europe. All this marked not only his life, but his writing career as well. Ismail Kadare is the greatest Albanian writer of all times, and he has secured a place among the best world novelists. He was born in Gjirokastra, Albania, on 28th January 1936, so we see that he was a part of communist Albania. His country and his further education in Moscow played in important role in his career and his life. Their native countries did not fulfill their ideals, so they both felt disappointed – Hemingway was angry at post war America and the great depression, so he was called the greatest representative of the Lost Generation. This is why Hemingway spent most of his time in Europe, where he found quietness, especially in Paris in the 20s. He described these Paris years in his famous Moveable Feast, where he talks about his friends and acquaintances that had a very important role in his life and career, and influenced his ideology and philosophy, like Fitzgerald, Dos Passos, Gertrude Stein, etc. Café houses in Paris were places where he found peace and motivation to write. This is why almost all of Hemingway’s novels are set in Europe and not in the USA. Kadare was disappointed by the communist regime in Albania. Paris was Kadare’s shelter from the cruel Albanian dictatorship too. He immigrated to France in 1990, leaving the disastrous regime that was counting its last days behind. He found peace in Paris, where he still lives and works as an intellectual and a world writer, and has an honorable position among the greatest intellectuals. Just as Hemingway, Kadare enjoys the mornings in Paris cafés, gathers his thoughts and gets inspired for his great works. So we see that Paris was their common ‘love’. They express their infatuation with by writing about their life in Paris, Hemingway described it in Moveable Feast, and Kadare in Mornings in Café Rostand. �However, Hemingway travelled a lot, lived abroad, visited different places, like Italy, Spain, England, France, Cuba, Switzerland, etc, and this influenced his literary works, Kadare’s movements were limited because of the Hoxha regime, so he did not have the opportunity to travel. His life was concentrated in and around Albania, until he arrived in France 1990. Both of them experienced expatriate life, and both of them found a real tranquility in Paris. Hemingway was closely related to journalism, not only because he became a reporter at a very young age, but because journalism became the basement of his literary career. He reported from the World War1 for Kansas City Star, later he covered Europe for Toronto Star and Hearst's International News Service. This is how journalism opened him the way to literature. Journalism was not strange for Kadare either. He was not a real journalist but had an important experience with journalism when he worked for the Drita magazine and when he edited „Les letres albanaises“ magazine. Both Hemingway and Kadare are awarded international prizes and awards: beside many other awards and prizes, Hemingway was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Literature, and the greatest possible award, the Nobel Prize, for the wonderful Old man and the Sea. Kadare on the other hand, for many years in a row is one of the most serious candidates for the Nobel Prize, but he has been awarded many other prizes like Man Booker Prize, Prize, Prince of Asturia, Jerusalem Prize, etc. These are the points that their lives have in common. Hemingway and Kadare can be studied in the aspect of their political ideology, which means their views on politics, or better to say, their relation to socialism. They express their views and opinions on these issues through the opinions of their characters. Thus we understand that politics is a part of their lives as well. Firstly, both of them are against fascism, they express their attitude against this ideology and its followers. They are against violence, death, ignorance, injustice, products of this fascist ideology. Hemingway participates in and reports from different conflicts, like the WW 1, the Spanish civil War, the WW 2, where he experienced the fascist cruelties; Kadare on the other hand, witnesses war atrocities as a child, when Italian, Greek and German fascist armies occupied his birth place, the town of Gjirokastra. Since they oppose fascism, they positioned on the side of communists. At first they considered communism as a refuge and rescue from fascism, but later they saw its real face, and their �opinion is not clearly defined. Hemingway is interested in global politics, and opposes everyone who is against communism, he is even angry at the American anti communist politics. It is until he experiences the real communism during the Spanish civil war when he sees the corruption and authority of communism. But still, fascism was much bigger evil. Because of this Hemingway is considered a man without a political home, a man opposed to fascism than socialism, but distrustful of all government1. He expresses these views in For Whom the bell Tolls, Island in the Stream, etc. As far as Kadare is concerned, he experiences socialism in Albania, where the harshest sort of communism ruled for 50 years. Enver Hoxha establishes an absolute power, and everyone who doesn’t succumb to his wishes is destined to death or persecution, even his closest associates. They were all accused of alleged betrayal of national ideals. Kadare’s attitude on politics might be ambiguous, since many consider him a dissident, who writes against the regime, but also a collaborator – he could not survive and work freely if he wasn’t a collaborator, and on the other hand he wouldn’t escape in Paris if he supported it. We notice that Kadare behaved wisely, and that saved him. The Great Winter and The Wrong Dinner are still debatable novels, because some believe that they represent his relation to the regime, and for the others they are dictated by the regime. His dissidence is an object of dispute. 2. Their Art This is in fact a study based on the method of comparison. Even though they belong to different periods, there is a common point in the temporality of their works. In many cases, the action of their novels is set during a war period, and after war. For example, Farewell to Arms, that is set in the midst of Italian-Austrian conflict during the WW 1, than, For Whom the Bell Tall, set during the Spanish Civil war; than Island in the Stream, set during the WW 2, etc. Kadare on the other hand, writes about the WW 2, like The Stone Chronicle, The General of the Dead Army, etc, but also travels back in history writing about Albanian past, tradition, legends, ottoman occupation of Albania etc. However, their narrative time, the tense the story is narrated, is actual, present, and thus directly transmits experiences and events that really happened, like for example the Spanish civil war that 1 A Historical Guide to Ernest Hemingway, ed. Linda Wagner-Martin, Oxford University Press, 2000, p.25/26 �really happened and Hemingway witnessed, the Cuban coast, Paris, places that Hemingway lived in. Kadare writes about the past and historical events related to Albania and Albanians, he describes Tirana when it was liberated in 1944, describes his native town of Gjirokastra, and other Albanian cities. As we see, the location the events are set are real, not fictive, those are places that really exist on the map. For example, in Farewell to Arms, Hemingway’s hero F.Henry travels through Italy and visits Gorizia, Milano, north Plava, Rome, Naples, Padova, Abruzzo, Lausanne, Montreaux, Oberland Bernese, etc, and it resembles as we are following the map of Italy. It is the same with the hero of For Whom the Bell Tolls, R. Jordan, a teacher of Spanish, who came from America to participate in the Civil war, moves through different places like Extremadura, Madrid, La Granja, Segovia, El Escorial, Ronda, etc. In other works, he describes Paris (Moveable Feast), Africa (Snows of Kilimanjaro), Cuba (Islands in the Stream), etc. Unlike Hemingway, Kadare generally writes about Albania and Albanian cities. For example, the general in The General of the Dead Army searches for dead soldiers throughout Albania, and in that way he describes the Albanian geography. November in a Capital City is set in Tirana, Chronicle in Stone in Gjirokastra etc. other cities... 3. Characters As characters play the most important role in a novel, we’ll see what Hemingway characters have in common with Kadare’s. Both of them present a wide range of characters, with their own characteristics, but similarities as well. The characters come from different social classes; they are of various age and professions – for example Frederic Henry is an ambulance driver, Jordan is a teacher, Hudson is a painter, Catherine is a nurse, Bret is a dancer, Pilar is a guerilla fighter, and we also have doctors, soldiers, prostitutes, etc. Kadare introduces a general, a priest, a writer, a young boy, a miller, a soldier, old woman, radio presenters, etc. But what do they have in common? First of all the military characters, for example Frederic Henry, Robert Jordan, Pablo, El Sordo, in Hemingway’s novels, the general, the lieutenant, soldiers, etc. There are deserters – Frederic in Farewell to Arms, and the young German soldier. Both of them are in love. They are all generally young people, ambitious, with a particular aim and mission. �Hemingway and Kadare’s heroes have specific missions, and are of various types. In some cases, the hero is at the centre of the actions, like Frederic Henry and Catherine, who strive to the end, only to protect their happiness. It is the same with Jordan who is the epicenter of all events and actions, than Santiago, etc. In Kadare’s novels, the heroes who are at the centre are Gjergj Berisha, (Broken April) the General etc. However, we can notice that almost all Hemingway’s characters are Americans who deal in foreign countries, who strive for global ideals, like Frederic in Italy, Jordan in Spain, Hudson in Cuba, etc, as long as Kadare’s heroes are all Albanians and deal in their own country, like the child in Chronicle in stone, Adrian Guma in November, etc, except the general, who presumably is Italian, whose mission is set in Albania. Kadare also incorporates some mythical and legendary heroes, like Scanderbeg, Rozafa, etc. As far as their personalities are concerned, we can notice that all of them represent human values, even though in different aspects – they are dedicated to their missions and fulfill their moral duty, show their love towards their family, towards their nation, etc. However, all of them experience certain changes, and these changes can be moral, fateful or out of knowledge. For example, when Frederic is wounded, he suffers a destiny change, because he has to retreat from the battlefield and stay in the hospital, where he meets Catherine, and thus his life enters a new phase. Thomas Hudson experiences destiny changes when his children die in accidents, he loses every desire and will to go on, so he drinks, has no desire to paint, etc. Santiago undergoes destiny changes as well – he is happy to have caught a big fish, but this brings him a great pain as well when he has to face the sharks. Kadare’s general suffers moral changes when he realizes the vanity and destructiveness of war, the hypocrisy of his mission, he realizes the evil his army had caused, so at the end we see him morally and psychologically destroyed, since he is nothing than a general of a dead army, of skeletons. The general also undergoes some destiny changes, and it is when he meets the old Nica, who slams him with the bones of the lieutenant Z he was searching for. At Chronicle in stone, the destiny changes of the characters are influenced by the war. The child protagonist experiences the destructiveness of the war and its atrocities as a very young boy, what actually touches his psyche. On the other hand, the moral changes occur when he realizes the craziness and immorality of the war; the mentality, superstition, magic, tradition do also influence his moral changes. �Hemingway creates real and everyday people, grounded, more natural and mundane ones, like different soldiers, literary wanderers, duck hunters, bullfighters, and thugs in American literature, people he had come across during his life. Kadare on the other hands shows a greater variety in this respect, more developed imagination in building the characters. For example he created a number of grotesque characters like Dino Chichua, the life old lady, Kail’s daughter, Ibrahim Sheh, Kako Pinoja, Mark Alemi, the choir of the noble ladies, etc. Kadare uses the physical appearance, the outfit, gestures, mimicry, etc, to characterize the inner state and world of the characters. Protagonists of both Hemingway and Kadare are usually males. They are presented as much more macho types in Hemingway than in Kadare, what embodies the masculinity of the writer. However, female characters are important as well. They are more present and have greater role in Hemingway’s novels, where they always match the macho characters with their femininity, sensibility and sexiness, and affect the action– we do not see them at home, in the kitchen, but always outdoor. They are young, beautiful, energetic, and joyful, no matter to have experienced terribly difficult periods and experiences in their life. Kadare’s women are kind of marginalized; they appear shortly, but have an impeccable influence, like for example the old Nica, who appears during the most explosive moment in the novel, and becomes the most important character, the one who bears all the responsibility. There are generally no matchable female heroines to male heroes. Kadare mainly presents the traditional Albanian woman – they take care of the home, gossip, are superstitious, etc. However, Kadare describes the Albanian intellectual woman as well, like the journalists in November of a Capital City. In many cases they project their own characters in the personalities of their characters – like Frederic, Hudson, the child, Guma, etc. 4. Thematic comparison One of the major themes which is common in the novels of both authors is the theme of war. Hemingway talks about WW1, the Spanish Civil war, the WW2, etc, wars not led in America, whether Kadare talks about the WW2 in Albania and its effects long after it is finished. Both of them write about something experienced, something real. They do not describe battles, but write about the consequences and destructiveness of war. They both write about war victims caused by �destructive arms, like tanks, shells, guns, etc. we can also notice indirect victims caused by war, like raped women, traumatized people, people who commit suicide as they are psychologically destroyed, wounded people, etc. so we can see the physical and psychological consequences of war. It is clear that both authors based their works and themes in the revolt against injustice and violence. They both think that people are part of an incomprehensible world, so we clearly notice Bodler’s idea that every generation considers oneself as the unluckiest of all. Another kind of war that appears in the novels of the both authors is the class war. We see it in For Whom the Bell Tolls, in the conflict between the republicans, loyal to the Spanish republic, and the nationalists, supported by the fascist forces, led by Fransico Franco, during the Spanish civil war. Kadare presents this kind of war in November in a Capital City, during the establishment of the communist system. Another theme related to war is death. We read about many deaths caused in war, but death is unavoidable in peace time as well, like the death of Hudson’s sons, death is present in bullfighting arenas, it appears 20 years after the war, than after Tirana is liberated, etc In the works of both authors, certain social issues are treated as well, for example the suicide. In Hemingway’s novels, it is exposed as a problem and the characters talk about it, for example in Moveable Feast, Farewell to Arms, etc, and in Kadare’s novels it appears in many examples like Nica’s daughter, the alleged suicide of the intellectuals, etc. However, it is a very serious matter and they consider it as cowardice, weakness and something unacceptable, which in the case of Hemingway is very ironic, since we know that he himself committed suicide. They also talk about politics, economics, racial issues, social differences, cultural problems, etc. all these issues in fact result in wars that they talk about. But they do not write about these dark themes only. Another important theme they both discuss, but have different view on, is love and sexuality. Love is generally a parallel theme with the one of war. We have sincere and romantic love – Catherine sincerely loves Frederic, obeys him, believes him, leans on him, etc. Maria loves Jordan passionately; Jake Barns loves Brett platonically, etc. Passionate scenes are present as well in Hemingway’s novels, not only �expresses through typical sex scenes, scenes that are artistically described, like when Maria and Robert make love under the moon, than Frederic and Catherine in the hospital, etc. Kadare incorporates the theme of love, but not in the dimensions and the form Hemingway does. We generally do not see couples in love, but we rather see forbidden love, like the love between the German deserter and the miller’s daughter, than we have a youthful infatuation and erotic view of female figure from a child’s point o view, etc. Beside the romantic and emotional love, there is another form of love present. It is the love towards the nation and the native country, towards the family, nature etc, which characters express. Hemingway had personally been a part of the conflicts, contributed for the cause of equality, against injustice in global spheres, and had contributed for the benefit of many European nations. We can see this transmitted through his American characters that fight in Europe- Frederic in Italy, Jordan in Spain, Hudson in Cuba, etc. Kadare expresses his strong patriotic sensitivity, and we notice it in his writing about Albania, Albanian history, tradition, Albanian issues, etc. In his novels we see great battles being fought for the freedom of the motherland, Albania, and Albanians – like the battles in Gjirokastra in Chronicle in Stone, than the fight for liberation of Tirana in November, than the Albanian tradition, sad history, mythology, etc. Another common point is the dedication and love towards their jobs and missions- Hemingway’s heroes are determined to fulfill their mission and task – Jordan to mine the bridge, Santiago spends his last atoms of strength to catch the fish, etc. The general as well loves his job and is proud of his mission, Guma is dedicated to his profession and he is not affected by the new regime, etc. As we mentioned, historical theme is very important for Kadare, however he doesn’t accept the concept of historical novel. When he uses a historical theme, he takes into consideration two sources: reality of the era he describes, and the period he lives in. This can be noticed in The Castle, in the Rain Drums, etc. In this way he transmits an allegory of the Ottoman Empire and its time – for example the siege of Kruja is an allegory of the occupied Albania, etc. ‘Who Brought Doruntina?’ and the Broken April deal with the Albanian tradition as well. We can see �that Albanians suffered many storms, difficult periods during the history, and this made them strong and persevering. 5. Narration As we all know, Hemingway’s novels are characterized by a simple, minimalistic style, with other words, he uses the theory of omission. With this theory he tries to omit any unnecessary word or structure, especially adjectives, he writes short and clear sentences, selected vocabulary, simple grammar, that is seen in almost all of his novels, especially in Old Man and the Sea. His minimalistic style conforms to the scientific ideals of originating the maximum amount of information with the minimun expenditure of energy.2, that was inherited from his journalistic style. However, beside this economy, Hemingway tells a lot, and in order to see the larger part of his art, we have to read between lines, or dive deep under water and see the larger part of the iceberg. That is why his narrative technique is called Iceberg theory. As we saw, Hemingway is a great realist; he tries to present everything truly, like the places, events, real characters, and he verifies this by saying - All you have to do is write one true sentence. Write the truest sentence that you know.” As far as Kadare is concerned, we can notice the Iceberg theory as well, and the best example is the presented history of Nica’s daughter in The general of the dead army. Kadare uses a simple style and syntax, but unlike Hemingway, he uses much more figurative language, a lot of grotesque elements and figures, more developed imagination, various stylistic devices like hyperbola, allegory, personification, metaphors, or simply said, real art. The grotesque is an aesthetic imaginative fiction that has the value of artistic conventions. 3 Even though he uses grotesque, he still present realistic art, and this is another thing that makes him great writer. This means that both of them tried to tell the readers more than they wrote, Hemingway through the iceberg principle, and Kadare through his figurative and grotesque style, so we have to read between lines in order to understand them. We may say that Kadare creates the dialogue with its artistic prose influenced by famous style of Hemingway’s novels, and his grotesque is similar to Kafka’s. He gradually created his own original style, what makes him unique example in the Historical Guide to Ernest Hemingway, ed.Linda Wagner-Martin,Oxford University Press, New York, London, 2000, р.54 Çaushi, Tefik; Universi Letrari Kadaresë; 1993, Dituria, Tiranë. P.56 2A 3 �world literature. Kadare is capable of turning the dimmest feelings of human soul into words, where it is often hard to find clear thoughts4. 6. Conclusion As we saw, regardless being distant in space and time, Hemingway and Kadare, have something in common. Hemingway’s influence on Kadare can also be seen in Kadare’s superb translation of The Old Man and the Sea. Their novels represent a real treasure for the world literature, so we should be lucky to have the opportunity to read and be illuminated by the characters, themes, and the narration of these big writers. I am especially proud to be a contemporary of the great Kadare and name him as the greatest representative of my national literature. References A Historical Guide to Ernest Hemingway, ed.Linda Wagner-Martin,Oxford University Press, New York, London, 2000 Baker, Carlos; Hemingway, The Writer as Artist: Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, 1956 Çaushi, Tefik; Universi Letrari Kadaresë; 1993, Dituria, Tiranë Ernest Hemingway, The Critical Heritage, ed. By Geoffrey Meyers, Routledge, London, New York, 2005 Ernest Hemingway Primer, by Timeless Hemingway, 2009, стр.8 Hemingway, a Collection of Critical Essays, ed. by Robert Weeks; Prentice Hall,Inc, Englewood Cliffs, N.J, 1962 Mort, Terry: The Hemingway Patrols: Ernest Hemingway and His Hunt for U-Boats, Scribner, New York, 2009 4Ibid, p.140 �Rutten, Tim; Dissident or not, Ismail Kadare is one of the greatest, article in L.A.Times, 18.feb.2009 The Cambridge Companion to Ernest Hemingway, ed. by Scott Donaldson, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1996 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2909 Title A name given to the resource HEMINGWAY AND KADARE - A COMPARATIVE OUTLINE Author Author Doko, Fatbardha Abstract A summary of the resource. In this article I tried give a comparative view between two great novel writers, who belong to different nations, cultures and periods, Ernest Hemingway and Ismail Kadare. Both of them are the greatest representatives of their own national literature, and both are part of the world elite literature, translated in more than 40 languages, and internationally awarded. Similarity between Hemingway and Kadare can be noticed not only in their literary works, but in their political ideology as well. I analyzed some of their novels, and in this paper I pointed out some similarities and differences in themes, characters, style, narration etc. Hemingway’s novels that I cover in this paper are Farewell to Arms, For Whom the Bell Tolls, Islands in the Stream, Moveable Feast and Old Man and the Sea, as long as Kadare’s novels are: Chronicle in Stone, General of the Dead Army and November of a Capital City. As a result, I noticed that these two authors have many things in common, their relation to Paris, their political ideology, and in their novels we can notice similar characteristics in their characters - their heroes represent moral values; themes - both of them write about war, love, social issues, etc; naration, style, etc. So, no matter Hemingway and Kadare distant in time and place, there are some touching points between them. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-09 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed PN Literature (General),PN0080 Criticism https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/d27b4f4392dce74befa7b910ef5ffb08.pdf 3b2bcef44cf00901522b46d5fbc3c39b PDF Text Text LOVE AND HATRED IN TWO LANGUAGES: CROSS-CULTURAL ANALYSIS Ivana Grabar & Ekaterina Kostina & Marijana Kolednjak University North, Croatia & Novosibirsk State Pedagogical University, Russia Article History: Submitted: 11.06.2015 Accepted: 27.06.2015 Abstract: Living in a world that has become a 'global village' makes different nations seem very similar we dress in a very similar way, we listen to the similar music, we sometimes even use the same words. But how similar are we when it comes to understanding another person’s culture and values related to some of the general notions, such as love and hatred? The authors of this paper come from two countries that speak Slavic languages and are in many ways similar: Russia and Croatia. This similarity initiated a cross-cultural research described further in the paper. The authors have compared the meanings of two opposite notions (a value and an anti-value) - love and hatred - with regard to the meaning and importance they have in these two countries and how they are used in their respective languages. The definitions of the value love were collected from various available dictionaries in different areas and then analyzed as semantic components. Then the same procedure was conducted with the anti-value hatred. Since these semantic components are used in sentences/phrases in Russian and Croatian in various ways, their comparison has been made. Furthermore, students of two universities (one Russian and one Croatian) filled in a questionnaire regarding the meaning these notions have for them. The purpose of the questionnaire was to help the authors find out whether there are similarities/differences in how these two notions are perceived in their respective countries and languages and whether their meanings and importance for the culture differ. The obtained results will offer some insight into the Russian and Croatian languages when compared on the linguistic and cultural level with regard to a value and an anti-value. Key words: (anti)values, (cross-) culture, language, love and hatred, semantic components. �1. Introduction As one of the consequences of globalization, people tend to be similar – there are no big differences between people throughout the world with regard to what theywear, what kind of music they listen to, what topics they talk about. But how similar are we when it comes to understanding another person’s culture and values related to some of the general notions, such as love and hatred? In philosophy, culture is seen as something that members of a social group share (Prinz, 2011). Since groups and therefore cultures differ, culture strives to the universality of human development, which makes it designed for and subject to changes and transformations. Being aware of differences among various cultures helps us understand how people behave and for what reason. In order to understand the nature of a culture, we need to contrast it with other cultures; therefore, the dialogue of cultures is needed. This cross-cultural interaction enables us to understand people that belong to a culture different from our own. By understanding the culture, we are able to communicate more effectively. Even though the similarities among cultures are usually obvious, we sometimes have problems when communicating since those differentiating characteristics become obvious only when unexpected problems in communication appear. Cultural diversity can be overlooked: according to Lewis (2006), romantic love is seen differently in France and Finland, and the English notion of revenge bears little similarity to the Sicilian. In cultural studies, cultural communication is seen as the way of cultural synthesis, i.e. creative acquisition of everything valuable presented in one’s own culture and in others (Y.V. Bromley, 1974; S. I. Ryzhakova S. A. Arutyunov, 2004). Since communication is the core of language learning, integrating culture in language education has been a never-ending topic of discussion among language teachers, especially when it is perceived as the consequence of globalization and therefore the necessity of understanding other cultures (Lange & Paige, 2003). It is of crucial importance in today’s pluralistic world to overcome ethnocentrism. In order to do this, inter-disciplinary and cross-disciplinary integration is required for understanding reality. One of the key concepts of philosophy today is the term cross-culturalness. D.B. Zilberman (1996) and M.T. Stepanyants(1996) define it as a dialogue or pluralism of cultures. From the �philosophical point of view, cross-culturalness contributes to a more precise understanding of the cultural identity of a specific human society. The task that modern philosophy has is to reach the level of the planetary community. When doing this, cross-cultural and universal values need to be taken into consideration. While trying to understand universal values, one should bear in mind a variety of unique cultures of the peoples inhabiting our planet. The significance of human values should be realized by people living in different cultures. This enables those wholive in a multinational, multicultural society interact by being guided by the cross-cultural pluralist prerequisites. Therefore, people should learn to understand foreign values and to transfer this knowledge and this valuable experience of dealing with other cultures from generation to generation. This interaction between cultures then serves as the basis for understanding the world. Within the framework of intercultural dialogue a person faces many problems connected with the adequate transfer of sense when dealing with people representing different cultures and possessing different universal values. Universal values represent a set of essential values that bind the individual to society and contribute to the unity of man and the world. They have been created alongside the development of the human civilization.However, for the moment there is no unambiguous wording of the concept "universal values".In philosophical studies they distinguish cultural values (freedom, creativity, love, communication, activity), moral values (the point of life and happiness, goodness, duty, responsibility, conscience, honor, dignity), aesthetic values (the beautiful, the sublime), religious values (faith), scientific (the truth), political values (peace, justice, democracy), legal values (law and order). In the modern era of global change the values of kindness and tolerance have become particularly important. Value orientations of a personality explain many of today's events in the world. Therefore, in order to establish a successful dialogue between cultures, the authors of this paper believe that comparative cross-cultural studies of the values of different nations are needed. With this in mind, it was intriguing to find out whether there is any difference (or similarity) between two nationalities, Russian and Croatian, regarding the attitude towards two notions: a value love and its anti-value hatred. Since these two represent a cultural value and its anti-value which are probably the most universal of all, the authors expected there would not be many differences in �the attitude towards love and hatred between these two nations. However, they were intrigued to see whether the definitions of these two notions have a different importance when cross-cultural comparison is made. In addition, they wanted to investigate whether these notions are perceived in the same way between students studying programs in different scientific fields. The background for this interest comes from the years of experience in teaching but also in the scientific evidence – there has been evidence that the brains of science and humanities students differ (Takeuchi, et al., 2014). 2. Methodology The study was conducted in the winter semester of the academic year 2014/2015. The participants of the research were 142 Russian and Croatian students of two universities: Novosibirsk State Pedagogical University (NSPU) in Russia and University North (UNIN) in Croatia (Figure 1). There were 66 male and 78 female students (Figure 2) of approximately the same age– the average age of participants was20. The students of these two universities study programs belonging to three scientific fields: humanities, technical sciences and social sciences, with the Russian students belonging to humanities and the Croatian to technical and social sciences (Figure 3). Croatian 29% 71% 46% 54% Russian Figure 1.Nationality of participants Male Female Figure 2. Gender of participants Technical sciences 29% 27% 44% Social sciences Humanities Figure 3. Scientific field that participants belong to �Definitions of a value love and its anti-value hatred were collected from different Russian and Croatian sources: monolingual dictionaries and encyclopedias from the fields of philosophy, psychology, theology, and general encyclopedia. The authors translated the explanations of the obtained semantic components into English and after a thorough comparison, 16 definitions of love and 7 definitions of hatred were singled out from all the used sources. These definitions were then used as statements of a questionnaire which was given to the participants. They were asked to choose a number on a Likert scale from 1 to 5, where number 1 was equal to ‘I strongly disagree’ and 5 to ‘I strongly agree’. The data was collected during the regular lessons at the universities (English language and Philosophy) and was later analyzed by using the software SPSS. Chi-square test has been conducted, with p<0.01. 3. Results and discussion When analyzing the results, the authors wanted to see whether there were any statements that students preferred or opted for more frequently or they chose higher values. Therefore, the frequencies of the statements have been calculated. According to the analyzed results, the students marked three statements describing love with the dominant value of 5 – love as a complex emotion; love as a state of caring (giving and sacrificing for another person); and love as a desire to be present in the life of the other person (Table 1). Table 1. Frequencies of definitions of love LOVE – definition N Mo state of dependence on another person 3 state of longing for another person 4 complex emotion 5 state of caring (giving and sacrificing for another person) 5 force that causes reconciliation condition of reflection by presenting the loss of oneself 144 4 3 active influence 4 intention (act of will) 4 inclination towards good 4 form of sociability (relations based on natural biological sexual drive) 4 �ambivalence of attitudes 3 cardinal virtue (chastity) 3 self-giving (the act of complete giving) 4 emotionally positive attitude to an object in the center of the vital needs 3 feeling physiologically determined by sexual needs 4 desire to be present in the life of the other person 5 With regard to hatred, two definitions were marked with the highest value by the majority of students: hatred as a deep emotional attitude characterized by feeling of anger, and hatred as a deep emotional attitude characterized by feeling of hostility (Table 2). The other definitions were marked by most of the students with value 3 (I neither agree nor disagree). Table 2. Frequencies of definitions of hatred HATRED - definition N Mo deep emotional attitude characterized by feeling of anger 5 deep emotional attitude characterized by feeling of hostility 5 deep emotional attitude characterized by feeling of disgust 3 deep emotional attitude characterized by feeling of desire to cause the object pain 3 or harm deep emotional attitude characterized by feeling of repulsion deep emotional attitude characterized by persecution and harassment of the 144 3 3 object of hatred aspiration to cause pain and feel the satisfaction that results from an unpleasant 3 situation in which the object of hatred is These results show that when it comes to the notion of love, the students have agreed or strongly agreed with the definitions they were offered with. As it regards hatred, they were less ready to agree with the statements – most of them were indifferent to them. However, they seem to associate hatred mostly with feelings of anger and hostility. �When we look at the statements that most of the students strongly agreed with (Figures 4 and 5), we see that the definition of love as the state of caring can be chosen as the definition that most of the students agree with. On the other hand, the definition of hatred is not as ‘clear-cut’ – the values that the students have chosen show more similarity. However, we noticed that they relate hatred mostly to the feeling of anger. 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 strongly disagree disagree neither agree nor disagree agree complex emotion state of caring desire to be present in the life of the other person strongly agree Figure 4.Frequencies of definitions of love marked with the highest value by the majority of the students 60 50 strongly disagree 40 disagree 30 neither agree nor disagree 20 agree 10 strongly agree 0 deep emotional attitude deep emotional attitude characterized by feeling of characterized by feeling of anger hostility Figure 5.Frequencies of definitions of hatred marked with the highest value by the majority of the students �In order to find out whether there are any statistically significant differences regarding the nationality and the field of study in relation to the statements, we looked at all the statements (definitions of love and of hatred). The obtained data has been analyzed using the SPSS software –a chi-square test has been conducted and we opted for the p<0.01 since this allows only a 1% chance that the deviation is due to chance alone. The results showed statistically significant difference with regard to nationality for only two of the statements: love as an emotionally positive attitude to an object in the center of the vital needs and hatred as aspiration to cause pain and feel the satisfaction that results from an unpleasant situation in which the object of hatred is. Table 3 shows the statistical significance of results of dependence of love as an emotionally positive attitude to an object in the center of the vital needs with regard to nationality. It can be seen that majority of Croatians opted for value 3 and Russians for value 4. Moreover, only 19% of Russians opted for 3 compared to 51% of Croatians. Only 8.8% of Croatians opted for value 5 compared to 31% of Russians. It has to be mentioned that the mode value for this definition was equal to 3 – the reason for that might be the fact that the opinion of Croatians prevailed maybe because there were more Croatians than Russian students. �Table 3.Love as an emotionally positive attitude to an object in the center of the vital needs with regard to nationality Love as an emotionally positive attitude to an object in the center of the vital needs with regard to nationality Nationality Croatia n 1 2 3 4 5 Total Count 4 8 52 29 9 102 % within 3,9% 7,8% 51,0% 28,4% 8,8% 100,0% 80,0% 61,5% 86,7% 65,9% 40,9% 70,8% % of Total 2,8% 70,8% Count 1 Nationality % within attitude Russian % within 5,6% 36,1% 20,1% 6,3% 5 8 15 13 42 2,4% 11,9% 19,0% 35,7% 31,0% 100,0% 20,0% 38,5% 13,3% 34,1% 59,1% 29,2% Nationality % within attitude Total % of Total ,7% 3,5% Count 5 13 % within 3,5% 5,6% 10,4% 9,0% 60 44 22 29,2% 144 9,0% 41,7% 30,6% 15,3% 100,0% 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0 100,0% Nationality % within attitude % % of Total 3,5% % % % % 9,0% 41,7% 30,6% 15,3% 100,0% Table 4 shows the results of dependence of nationality and hatred as aspiration to cause pain and feel the satisfaction that results from an unpleasant situation in which the object of hatred is. Again, most of the Croatians opted for value 3 and Russians for value 4. �Table 4.Hatred as aspiration to cause pain and feel the satisfaction that results from an unpleasant situation in which the object of hatred finds him/her Hatred as aspiration to cause pain and feel the satisfaction that results from an unpleasant situation in which the object of hatred is Nationality Croatia n 1 2 3 4 5 Total 17 16 40 10 18 101 39,6% 9,9% 17,8% 100,0% 65,4% 69,6% 85,1% 40,0% 81,8% 70,6% 11,9% 11,2% 28,0% 7,0% 12,6% 70,6% 7 15 4 42 16,7% 35,7% 9,5% 100,0% 34,6% 30,4% 14,9% 60,0% 18,2% 29,4% % of Total 6,3% 4,9% 4,9% 10,5% 2,8% 29,4% Count 26 23 47 25 22 143 32,9% 17,5% 15,4% 100,0% Count % within Nationality 16,8% 15,8% % within painsatisfaction % of Total Russia n Count 9 7 % within Nationality 21,4% 16,7% % within painsatisfaction Total % within Nationality 18,2% 16,1% % within painsatisfaction % of Total 100,0 100,0% 100,0% 100,0% 100,0% 100,0% % 18,2% 16,1% 32,9% 17,5% 15,4% 100,0% There was no statistically significant difference in the choice of the statements regarding the scientific field, neither for love nor hatred. 4. Conclusion The present world shows an amazing variety of cultures, both in terms of values and in terms of practices. Culture is a collective phenomenon since it is at least partly shared with people who �live or lived within the same social environment. It consists of the unwritten rules of the social game. Culture is learned, not innate. On the other hand, values are implicit: they belong to the invisible software of our minds. Additionally, values are the deepest manifestations of culture. Hence, the core of culture is formed by values. Values are broad tendencies to prefer certain states of affairs over others. Talking about our own values is difficult, because it implies questioning our motives, emotions, and taboos. Our own culture is to us like the air we breathe, while another culture is like water – it takes special skills to be able to survive in both elements (Hofstede G., Hofstede G. J., Minkov M, 2010). Although students in this survey are from two different countries and are students of different fields of study, the final results show a similarity between the attitude of the Russian and Croatian students regarding the definitions of love and hatred. An interesting fact that speaks in favor of the similarity between these two cultures is that the authors, when trying to find the definitions of these (anti)-values, had problems with finding the definitions of hatred – there are different descriptions of love and only several of hatred. That is the reason why there are sixteen definitions of love and only seven of hatred. The authors explain this discrepancy with the fact that there are different relations that we describe as love (love towards our friends, siblings, spouse, etc.) whereas hatred is less complicated to describe it. Moreover, the perception of love and hatred is very similar in these two cultures (nationalities) and in the fields of science. Therefore, this shows that love and hatred are universal values – values perceived in a similar way. These results confirm the (null) hypothesis that there are no differences between nationalities or scientific fields when it comes to the level of agreement with the statements/definitions of love and hatred. Minor statistically significant differences were obtained with the aforementioned two statements. Therefore, we could conclude that we ARE talking about universal values. However, we should be aware that the research described in this paper has its limitations with regard to the number of respondents – the majority of respondents are Croatian and the Croatian opinion prevailed as the opinion of majority. Consequently, the authors suggest conducting the same research with more participants from more cultures/nationalities. The data would give an insight into the perception of love and hatred as universal values from various points of view, i.e. points of view of various nationalities. �References: Bromley, Y.V. (1974). Races and Peoples: Contemporary Ethnic and Racial Problems. Central Books Ltd. Hofstede G., Hofstede G. J., Minkov M. (2010). Cultures and Organization.Software of the Mind.Intercultural Cooperation and Its Importance for Survival. New York: McGraw Hill. Lange, D. L., & Paige, R. M. (2003). Culture as the Core: Perspectives on Culture in Second Language Learning. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing. Lewis, R. D. (2006). When Cultures Collide: Leading Across Cultures. Boston, MA: Nicholas Brealey Publishing. Prinz, J. (2011). Culture and Cognitive Science. Retrieved from The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/culture-cogsci/ Stepanyants,M.T.(1996). The east and the west, the 7th philosophical conference held in Honolulu, Hawaii, United-States, January 1995, Voprosy filosofii, (3), pp. 143-150 Takeuchi, H., Taki, Y., Sekiguchi, A., Nouchi, R., Kotozaki, Y., Nakagawa, S., Kawashima, R. (2014). Brain structures in the sciences and humanities. Brain structure & function. Zilberman, D.B. (1996). Tradition as communication - translation of values and written language, Voprosyfilosofii, (4), pp. 76-105. Ryzhakova,S. I.,Arutyunov,S. A. (2004). Kulturnaiaantropologiia.Ves’ Mir. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2913 Title A name given to the resource LOVE AND HATRED IN TWO LANGUAGES: CROSS-CULTURAL ANALYSIS Author Author Grabar, Ivana Kostina, Ekatarina Kolednjak, Marijana Abstract A summary of the resource. Living in a world that has become a 'global village' makes different nations seem very similar - we dress in a very similar way, we listen to the similar music, we sometimes even use the same words. But how similar are we when it comes to understanding another person’s culture and values related to some of the general notions, such as love and hatred? The authors of this paper come from two countries that speak Slavic languages and are in many ways similar: Russia and Croatia. This similarity initiated a cross-cultural research described further in the paper. The authors have compared the meanings of two opposite notions (a value and an anti-value) - love and hatred - with regard to the meaning and importance they have in these two countries and how they are used in their respective languages. The definitions of the value love were collected from various available dictionaries in different areas and then analyzed as semantic components. Then the same procedure was conducted with the anti-value hatred. Since these semantic components are used in sentences/phrases in Russian and Croatian in various ways, their comparison has been made. Furthermore, students of two universities (one Russian and one Croatian) filled in a questionnaire regarding the meaning these notions have for them. The purpose of the questionnaire was to help the authors find out whether there are similarities/differences in how these two notions are perceived in their respective countries and languages and whether their meanings and importance for the culture differ. The obtained results will offer some insight into the Russian and Croatian languages when compared on the linguistic and cultural level with regard to a value and an anti-value. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-09 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed P Philology. Linguistics https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/7badfda9480410ab26b135061953c894.pdf 97964772da89c82e6cae4059a175ba3d PDF Text Text A CASE STUDY: EFL LEARNERS’ AND WRITING TEACHERS' ATTITUDES TOWARDS PERFORMANCE BASED PORTFOLIO IN A UNIVERSITY CONTEXT Sera Güvenç Toros University, Turkey Article History: Submitted: 10.06.2015 Accepted: 25.06.2015 Abstract This study has been carried out to investigate the attitudes of students and writing teachers towards the performance-based portfolio. In the study, both qualitative and quantitative research methods have been used. Within the process of qualitative research, teacher reflection papers have been used and interviews with the teachers and students have been made. Within the quantitative research process, an attitude survey designed by Brooks (1999) has been used and the student attitudes have been investigated. The participants of the study are 89 university students and 5 writing teachers. In the light of the findings obtained from this study, it has been concluded that the majority of the writing teachers and the interviewed students have a positive attitude towards the performance based portfolio while the findings from the student attitude survey displays the opposite. According to the findings from the general attitude survey, the majority of the students show a negative attitude towards the performance-based portfolio. Key words: Performance Based Portfolio in Writing Classes, Teacher and Student Attitudes. �1. Introduction Assessment has a major role in teaching. Evaluating learners’ performances in an effective way is as crucial as putting the methods and approaches to teaching into practice. How should learners be assessed? This is an age old but still an important question, because experience and research tell us that assessment impacts what is taught and learned in classrooms. Students spend a great deal of time reviewing information, and instructors spend a great deal of time teaching and assessing. The field of assessment has been given a special emphasis especially in recent years when the need for a more effective assessment system has been realized. In the past few years, there has been a shift of interest from classical assessments to alternative assessments. In parallel with this paradigm shift, teacher and students roles have also undergone certain changes. Today, teachers are not the sole authorities and learners are no longer passive recipients of the language. Instead, teachers are facilitators who guide the learners and facilitate the whole learning process and learners are active involvers that make discoveries and develop their own strategies for their learning.The active role of the learners in the learning process has led to an increasing popularity of the use of performance based assessments in classroom practices. As a result of the increasing need for performance based assessments, portfolio assessment, which is an alternative to traditional teaching, has gained popularity. Portfolio assessment is defined as ‘a purposeful collection of student work that shows student’s efforts, progress and achievements in more than one era’ (Paulson, Paulson and Meyer 1991, p.61). In literature, portfolio assessment has proved to have a variety of benefits for learners. Paulson, Paulson and Meyer (1991) states that: An application portfolio is a visual representation of who you are as an artist, your history as well as what you are currently doing. It is representing you when you are not present. Part of the evaluation of a portfolio is based on the personal choices you make when picking pieces for the portfolio. It tells the school something about your current values; that’s why you will rarely get a school to be very specific about what they look for in a portfolio. You should not be afraid to make choices (p. 2). In general, the literature highlights the autonomous, authentic and performance based nature of the portfolio assessment. Although the benefits of the portfolio assessment model have been proved in literature, some challenges along with those benefits have also been observed. The time consuming, difficult to monitor nature of the portfolio assessment and the issue of �reliability can be listed as the main challenges of the portfolio assessment. Cirneanu and Chirita (2009) point out the disadvantageous nature of the portfolios by stating that it is not easy and quick to assess since learners reflect their creativity and originality in their works 2. Assessment: A Shift from Teacher Centered to Student Centered Learning In the past few decades, approaches to language assessment and learning have changed with an emphasis on a student centered and classroom based language assessment. Within this process, language teachers undertake several roles that are significant in the assessment process. Stoynoff (2012) highlights the need for language teachers to reflect their own assessment practices since there is not enough research conducted on the assessment of young learners. Andrade and Huff; et al. (2012) emphasize the key role of the student centered selfassessment by stating that student centered assessment can improve learning and motivation. They also indicate that student centered approaches to learning offer active engagement and self-management which are considered to be crucial to learning. Moskal (2010) puts forward that self-assessments are indicators of learners’ motivation, satisfaction and self-efficacy. Hancock (1994) highlights the role of self-assessment and claims that there is a need for a new assessment initiative in education which highlights the importance of performance, competence and self-assessments. 3. Writing Assessment Writing is a constructivist process in which writers try to make meaning of the world by their own experiences. This makes writing assessment complicated since more than a set of single sentences is needed to construct meaning. Graves (1999) states, “Every study of young writers I’ve done for the last 20 years has underestimated what they can do. In fact, we know very little about the human potential for writing” (p.99). The nature of writing skill is not only tough for the writers but also many teachers. Many writing teachers feel concerned about teaching writing due to the inadequate preparation programs, which give limited knowledge for teachers on how to teach writing. Huot (1996) asserts that teachers have doubts about assessment practices in writing as they think the real values of writing are not reflected. As what Hillocks (2002) suggests, writing has complicated mental functions and they are not easy to be assessed by objective tests. He also claims that �the formulaic nature of the objective tests apparently ignores the importance of planning, drafting, revising and editing parts of the writing process. 4. Methods 4.1 Participants In the study, the targeted participants were 89 students from six EFL writing classes. As modular system is used at Toros University, those students involved in the study were at elementary level. Both qualitative and quantitative research methods were used in this study. A qualitative research with five writing teachers was also conducted to give support to the findings of the study. Data from the teachers were added with the belief that it would enrich the conclusions drawn from the study. The ages of the students ranged between 19 and 21. There are six EFL writing classes at Toros University. The teacher participants were the teachers of these six EFL writing classes 4.2 Data Collection Tools Both qualitative and quantitative research designs were used in the study to investigate the attitudes of students towards the use of portfolio in EFL writing classes. In the process of quantitative research, a portfolio attitude survey that was designed by Brooks (1999) was applied to six EFL writing classes with 89 students. The original attitude survey was not used in the study. Instead, the researcher adopted the original attitude survey. The adopted version of the attitude survey was applied as a post study at the end of the module. Ten questions were asked in the survey and a five point Likert attitude scale was used. In the process of qualitative research, two different interviews were conducted to investigate the attitudes of students and teachers towards the use of portfolio. One was conducted with the students and the other was with the teachers. The interviews were also conducted as a post study at the end of the module (8 weeks). The interviews were semi- structured and open-ended questions were asked. In the interview for students, 5 questions were asked whereas in the interview for teachers, 8 questions were asked. Apart from the interviews, as a part of the qualitative research, reflection papers were collected from five writing teachers. Before the implementation of the study, 5 writing teachers had been asked to record their observations over a span of eight weeks (a module) on those reflection papers. Accordingly, the data from the reflection papers were also gathered. �4.3 Data Analysis The data obtained from the performance based portfolio attitude survey was analyzed by using SPSS. The data from the survey was interpreted using a five point rating scale from “strongly agree”, “agree”, “don’t know”, “disagree” and to “strongly disagree”. The percentages, frequencies and related statistical data were obtained through SPSS. For the analysis of the reflection papers and the interviews, categorization was made to conduct content analysis. 5. Findings and Discussion 5.1 Evaluation of the Findings from Teacher Reflection Papers and the Teacher Interview In the light of the data received from the teacher reflection papers, it can be concluded that all the writing teachers teaching in six EFL writing classes believe that students have a positive attitude towards the use of portfolio assessment. From the comments they made on the reflection papers, it is easy to observe that their personal comments as teachers of writing skill are positive, too. Similarly, in the teacher interviews, their comments were positive and they all reported in the interviews that the students benefit from the use of portfolio throughout the portfolio keeping process. We may also conclude that portfolio keeping process helps the students learn about their mistakes. Students’ learning out of their mistakes by regular feedback is also reinforced by the teacher interviews and reflection papers. They also reinforced that portfolio keeping process helps the students monitor and keep track of their own progress. Moreover, it became clear that the students feel motivated towards learning when they see their own progress. This conclusion is based on the data gathered from the reflection papers and the interviews. The teachers put forward that the students feel motivated, as the whole process is encouraging. Although the teachers find the process as a whole useful for the students and have a positive attitude regarding this, in both the reflection papers and the interviews, they reported the same problems. They articulated that writing the papers over and over is an extra burden for the students in the modular system, which is also difficult to adapt. They think that the students feel lost and overwhelmed in the process. Among the other problems that the teachers identifies throughout the process are boring and long lasting nature of the process, overload of work, the students’ tendency to lose their drafts and their unwillingness to write each time. Additionally, when asked about the problems related to the process both in the interview and �reflection papers, the teachers claimed that there were some students who seemed really demotivated and lost in the process. They suggested that these students were especially the ones who weren’t able to keep the track of their own progress. 5.2 Evaluation of the Findings from the Student Interview and the Student Attitude Survey In the light of the data obtained from the student interviews, it might be concluded that the students have a positive attitude towards the use of portfolio as an assessment as in the findings of Yang (2003). All the students reported that the portfolio keeping helped them learn about their weaknesses and strengths. Additionally, the majority of the students articulated that they felt motivated in the process. They claimed that once they realized they could succeed, they felt more motivated and tried to write better with fewer mistakes each time. They added that they felt more responsible when they were actively involved in the process. It can also be revealed from the data that all of the students find the process objective. They suggested that there is a standard, equal and just system for each student and the teachers do grading objectively through standard evaluation criteria. However, the results from the student survey showed that the students in general do not believe in the objectivity of the portfolio assessment. Similarly, although both the teacher and student interviewees claimed that the portfolio assessment helped the students learn about their mistakes and strengths and that the students felt motivated throughout the process, the survey displayed the opposite. Table 1 mirrors the percentages of student responses to student survey: Table 1. Student Responses to Attitude Survey SD DA DK A SA F% F% F% F% F% Q1. 48.3 12.4 3.4 32.6 3.4 Q2. 41.6 23.6 6.7 21.3 6.7 Q3. 39.3 11.2 14.6 15.7 19.1 Q4. 40.4 15.7 18.0 16.9 9.0 Q5. 38.2 13.5 13.5 24.7 10.1 ITEM �Q6. 44.8 20.7 10.3 13.8 10.3 Q7. 37.9 17.2 12.6 18.4 13.8 Q8. 28.7 17.2 21.8 16.1 16.1 Q9. 44.8 14.9 11.5 18.4 10.3 Q10. 46.0 16.1 8.0 25.3 4.6 As represented in Table 1, we received variety of answers for each question. The item " strongly disagree" has the biggest percentage in each question which reveals a disfavor by the majority of students for being marked on portfolio. ( Q1 48.3, Q2 41.6, Q3 39.3, Q4 40.4, Q5 38.2, Q6 44.8, Q7 37.9, Q8 28.7, Q9 44.8, Q 10 46.0) 6. Conclusion In the light of all the data gathered for this study, it is easy to conclude that the student attitude survey contradicts with the other findings such as teacher reflection papers, student and teacher interviews. Although the writing teachers had a positive observation about the student attitudes, the student survey revealed the opposite. Instead, it revealed a disfavor by the majority of the students. The reason for the attitudes of the students in the interviews to be positive might be the limited participants that involved in the interviews since the study revealed the opposite findings when more participants were included. Interestingly, the majority of the writing teachers claimed about a positive overall student attitude in both the reflection papers and the teacher interviews. On the other hand, they reported some problems related to the portfolio keeping process. However, they put forward that these problems were related to only some students and some situations. The problems the teachers reported in the reflection papers and the findings from the attitude survey showed similarity only in the way that the students found the process time consuming. More interestingly, the students as well as the teachers reported in the interviews that they found the process objective. However, the results from the survey showed that the students in general do not believe in the objectivity of the portfolio assessment. Similarly, although both the teacher and student interviewees claimed that the portfolio assessment helped the students learn about their mistakes and strengths and that the students felt motivated throughout the process, the survey displayed the opposite. Furthermore, although the students reported some changes in their attitudes related �to the portfolio keeping, the results from the survey revealed that the majority of the students did not have any attitude changes. Lastly, the student attitude survey results contracted with the student interviews in that the student interviewees reported they made more effort when they learnt about their mistakes and received regular feedback from their teachers. �References Andrade, H., Huff, K., & Brooke, G. (2012). Assessing Learning. Students at the Center: Teaching and Learning in the Era of the Common Core. Boston, MA: JFF. Brooks, L. A. (1999). Performance-based Assessment. Unpublished doctoral dissertation University of Toronto. Brooks, L.A. (1999). Adult ESL student attitudes towards Performance - based assessment. Published MA thesis: University of Toronto. Cirneanu, N &Chırıta, M & Cirneanu, A (2009). Portfolio- learners’ performance complementary assessment instrument. University of Bucharest, 14 (2), 25-29. Hancock, C.R. (1994). Alternative assessment and second-language study. ERIC Digest [Online]: http://www.eric.ed.gov/contentdelivery/servlet/ERICServlet?accno=E D376695 Hillocks, G. (2002). The testing trap: How state writing assessments control learning. Teachers College Press. Huot, B. (1996). Toward a new theory of writing assessment. College composition and communication, 47, 549-566. Moskal, B. M. (2010). Self-assessments: what are their valid uses? Academy of Management Learning & Education, 9(2), 314-320. Paulson, F., P., & Meyer, C. (1991). What makes a portfolio a portfolio? Educational Leadership, 48 (5), 60-63 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2920 Title A name given to the resource A CASE STUDY: EFL LEARNERS’ AND WRITING TEACHERS' ATTITUDES TOWARDS PERFORMANCE BASED PORTFOLIO IN A UNIVERSITY CONTEXT Author Author Güvenç, Sera Abstract A summary of the resource. This study has been carried out to investigate the attitudes of students and writing teachers towards the performance-based portfolio. In the study, both qualitative and quantitative research methods have been used. Within the process of qualitative research, teacher reflection papers have been used and interviews with the teachers and students have been made. Within the quantitative research process, an attitude survey designed by Brooks (1999) has been used and the student attitudes have been investigated. The participants of the study are 89 university students and 5 writing teachers. In the light of the findings obtained from this study, it has been concluded that the majority of the writing teachers and the interviewed students have a positive attitude towards the performance based portfolio while the findings from the student attitude survey displays the opposite. According to the findings from the general attitude survey, the majority of the students show a negative attitude towards the performance-based portfolio. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-09 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed L Education (General),LB Theory and practice of education,LC Special aspects of education https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/4496ecd7636a66c7a3c343af3983c87c.pdf d55975cb4d55fa0371b6ba3701092b2c PDF Text Text WORD CLASS AND TEXTUAL FUNCTIONS OF ANTONYMS: A CORPUS STUDY Nataša Kostić University of Montenegro, Montenegro Article History: Submitted: 06.06.2015 Accepted: 27.06.2015 Abstract Antonymy is traditionally regarded as a paradigmatic relation, but recent studies of antonym co– occurrence in written discourse have shown that it can be investigated as a syntagmatic relation as well. Such investigations in the Untagged electronic corpus of Serbian identified two major and four minor functions of antonyms in discourse and its accompanying lexico-syntactic patterns, matching the results of similar analyses in English, Japanese, Swedish and Dutch. This paper presents a research on the relation between word class that antonym pairs belong to (e.g. adjectives, nouns, verbs, adverbs and prepositions) and their textual functions in Serbian written discourse. It is hypothesized that language users employ antonymous pairs in text irrespective of their grammatical class. The general conclusion is that the roles of antonyms in text are not influenced by word class as significantly as one might expect. Key words: antonymy, word class, textual function, antonymous pattern �1. Introduction Although the term antonymy is in some of the literature confined to binary opposition between contrary meanings in language, such as ‘hot/cold’, as opposed to complementaries (‘true/false’) and other opposites in language, such as ‘buy/sell’ or ‘come/go’ (e.g. Lyons, 1977; Lehrer & Lehrer, 1982; Cruse, 1986; Justeson & Katz, 1991; Murphy & Andrew, 1993; Fellbaum, 1995; Jones, 2002), it is in this article used for all form–meaning pairings that occur in binary semantic contrast in language use. Empirical investigations of antonymy in Serbian and English electronic corpora (Kostić, 2011, 2013), have shown that phrasal contexts in which antonyms are used in both Serbian and English written discourse are relatively stable and that at least some of the most frequent ones can be viewed as potential triggers of contrast relation in discourse. As Jones (2002) has also suggested, functions of antonyms do not vary in every new context but are systematic and receptive to categorization. The majority of functional classes of antonymy that he has been able to define in his English corpus of journalistic texts can also account for antonymous usage retrieved from the corpus of Serbian, suggesting that contexts of antonymous usage may be structured similarly across languages. This paper aims to investigate the relation between word class that antonym pairs belong to (e.g. adjectives, nouns, verbs, adverbs and prepositions) and their textual functions in Serbian written discourse. 2. Theoretical background This paper is based on Murphy’s (2003) theoretical model of antonymy (as well as all other lexico-semantic relations) in which antonym relation obtains between words in use. Antonymic relation is defined on the basis of minimal difference formulated in the relational principle Relation by Contrast-Lexical Contrast which states that: “A lexical contrast set includes only word-concepts that have all the same contextually relevant properties but one” (Murphy, 2003, p. 170). The differences among antonyms’ entailment relations are due to differences in the semantic structure of the individual words. Those that can be either complementary or contrary describe states that can be conceptualized as all-or-nothing or scalar. Murphy argues that antonymy is conceptual in nature and antonym pairs are always subject to contextual constraints. She also admits that there seems to be a small set of words with special lexicosemantic attraction that are entrenched in memory and perceived as strongly coupled pairings by speakers that she refers to as canonical antonyms. �Corpus–based approaches to antonymy are mostly done in English. Justeson and Katz analyzed the use of adjectival antonymous pairs in the one million Brown corpus of English and showed that “adjectives do indeed tend to co–occur in the same sentence as their antonyms far more frequently than expected by chance” (Justeson & Katz, 1991, p. 18). Fellbaum (1995) conducted the first large scale corpus work that looked at a wider class of antonym pairs, including nouns and verbs and found that antonyms in both groups co–occurred in the same sentence significantly more often than by chance. The largest and most systematic study of discourse functions of English antonyms is provided by Jones (2002) who described the contexts in which 56 antonym pairs co–occurred in the corpus of 280 million words taken from the Independent newspaper in the period of eight years (1988–1996). Just like Fellbaum, Jones noted the existence of lexical and syntactic frames in which antonyms co–occur but he also gave an in– depth analysis and classification of the discourse functions performed by antonyms in such frames. These discourse categories have been found in other genres (spoken English [Jones, 2006, 2007]) and registers of English (child and child–directed speech [Jones & Murphy, 2005; Murphy & Jones, 2008]) and other languages (Swedish [Murphy et al., 2009], Japanese [Muehleisen & Isono, 2009] and Serbian [Kostić, 2011]). 3. Word class and textual functions of antonyms With an aim to identify phrasal contexts in which antonyms co–occur in Serbian written discourse, as well as to classify their main textual functions, Kostić (2011) made a systematic description of phrasal contexts in which canonical antonyms co–occur in the Untagged electronic corpus of the Serbian language. Fifty canonical antonymous pairs were pre–chosen (30 adjectives, 6 nouns, 6 verbs, 6 adverbs and 2 prepositions) and all the sentences (a total of 4,903) in which these pairs co–occurred were analyzed in order to establish the role of the antonymous pair and its lexical and syntactic context. The sentences were grouped according to the textual function of the antonymous phrase in the given context. The lexical and syntactic environment common to the functions of antonyms in text will be referred to as antonymous pattern, a “formulaic structure in which certain grammatical and content words systematically house both members of an antonymous pair” (Kostić, 2011, p. 518). Since the phenomenon of antonymy is not restricted to a single word class, the list of antonyms searched for in the corpus contained antonymous adjectives, as well as nouns, verbs, adverbs and prepositions. This paper aims to �investigate whether the function of antonymy in text is related to word class, and, if it is, what is the relation between grammatical categories that antonyms belong to and their roles in sentential contexts. In order to do this, a total of 4,903 sentences was broken down according to word classes. Table 1 presents the distribution of sentences in relation to word class and functions of antonyms in text: Table 1: Functions of antonyms by word class (raw frequency and percentages) Other (%) Idiom (%) X–Y (%) Mutual exclusivit y (%) Comparis on (%) Change (%) Distinctio n (%) Lexical trigger of contrast Inclusiven (%)(%) ess Adj. Total 1,292 1,018 126 102 56 73 92 236 88 (41.9) (33) (4.1) (3.3) (1.8) (2.4) (3) (7.5) (3) 492 225 60 53 29 78 3 80 54 (45.8) (21) (5.6) (4.9) (2.7) (7.3) (0.3) (7.4) (5) 172 115 - - 4 7 1 5 - 304 (56.6) (37.8) (1.3) (2.3) (0.3) (1.7) Adver 203 104 3 3 2 2 48 13 4 382 bs (53.2) (27.2) (0.8) (0.8) (0.5) (0.5) (12.6) (3.4) (1) Prep. 32 24 - - 2 2 - - - 60 (53.4) (40) (3.3) (3.3) 2,191 1,486 189 158 93 162 144 334 146 4,903 (44,7) (30,3) (3.9) (3.2) (1.9) (3.3) (2.9) (6.8) (3) Nouns Verbs Total 3,083 1,074 3.1 Inclusiveness Antonyms are in this function used to indicate the inclusion of the whole semantic dimension to which the pair belongs. This is the most frequent role in Serbian corpus, as it is present in almost one half of all examples. It is also the most widespread since all fifty pairs �examined are used in this function at least once. Though some variation arises regarding the extent to which the function of inclusiveness is pervasive across different word classes, there is no doubt that it does arise in all word classes examined. For example: (1) Poslednji trijumf Novosađana propraćen je lepim, ali i ružnim stvarima koje su čini se neminovni pratilac našeg boksa. (antonymous adjectives) ‘The latest victory of the team from Novi Sad was accompanied by both beautiful and ugly things that always seem to be present in our boxing sport.’ (2) Dučić je našao večni mir stigavši na Crkvinu, na breg smrti i života. (antonymous nouns) ‘Dučić finally found his eternal peace upon arriving to Crkvina, the hill of death and life.’ (3) Reke čoveku daju, ali i uzimaju. (antonymous verbs) ‘The rivers can both give and take.’ (4) Mnogo je bivših asova ovog kluba koji su tu, blizu, ali i daleko od kluba u kojem su proveli najlepše godine života. (antonymous adverbs) ‘There are a lot of former athletes of this club who are there, both near and far from the club where they have spent the best days of their lives.’ (5) Vatra je progutala celu šumu iznad, ali i ispod puta. (antonymous prepositions) ‘The fire has engulfed the entire forest both above and under the road.’ These examples testify that the immediate environment of each antonymous pair remains unaffected by grammatical class and that the function of the antonymous framework is similar in each example: regardless of whether the antonyms are adjectives, nouns, verbs, adverbs or prepositions, they always signify inclusiveness or exhaustiveness when inserted into this framework. 3.2 Lexical trigger of contrast Antonyms can be used as means of generating contrast between another pair of words, phrases or clauses in the same sentence. Antonyms are the most important signals of contrast owing to the possibility to be used as parameters of simultaneous similarity and difference and �establish another pair as the contrasting one within the same conceptual dimension. This function of antonyms appears to cross grammatical class, as the following examples illustrate: (6) Ovo hapšenje je najodvažniji korak novih vlasti u izvođenju pripadnika starog režima pred pravdu. (ant. adjectives) ‘This arrest is the bravest action of the new authorities in order to take to the court the members of the old regime.’ (7) To je bio kraj slobode i početak ropstva pod Turcima. (ant. nouns) ‘That was the end of liberty and the beginning of slavery under the Turks’. (8) U Srbiji, pak, vlast uvek dobija, a opozicija uvek gubi izbore. (ant. verbs) ‘In Serbia, the position always wins and the opposition always loses the elections.’ (9) Sledeći tom ove knjige je nova vrsta izazova jer je mnogo zvanih, malo odabranih. (ant. adverbs) ‘The next volume of the book is a new kind of challenge since many are called, few are chosen.’ (10) S vrha lestvica mogao je iznad sebe videti sve Brahmaloke, a ispod sebe je video dubine Pakla. (ant. prepositions) ‘From the top of the ladder he could see all the Brahmaloke above himself and the depths of the Hell below.’ 3.3 Distinction Antonyms can mark the parameters of a distinction, either literally or metaphorically, with an aim to emphasise the existence of some kind of difference. In the group of sentences that contain antonyms marking the parameters of a distinction, some word classes were not found in my database. This function of antonyms seems to be suitable for adjectives and nouns, and only marginally for adverbs, whereas there were not any examples featuring antonymous verbs or prepositions. This distribution across word classes could be the consequence of the lexicosyntactic pattern itself, which is more suitable for expressing the difference between things rather than between actions. Pairs of nouns and noun modifiers (i.e. adjectives) are differentiated between more frequently than pairs of verbs (and their modifiers).The following sentences illustrate this: �(11) Neće li to zamagliti razliku između “teških” i “lakih” tema? (ant. adjectives) ‘Isn't that going to blurr the difference between “difficult” and “easy” topics?’ (12) I gde je razlika između istine i laži? (ant. nouns) ‘And where is the difference between a truth and a lie?’ (13) Velika provalija Slovence poslednjih godina deli na levo i desno orjentisane. (ant. adverbs) ‘There is a huge gap that has recently kept the Slovene divided into the left and the right oriented.’ 3.4 Change Antonyms can be used in contexts in which they mark the starting and ending points of a change, either from one place or time period to another or from one state to another. The change can also be a metaphorical transition when one talks about transformation from one state to another. Antonyms are especially suitable for this role, as they occupy opposing poles along the same dimension of similarity. These contexts are also restricted to the classes of adjectives, nouns and only marginally adverbs. The following examples serve as an illustration: (14) Dešava se da ove lake bolesti pređu u teške, kao što su je meningitis. (ant. adj.) ‘It happens that these harmless diseases can turn into the harmful ones, such as meningitis.’ (15) Rat je iz svog početka prerastao direktno u svoj kraj. (ant. nouns.) ‘The war has, from its beginning, directly turned into its end.’ (16) Jer ono što mi se činilo jako daleko sada je postalo blizu. (ant. adverbs) ‘What seemed to be very far away has now become very near.’ 3.5 Comparison Antonyms can help create comparison along the dimension to make a point in the context in which they are used. All these phrasal contexts involve the use of comparative structure, either in the form više x nego y ‘more x than y’ or comparative form of certain adjective can either �precede antonyms or appear between them, followed by od ‘than’. The following examples illustrate all five word classes used to create comparison between antonymous concepts: (17) To je ona generacija, više sita nego gladna. (ant. adj.) ‘That generation is more full than hungry.’ (18) U svetu “koji u zlu leži”, mržnje je bilo uvek više nego ljubavi. (ant. nouns) ‘In a world full of evil, hate has always been more pervasive than love.’ (19) Dakle, iz naše države više se izlazilo nego što se u nju ulazilo. (ant. verbs) ‘Consequently, the number of people who left the country is higher than the number of people who entered.’ (20) E, znaš, da si još napornija kada si daleko nego kada si blizu. (ant. adverbs) ‘Just to let you know, you are even more difficult when you are far away than when you are near.’ (21) Maldivi su više ispod nego iznad mora. (ant. prepositions) ‘The Maldive Islands are situated more below than above the sea level.’ Grammatical class seems to hold relatively little influence over the semantic and pragmatic function served by antonymy in these examples. Such flexibility of word class confirms that the antonymous pairs in the sentences above appear to have been chosen more because of their conceptual opposition than because of any grammatical criteria. 3.6 Mutual exclusivity Antonyms can imply mutual exclusivity within the context in which they are used. In such contexts one member of the pair is negated, typically in the phrase x, a ne y ‘x, and not y’ and ne x, (već) y ‘not x, (but) y’. The omission of the y element in the following sentence would certainly detract from its intended rhetorical effect: (22) Nenadovi su bili novi a ne stari stanari. (ant. adj.) ‘Nenad’s family was new and not old neighbour.’ (23) “To je trougao ljubavi, a ne mržnje”, kaže on, izlazeći iz svog dvora. (ant. nouns) ‘It is a tringle of love, and not hate, he said coming out of his castle.’ �(24) Obe ste lepe i šarmantne, prirodno je da ništa ne dobijate, već da gubite. (ant. verbs) ‘You are both beautiful and charming, and it is natural that you don’t receive but lose.’ (25) Oltar se nalazio ispred apside a ne iza. (ant. prepositions) ‘The altar was in front of the apse, and not behind.’ In all such cases the insertion of the second member of the antonymous pair is essential if the writer wants to convey the intended meaning. It is not surprising that antonyms are exploited to achieve such rhetorical effect. The textual functions of implying mutual exclusivity crosses all word class boundaries and, despite a relatively small number of sentences extracted from the corpus, it yields a fairly even distribution of antonyms across grammatical classes. The data in Table 1 also provide the frequencies of two very specific uses of antonyms that have not been ascribed to any of the functions, namely the contexts in which antonyms are hyphenated (‘X–Y’, e.g. muško-ženske razlike ‘male-female differences’) and the contexts in which antonyms are part of a well known idiom (e.g. kako došlo tako i otišlo ‘easy come easy go’). The frequency of these contexts in any databse depends on the pairs chosen for analysis, since some adjectival, nominal and adverbial pairs from my list are rather often used in such contexts (e.g. adjectival pair crni/beli ‘black/white’ referring to the football club Partisan, adverbial pair levo/desno ‘left/right’ in the phrase gledati levo-desno ‘to look left and right’, etc.) 4. Conclusion Starting from the notion of antonymous pattern, that refers to relatively stable phrasal contexts of antonym co-occurrence in the sentence, adjectival, nominal, verbal, adverbial and prepositional antonyms were investigated in the corpus of contemporary Serbian language, with an aim to establish whether the word class to which the antonymous pair belongs influences the functions that antonyms serve in text. Data evidence some correlation, but this correlation is relatively minor. In all five word classes examined, at least 60% of sentences fall into one of the two major textual functions of antonyms, and in all five word classes the former is more frequent than the latter. On the other hand, some textual functions of antonymy avoid certain word classes entirely (at least in my database) because it is grammatically difficult to house such words within their associated frameworks. In marking the parameters of a distinction and in marking starting and ending points of a change or a transition, there were no verbal and prepositional pairs in my �database. This may suggest that textual functions profile of antonymous verbs and prepositions is slightly different from the profile of other parts of speech. However, there is not any other minor textual function that shares this trait, in which word class distributions are mostly consistent. The general conclusion is that the roles of antonyms in text are not influenced by word class as significantly as one might expect. Language users employ antonymy to serve much the same semantic and pragmatic purposes, regardless of whether those antonyms are adjectives, nouns, adverbs, verbs or prepositions. Being a conceptual relation, antonymy is not only a relation which crosses word classes, it is to the largest degree a relation which functions irrespective of word class. �References Cruse, D. A. (1986). Lexical semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fellbaum, C. (1995). Co-occurrence and antonymy. International Journal of Lexicography, 8(4), 281-303. Jones, S. (2002). Antonymy: a corpus-based perspective. London and New York: Routledge. Jones, S. (2006). Antonym co-occurrence in spoken English. Text and Talk, 26(2), 191-216. Jones, S. (2007). ’Opposites’ in discourse: A comparison of antonym use across four domains. Journal of Pragmatics, 39(6), 1105-1119. Jones, S., & Murphy, M. L. (2005). Using corpora to investigate antonym acquisition. International Journal of Corpus Linguistics, 10(3), 401-422. Justeson, J. S., & Katz, S. M. (1991). Co-occurrences of antonymous adjectives and their contexts. Computational linguistics, 17, 1-19. Kostić, N. (2011). Antonymous frameworks in Serbian written discourse: phrasal contexts of antonym co–occurrence in text. Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics, 47(3), 509-537. Kostić, N. (2013). Antonimija u diskursu. [Antonymy in Discourse]. Podgorica: University of Montenegro. Lehrer, A., & Lehrer, K. (1982). Antonymy. Linguistics and Philosophy, 5(4), 483-501. Lyons, J. (1977). Semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Muehleisen, V., & Isono, M. (2009). Antonymous adjectives in Japanese discourse. Journal of Pragmatics, 41(11), 2185-2203. Murphy, G. L., & Andrew, J. M. (1993). The conceptual basis of antonymy and synonymy in adjectives. Journal of Memory and Language, 32(3), 301-319. Murphy, M. L. (2003). Semantic relations and the lexicon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Murphy, M. L., & Jones, S. (2008). Antonyms in children’s and child-directed speech. First Language, 28(4), 403-430. �Murphy, M. L., Paradis, C., Willners, C., & Jones, S. (2009). Discourse functions of antonymy: a cross linguistic investigation of Swedish and English. Journal of Pragmatics, 41(11), 2159-2184. Ogden, C. K. (1967). Opposition: a linguistic and psychological analysis. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2918 Title A name given to the resource WORD CLASS AND TEXTUAL FUNCTIONS OF ANTONYMS: A CORPUS STUDY Author Author Kostić, Nataša Abstract A summary of the resource. Antonymy is traditionally regarded as a paradigmatic relation, but recent studies of antonym co–occurrence in written discourse have shown that it can be investigated as a syntagmatic relation as well. Such investigations in the Untagged electronic corpus of Serbian identified two major and four minor functions of antonyms in discourse and its accompanying lexico-syntactic patterns, matching the results of similar analyses in English, Japanese, Swedish and Dutch. This paper presents a research on the relation between word class that antonym pairs belong to (e.g. adjectives, nouns, verbs, adverbs and prepositions) and their textual functions in Serbian written discourse. It is hypothesized that language users employ antonymous pairs in text irrespective of their grammatical class. The general conclusion is that the roles of antonyms in text are not influenced by word class as significantly as one might expect. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-09 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed P Philology. Linguistics https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/37139a6489fe5a4d8e25c328b36549f4.pdf 0ef4af87a0479e201535e1509b720863 PDF Text Text LANGUAGE AND GENDER DIFFERENCE IN DISCOURSE Lendita Kryeziu University of Gjakova & University of Prishtina, Kosovo Article History: Submitted: 12.06.2015 Accepted: 30.06.2015 Abstract Many empirical researches on Gender and language have been conducted by numerous sociolinguists in order of finding out the relationship between them. These differences between women’s and men’s language consisted in terms of phonology, lexis, syntax, dominance and difference in discourse analysis. Some other studies have investigated the influence of female male language differences on maintaining the imbalance power between the two genders. This paper will aim at finding out the relationship between gender and language in political debates in Albanian and English while trying to identify the impact of gender based language in displaying the difference and dominance in conversational interaction. Political debates in English and Albanian will be analyzed in order to distinguish cross gender and cross language differences through the use of linguistic and discourse features such as: turn taking, dominance, minimal response, overlaps, hedges, interruptions etc. Key words: language, gender difference, discourse, dominance, interruptions. �1. Introduction Throughout history in different cultures, religions, and nations existed stereotypical belief that women speak more than men as well as sayings that women should not speak in public, but leave that to men, in other words: ‘women are words and men are actions’. Even today in the Kosovo’s institution such as the parliament of Kosovo, in which women are presented in percentage of 30% have been distributed some folders to its members which included some proverbs dedicated to women, some of them being very discriminating and prejudicial towards women’s character such as:”Silence is the only gold that women posses” and “Silence and modesty are the women’s most beautiful jewelry” Very controversial sayings for women who are supposed to represent people’s interest by discussing in the parliament’s podium. Moreover the women’s network of Kosova on the other side reacted at the declaration of the vice prime minister of Kosova, Hajredin Kuçi in the last session of the assembly who stated that:” he does not want to deal with women, but with men” (Tahiri.L: 2013) That woman are talkative and speak more than men, there are many sayings in English and Albanian that support this belief: “There are two types of women, those that speak always, and those that never remain silent” (O. Wild), and “Women have become talkative because of the man’s power that deprived them of everything except of the tongue” (J.Xoxa) Do women speak more than men in political debates? On whose side is dominance? Who gets the floor in Albanian and English political debates? Does language that women use differ from the language that men use in Albanian and English? “What are the cross gender differences? What are the differences between Albanian and English debates? Whose language variety is more prestigious, the women’s or the men’s? These are the questions that will be addressed in this research and the answers to these research questions will be sought through ought the research. 2. Literature Review about Language and Gender There are some early recordings on the difference between women’s and men’s language variety in Albanian according to the foreign Albanologist Maximilian Lambertz, who succeeded in introducing us the spoken variant of the Maliza Arbresh, while penetrating in their social ‘tissue’. �He is the first of the dialectologists who studied the mixture of the Arbresh language with that of Italian, while distinguishing women’s language. He stated that:”Language of every Arberesh individual is traversed by Italian elements the more he moves out of his village, and has to deal with Italians. Because of this reason, women’s language is purer for some degrees than that of men’s” (M.Lambertz, 1923) cited in (Gj.Shkurtaj , 2009 ;365) Similarly Albanian men of Mandrica (Bulgaria) because of their business dealings and encounters with Greeks, Bulgarians, and Turks were polyglots in contrast to women who were not able to speak different languages. Thus, according to Bojka Sokolova(1967) cited in GJ. Shkurtaj ; Albanian women of Mandrica, and elsewhere in Albanian and Arbresh Diaspora, have always shown an emphasized spirit in preserving native language and other ethno cultural features of their mother land . We have to deal here with the phenomenon which can be exemplified with the conditions which these women were subjugated to in the past by not attending school, not leaving their place for a long time, and having nothing to do with Bulgarians or other nationalities. For these reasons, nowadays you can find in Mandrica older women that are not able to speak Bulgarian but they speak a pure Albanian instead. While, in relation to language perseverance and conservativism ,Jespersen states that women are more conservative than men, they keep the traditional language that they learnt from their parents and they hand on to their children, while innovations are due to the initiative of men (Cameron, D 1998:229). Mainly because of the differences that existed between men and women, regarding tradition, labor division, temperament and character in Albanian region, cities and villages, these differences existed in speaking varieties as well, such as; terminology, lexical choices that women used in their daily life, housework, cooking, cleaning, baby talk towards their children etc. �On the other hand, with the improvement of social conditions for women, education, employment, gender equality, the development of internet and technology, these differences became smaller, while women gaining a new status in all social spheres of life. 2.1 Language cross gender differences influenced by powerlessness awareness. That women are less powerful than men in life, public sphere and politics and that they are expected to be polite, obedient, indirect, talk less and assertive, Robin Lakoff tells a story about the seven swans:” A girl’s seven brothers are changed into swans. She can transform them back into men only by sitting in a tree for seven years sewing them shirts out of daisies. If she utters one word during this period, she will fail. She succeeds, despite terrible obstacles. The moral: silence and obedience are the path to success for a women” (Lakoff.R, 2003: 162) Similarly, in the terms of men’s power Ronald Wardhaugh gives an example:” There is also a very interesting example from English of a woman being advised to speak more like a man in order to fill a position previously filled only by men. Margaret Thatcher was told that her voice did not match her position as British Prime Minister: she sounded too ‘shrill.’ She was advised to lower the pitch of her voice, diminish its range, and speak more slowly, and thereby adopt an authoritative, almost monotonous delivery to make herself heard.” (Wardhaugh,R. 2011; 337) On the other hand, sociological studies have made known that women are more prone to use linguistic forms thought to be ‘better’ or more ‘correct’ than those used by men. Trudgill provides two reasons for this. Firstly, women in our society are generally more status-conscious than men, and therefore more sensitive to linguistic norms- an idea known as hyper-correction. Secondly, “working-class speech…has connotations of or associations with masculinity, which may lead men to be more favorably disposed to non-standard linguistic forms than women.” ( Trudgill: 1983: 162) Women also tend to hypercorrect more than men, especially in the lower middle class. The definition of hypercorrection is:” the erroneous use of a word form or pronunciation based on a false analogy with a correct or prestigious form, such as between you and I for the standard between you and me”. Thus, the women tended to hypercorrect more than men because they tried to use prestigious variety of language for the reason of having been felt deprived from privileged social status. �Moreover, women may be using linguistic resources as a way to achieve status which they were deprived from. Since women have long been denied equality with men as far as educational and employment opportunities are concerned, these are not reliable indicators of a woman's status or the status she aspires to. Although the marketplace establishes the value of men in economic terms, the only kind of capital a woman can accumulate is symbolic. She can be a "perfect" housewife, a "perfect" mother, a "loyal" wife, a “reliable” friend, a “devoted” believer, a “dedicated” citizen and so on, with respect to the community's norms and stereotypes for appropriate female behavior. In this logic, the use of the standard might be seen as yet another reflection of women’s powerlessness in the public sphere. This interpretation accorded well with one of the assumptions made by early gender scholar such as Lakoff (1975), who saw women’s language as the “language of powerlessness” In Albanian culture and tradition, in pre-war time, men were considered as the main and the only means for providing for their families. Women were less employed, less educated and discriminated. They were occupied with housework, raising children, preparing food for the visitors who were welcomed in separate rooms for men guests known as “oda e burrave”, according to Albanian society norms and traditions. Thus being separated from men in general and mail guests in particular, unemployed and uneducated, spending their free time doing handicrafts for their daughters’ dowry surrounded by other women, they developed a quite different language variety from that of men’s. 3. Cross gender Phonological differences in English and Albanian Numerous studies and researches have been conducted by Trudgill, Labov, Millroy and Martin while investigating linguistic features such as phonological variability of male and female differences. The aim, on the one hand, was to identify the stratification of these variables and, on the other hand, to find support for the means of synchronic change. Women were found to be closer to a prestige norm (Received Pronunciation) than men. Therefore, from a large number of now classic findings emerging repeatedly, it is verified that there are also strong correlations between patterns of social stratification and gender. One of these sociolinguistic patterns is that women, regardless of other social characteristics such as class, age, etc., tended to use more standard forms than men (Trudgill, 1974) study in Norwich of �the variable (-ing), that is alternation between alveolar /n/ and a velar-nasal /-ng/ in words withing endings such as reading, singing, In relation to the variables of social class, style, and gender. Similarly Labov found out that there are some phonological variations between sexes in pronunciation of /əeh/ and /oh/. Accordingly:” …a close examination will show that women show more concentration in the extreme values, especially for /oh/. The progressions of the number informants in each category show that men and women follow the same stylistic variation, but that the total shift of the women speakers is much greater. The tendency of women to follow an extreme pattern of stylistic variation which we may call hypercorrection is an important aspect of the structure of New York City English.” (W.Labov, 2006; 196) Whereas according to Gj. Shkurtaj regarding phonological and pronunciation differences between men and women in Albanian language it states that: “From our research even though not elaborated enough, we can say that there is a kind of difference between men and women’s discourse in the field of pronunciation. It appears that from the previous observations in the city of Tirana and in many southern countries, the pronunciation of the phoneme /rr/ as a mono vibrant /r/ is a more occurring feature in female gender than in male gender. Likewise, the forms with /r/ are more frequent in standard language, and maybe in a way, indicators of being from the capital or other southern cities of Albania, whereas vibrant /rr/, draws upward towards northern parts “ (Gj.Shkurtaj, 2009 ; 372) Additionally;” Women, it seems, are considerably more disposed than men to upgrade themselves into the middle-class and less likely to allocate themselves to the working-class - a finding which confirms the common observation that status consciousness is more pronounced among women”. (Martin 1954:58) According to Labov, ”women in the lower middle class, lead in the introduction of the new standard forms, of many of the phonological variables studied in the United states, The UK, and other industrialized countries such as Sweden, while men tend to lead in instances of change from below” (Labov, W. 1990) 4. Cross gender lexical differences in English and Albanian �Nevertheless women raising children use ‘baby talk’ language variety which is not common for Albanian mail mentality, they curse more than men and do not swear or use taboo words. Accordingly: “From the currently available research, even though not explored enough, it turns out, however, that women speak in a different manner from men. Often they possess a different lexis of their own especially for intimate parts or phenomena of feminine life and in everyday speech in general which is distinguished from men’s language, even from their spouses or adult sons.”(Gj.Shkurtaj, 2009; 365) Moreover Linguistic means used by women to express their thoughts, beliefs, feelings and ideas, unveil the truth about their social status and interaction that through many years have placed them in marginal position, and forced on them rules and regulations. This is clearly reflected even nowadays in women’s language that can be unquestionably described in forms of hesitations and euphemisms. There is also a difference in cross gender language in the use of euphemisms in Albanian and according to Eqrem Ҫabej: ” Women in their language, even for the phrase ‘to kill someone’ they say: ‘e nxiruan, e shkretuan, e përmbisnë’ .For the ‘deceased’, women use the words: ‘i ziu, i nxiri’ whereas men mainly use the words’ i shkreti, in Skrapar; ‘i shuari’, in North ; ‘i mjeri’. Such expressions are the features of the ‘women’s language’ (language des femmes) (E.Ҫabej,1978; 23) “Similar sorts of disparities exist elsewhere in the vocabulary. There is, for instance, a group of adjectives which have, besides their specific and literal meanings, another use, that of indicating the speaker's approbation or admiration for something. Some of these adjectives are neutral as to sex of speaker: either men or women may use them. But another set seems, in its figurative use, to be largely confined to women's speech. Representative lists of women only adjectives are: adorable charming, sweet, lovely, divine and intensifiers such as: “awfully”, “pretty”, “terribly”, “quite” (Lakoff,1973; 51) Further on, Lakoff states that there is also a difference in the use of lexical items such as the case of color names: “Women, then, make far more precise discriminations in naming colors than do men; words like beige, ecru, aquamarine, lavender, and so on, are unremarkable in a women's active vocabulary, but absent from that of most men. I have seen a man helpless with suppressed �laughter at a discussion between two other people as to whether a book-jacket was to be described as 'lavender' or 'mauve'. Men find such discussion amusing because they consider such a question trivial, irrelevant to the real world”. (Lakoff, 1973; 49) Whereas in Albanian language, women, in their speech are prone to using diminutive suffixes, mostly in a liking way for example:, çikirush, bukuloshe, zemerushe, dali im, picirruki im etc.; they tend to use a lot of the superlative forms of adjectives like: shumë e zonja, jashtëzakonisht e bukur, shumë e pavyer, tepër elegante, shumë shtirëse, etc Albanian women’s gender specified language can be illustrated by the use of some linguistic structures such as wishes, curses, euphemistic expressions, etc, because women are predisposed in believing in paranormal phenomena such as, bad augur, bad luck and redemption. This can be presented with the frequent use of expressions such as: pika i raftë! , dreqi në bark i hiftë, syri i keq mos e paftë, t’shtifsha n’dhe! t’plaçin syt, t’u thafshin durtë, t’daltë e dala, etc. 5. Cross gender syntactic differences Apart from phonological and lexical differences between women’s and men’s language some syntactic differences may be identified as well and according to Robin Lakoff:” When we leave the lexicon and venture into syntax, we find that syntactically too women's speech is peculiar. To my knowledge, there is no syntactic rule in English that only women may use. But there is at least one rule that a woman will use in more conversational situations than a man. (This fact indicates, of course, that the applicability of syntactic rules is governed partly by social context the positions in society of the speaker and addressee, with respect to each other, and the impression one seeks to make on the other.) This is the rule of tag-question formation.” (Lakoff, 1973; 53) Therefore, using tag questions or declarative statements with rising final intonations when the speaker lacks confidence and wants confirmation from the addressee or in the cases when the speaker is certain about the information but in order to facilitate conversation requires yes or no questions from the addressee are features of women speech. Naturally, men also use tag questions but their intention mainly is asking for exact answers not because they lack confidence in declaring the statement. Such features are probably part of the general fact that women's �speech sounds much more 'polite' than men's. Aspect of politeness is as we have just described: leaving a decision open, not imposing your mind, or views, or claims, on anyone else. It is considered that women’s language is more standard and polite than that of a men’s language, but nowadays you can find women who swear, especially teens maybe for the reason of fitting in into the modernity’s norms. Accordingly: “Often we listen to the swearing from the mouths of children, teens, adults, even from women itself. From the examples presented in the dictionary, we can conclude that men swear more than women, but women also swear more than it was expected from them traditionally, and especially when they accompanied by the same sex.”(Ibrahimi, M. 2009; 32) 6. Dominance and difference in mixed gender discourse Obviously, men and women differ in their beliefs, perceptions and mainly in their use of language and according to Haas:” Male speech and female speech have been observed to differ in their form, topic, content and use. Early writers were largely introspective in their analyses; more recent work has begun to provide empirical evidence. Men may be more loquacious and directive; they use more nonstandard forms, talk more about sports, money and business, and frequently refer to time, space, quantity, and objects. Women are often more supportive, polite, and expressive, talk more about home and family, use more words implying feeling, evaluation, interpretation, and psychological state” (Haas, 1979). On the other hand, popular works by Deborah Tannen show that that while men view conversations as a way to establish and maintain status and dominance in relationships, women see the purpose of conversation to create and foster an intimate bond with the other party by talking about topical problems and issues they are communally facing (Tannen, 1990). One way of maintaining dominance in conversation in mix gendered group is through interruption as cited in West and Zimmerman (1983) that men dominate women by interrupting them in conversation. Whereas, other academic research argues that women use less powerful speech: they tend to swear less, speak more politely, and use more tag questions and intensifiers (Lakoff, 1975). Women also are inclined to interrupt less than men do; researchers have hypothesized that this is possibly because of their apparent lower status to men and due to community norms that impose this gender status hierarchy. Tannen continues to summarize the differences between men and �women at the basic level, such as:” If women speak and hear a language of connection and intimacy, while men speak and hear a language of status and independence, then communication between men and women can be like cross-cultural communication, prey to a clash of conversational styles. Instead of different dialects, it has been said they speak different genderlects. (Tannen, 1990 ; 18) Therefore, conversational patterns in cross gender studies offer evidence for the essential difference between men's and women's linguistic performance by the means of question tags and interruptions. Other linguistic tools which display the difference between women’s and men’s language use is the amount of speech and control of topic. Interruptions are manifested through the violations of the rules of conversation. According to Sacks/Schegloff/Jefferson's (1974) model of the structure of conversation, turns of speech are assigned such that the current speaker has the largest options. Overlaps are done at the end of the first speaker's turn and the beginning of the next speaker's turn. Moreover, overlaps in interaction are generally considered as facilitating conversational tools. Finally, another facilitating strategy is the use of minimal responses such as: aha, uhm, ehe etc . During the turn of the first speaker the addressee will provide agreement or encouragement through these interjections 7. Methodology used for the research With the goal of answering hypothetical questions presented in the introduction such as: Do women speak more than men in political debates? On whose side is dominance? Who gets the floor in Albanian and English political debates? Does language that women use differ from the language that men use in Albanian and English? “What are the cross gender differences? What are the differences between Albanian and English debates? Whose language variety is more prestigious, the women’s or the men’s? The research will be done while observing and analyzing three political TV debates of mixed gender in Albanian and three of those in English. These debates were chosen because there is one to one discourse interaction; therefore it is easier to measure the duration of speech, the longest speech turn, dominance, interruptions and differences in the spoken discourse. 8. Differences in language use in three debates in Albanian �In three political debates male discourse consisted of informal speech, using hedges like “ o burrë” (o man) - 2x, addressed female speaker, cynical laughter -3X, “haj zoti na rujt”, “a jini bre n’veti?” “po shkoni po ju mani ders”. Folk proverbial sayings like:”Punen e sotit mos e le per neser” and “ Katuni që shihet nuk do kallauz” Whereas, female discourse was more standard avoiding informal speech. The female speakers reminded male speakers that they had been talking for half an hour with: Lem te perfundoj , se une fillova ,” qasje e këtillë, arrogance e këtillë”. Other non-standard forms and expressions having many errors were found in male discourse such as: ”erov”, ‘ ket’, ‘qy qy’ ‘m’fal bre’ ‘do te perkrahmi’, ‘per Shqiprije’, ‘i ter kostoja’, ‘pruar’, ‘10 ditev’, ‘kam nje mbeshtetje te fuqishem’ Female discourse was more standard by even using some foreign phrases such as ‘facilituar’ hektike, ‘abstrahim’ ‘ekselent’ ect. There were many interruptions conducted by male counterpart and some of the interruptions were done through cynical laughter. 9. Differences in language use in three debates in English The differences in language use between female and male candidates consisted in the use of some informal expressions such as: ‘What the heck’, ‘that’s baloney’, ‘that’s absolute baloney’ and idiomatic expressions such as: “you let the chips lay where they may” and “we can’t bury our heads in the sands” by the male candidate. There was also cynical laughter by the male side. On the other side, female discourse contains richer terminology; their speech is more standard avoiding informal expressions and there were citations from famous personalities such as Benjamin Franklin’s quote:”If we sacrifice liberty for the sake of security, we will wind up losing both”. Female language is full of adjectives and intensifiers such as:”remarkable’ remarkably X 3, incredible, dreadful, and great’. The differences in the language use between two speakers in the second debate consists in the use of some idiomatic expressions by the male side: “With one hand you give it, with the other you take it”, “glass half empty, glass half full”, “they are getting the short end of the stick”, “you get knocked down, you get up and start again”. Whereas the female candidate uses the citations such as mr. Reagan’s quote:” Freedom is always one generation away from extinction, �we don’t pass it to our children in their blood stream. We have to fight for it, and protect it and hand it to them” Female discourse on the other side tends to be more polite whereas male discourse consists of some other informal expressions such as: “heck a lot better” “my goodness” “blla blla blla” towards female speakers 10. Conclusion The findings of the debates analyses clearly show that there are significantly differences between women’s and men’s language in Albanian and in English in particular, as well as the differences that exist between debates in Albanian and English in general. The differences mainly consist in the use of standard speech by the side of women both in Albanian and English. Men are mostly found in using informal expressions in Albanian and English in general. Some of the women according to debate analyses have used far more adjectives and intensifiers than men did. From the results it can be concluded that in Albanian debates longest speech duration was on the men’s side as well as the longest speaking turns. As far as interruptions are concerned in Albanian debates, women are found in making more interruptions than men. Regarding debates in English, the longest speech duration was on the women’s side, in three debate samples, whereas, the longest speaking turns are found to be on the men’s side. Women in both cases, in English and Albanian tried to be more polite, whereas men are found to perform a cynical laughter in most cases as a response to women’s statements. The most significant difference between debates in English and Albanian is respecting the coo speaker in the debate by not interrupting them, but using time reasonably in rebuttals for answers �References Cameron,D. (1998). “Gender and Language Ideologies” published in “The Handbook of language and gender” (2003) Blackwell publishing Ltd Coulmas,F. (1998) .”The Handbook of Sociolinguistics” Blackwell publishing Ltd. Ҫabej, E. (1978) .”Studime gjuhësore IV”.Prishtinë Eckert,P. and McConnell, -Ginet ,S. (2003)“Language and Gender” Cambridge University Press Haas, A. (1979) .”Male and female soken language differences; Stereotypes and evidence. Philological Bulletin Holmes, J. Meyerhoff, M. (2003). “The handbook of Language and Gender” .Blackwell Publishing.Ltd Ibrahimi, M. (2009) “Fjalor i zhargoneve dhe eufemizmave shqiptare” Interlingua Labow, W. (1990). “The intersection of sex and social class in the course of linguistic change” Labow, W. (2006). “The social stratification of English in New York City”. Washington,DC, Centre for applied linguistics Lakoff,R. (Apr., 1973). “Language and Woman's Place” : Cambridge University Press. Vol. 2, No. 1 pp. 45-80 Martin, F. (1954). "Some Subjective Aspects of Social Stratification". Social Mobility in Great Britain. London. Romaine ,S. (2003) “Variation in Language and Gender”: Handbook of Language and Gender. Blacwell Sunderland,J. (2006) .”Language and Gender: An Advanced Resource Book” . Routledge Applied Linguistics �Shkurtaj, Gj. (2009). Sociolinguistika e shqipes; Nga dialektologjia te etnografia e te folurit. Tirana: Shtepia botuese Moravia. Tahiri.L. (2013) Gjuha dhe lufta e ideve. Shtepia botuese Naimi Tannen, D.(1990). “You just don’t understand” New York Tannen, D.(1993).”Gender and conversational interaction” Oxford University Press Trudgill, P.( 1983). “Sociolinguistics. An Introduction to Language and Society”. Revised Edition. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Wardhaugh , R.(2010) “An Introduction to Sociolinguistics”. Wiley- Blackwell UK � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2915 Title A name given to the resource LANGUAGE AND GENDER DIFFERENCE IN DISCOURSE Author Author Kryeziu, Lendita Abstract A summary of the resource. Many empirical researches on Gender and language have been conducted by numerous sociolinguists in order of finding out the relationship between them. These differences between women’s and men’s language consisted in terms of phonology, lexis, syntax, dominance and difference in discourse analysis. Some other studies have investigated the influence of female - male language differences on maintaining the imbalance power between the two genders. This paper will aim at finding out the relationship between gender and language in political debates in Albanian and English while trying to identify the impact of gender based language in displaying the difference and dominance in conversational interaction. Political debates in English and Albanian will be analyzed in order to distinguish cross gender and cross language differences through the use of linguistic and discourse features such as: turn taking, dominance, minimal response, overlaps, hedges, interruptions etc. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-09 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed P Philology. Linguistics https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/09b18f8924d7c2e0b43f795cb22a5fc0.pdf f0d360de490790f735422cebcc8c0f60 PDF Text Text EXTENDING BEYOND THE CLASSROOM: SEMIOTICS AND CULTURE IN EFL COURSES Lejla Kucukalic Khalifa University, Abu Dhabi Article History: Submitted: 07.06.2015 Accepted: 21.06.2015 Abstract: This essay describes a semiotic analysis exercise designed to enhance students’ cultural and critical literacy, a skill necessary for language comprehension, pragmatics, and proficiency (Liton and Madanat). Rather than observing and comparing cultures as monolithic and unchangeable, students are encouraged to develop complex cultural understanding based on the reading of their surrounding semiosphere. Following Yuri Lotman’s concept of “semiosphere,” defined as a totality of signs in a certain system, students apply semiotic analysis on their local physical and media space in order to understand the signifying processes in their hybrid cultural environment. Rather than looking at the target culture as a separate Other, students observe the incursion of that culture into their own environment. The relevance of this approach is ensured by the system of signs in the Gulf – its semiosphere - being heavily influenced by mixing of Arabic and English, as well as Filipino/Tagalog, Bengali, and Hindi languages, by entertainment and media outlets of multiple cultures, and the logoed and branded presence of multinational companies. The semiosphere of the Gulf involves an array of signals that function both on the global and local scale, what Yuri Lotman describes as “a semiotic continuum filled with multi-variant semiotic models situated at a range of levels.” The exercise described in this paper invites students to use semiotics for analysis of culture and its objects, in turn increasing their integrated motivation, their agency, and their cultural literacy by getting them involved in “the processes of reflection and negotiation through which shared cultural understanding emerges” (Weninger and Kiss) �while relying on standard practical techniques for teaching culture in the EFL classroom, “noticing,” “prediction,” and “research” (Cullen and Sato). Keywords: semiotics, semiosphere, cultural literacy, glocalization, global citizenship. �1. Introduction: Teaching Culture in EFL Courses Research indicates that students’ comprehension and language skills require intercultural competence and instruction (Byram and Feng, 2004; Risager, 2011). Liton and Madanat (2013) also show a range of scholarship supporting the notion: successful EFL communication depends on “the understanding [of] the cross-cultural matrix” (p. 37). Aside from being influenced by non-linguistic factors and intrinsic connections between language and culture, however, language comprehension is also increasingly influenced by “diversification of culture and learning” (Liton and Madanat, p. 39-40). In the Gulf countries and the UAE, where this study was conducted, the need to address the influence of globalization on culture and language learning is evident, emphasized by the strong international presence wherein expats comprise as much as 80% of the UAE population. Such presence of foreignness creates “areas of multiple cultural meanings” that interact and compete with one another (Lotman, 2005, p. 211). An intercultural learning environment surrounds many EFL speakers, including those of the UAE. Therefore, in order to better understand the target culture, students need not only to understand its origin points, but the incursions of the target culture (English-speaking) into their own environment. 2. Hybrid Culture, Global Learning The situation in the Gulf reflects a wider trend toward cultural hybridity and globalization, including education. Students in the UAE represent a larger group of “learners who engage with globalized popular culture” that forge new identities and ways of language use (Higgins, ix) 1 . As the goals of EFL courses reach beyond the grammatical and communicative competence and into the teaching of culture, this raises a central question of the current EFL pedagogy: what kind of “culture” is being taught and presented to students? �Here, too, researchers increasingly agree that the view of ‘culture’ as monolithic and unchangeable does not provide an effective approach to teaching it (Weninger and Kiss, 2014). In his book on educating the nationals to become teachers of English in the UAE, Matthew Clarke (2008) writes about cultural reductionism of researchers who overgeneralize and overdetermine the Islamic-Arab identity of the Emirati students and their relationship to their teachers. “The problem with these views,” writes Clarke, “is that they rely on an essentialized notion of culture that is potentially reductive and is unable to do justice to the complexity of history and society in the UAE. Moreover, they ignore past and present contestations over the meaning of the ‘values’” that might be formatting the glocal culture” (p. 21). Clarke’s argument shows that cultural reductionism exists in defining and viewing both the host culture and the target culture. Aiming toward an expanded understanding of teaching of culture that would involve diversity and glocality expands the aims and goals of EFL instruction2. Weninger and Kiss argue that “teaching culture today has moved beyond the integration of cultural content into the language syllabus. It aims to develop the learners’ ‘global cultural consciousness’ (Kumaravadivelu, 2008) and promote their ‘intercultural citizenship’ (Byram, 2011)” (2014, p. 714). Clarke echoes the idea by stating that “what is needed are constructs that move beyond this [limited] framework and allow for a more dynamic, developmental view of both individuals and society” (22). Beyond learning a language and the associated culture, students are encouraged to become intercultural communicators, proficient in global transactions. The culture that they need to learn might involve multiple perspectives and identities, different generations, and modernized traditions. The standard ways of bringing culture into the classroom include “pedagogical use of authentic materials and techniques” such as video, film, and newspapers, (Liton and Madanat, 2013, p. 10); “proverbs, role playing and culture capsules,” the latter containing objects from the target culture (Purba 2011, p.52-3) and “giving learners experience of interacting with native speakers” through internet, e-mail, and electronic conferencing (Byram and Feng, 2004 p. 152). While important, many of these methods assume an �acute and clearly defined distance between the host and the target culture. Instead, the patterns of migration, travel, and intercultural exchange are so prevalent that they challenge “key concepts in applied linguistics such as language socialization, acculturation, and identity reconstruction” (Higgins, p. ix). Byram and Feng quote work or researchers such as Kramer (1995) and Zarate (2003), who call for “new purposes and re-definitions of language study to respond to ‘epistemological shifts occurring in academia’ (Kramer, 1995, p XIV).” This includes Zarate’s concept of “third space” and “stressing the significance of in between or border locations … as nation states and national identities fuse and change” ” (Byram and Feng, 2004 p. 152). 3. Semiotic Analysis Assignment and Lotman’s Semiosphere An effective way to understand and approach cultural hybridity in language instruction and to further understand the cultural and textual border spaces is through Yuri Lotman’s concept of “a semiosphere,” defined as a totality of signs in a given system. As Lotman states, “semiosphere is a specific sphere, possessing signs, which are assigned to the enclosed space” (Lotman 2005: 207). Likening the dynamics of biosphere to semiosphere, Lotman asserts that “in reality, clear and functionally mono-semantic systems do not exists in isolation” (p. 207). Lotman describes how a series of textual encounters and semiotic processes form any given semiosphere (p. 207). Therefore, semiosphere possesses “the structural heterogeneity” that implies myriad localized and temporal details, a diversity and hybridity of “a semiotic continuum” of culture (208). Lotman also argues that texts in a semiosphere can serve as “boundary mechanisms” that attempt to “connect two hostile cultural spaces” or that replace the central texts with the peripheral ones (p. 211). Subsequently, Lotman offers a concept of the dynamic cultural space in which meaningful exchanges occur on a variety of levels. Following Lotman’s idea of an environment structured by an interaction of its signs, an assignment was created asking students to examine their physical and media semiosphere. Students were instructed to re-view their surroundings, from architecture to ads, as an array of signs that create meaning and send a message. Next, students were �asked to trace the spreading of signs originating in the West – such as logos, slogans, and commercials -- in the local landscape and mediascape. In order to prepare, students read Naomi Klein’s essay on the intrusion of ads and corporate signs into the private and shared public spaces (1999, No Logo). Next, they read some brief pieces about advertising techniques, watched and examined selected images, newspapers, and videoclips, and participated in the class discussion. Finally, they were asked to look at images, logos, slogans and video clips from their semiosphere, to identify particularly ubiquitous ones, and to interpret their message in order to argue how these signs that they encounter daily shape their culture3. Students were shown how to read and analyze commercial signs and ads from the surrounding semiosphere, in part following Klein’s idea that “logos, by the force of ubiquity, have become the closest thing we have to an international language, recognized and understood in many more places than English” (2009, p. xi). Their assignment instructions were to find a recurring and pervasive commercial image from their environment, identify and describe those images, associated symbols, and comment on the techniques of persuasion. They were advised to pay attention to photographic and editing effects, and to comment on the emotions and the story-telling involved in their chosen ad. They were also asked to refer to Klein’s ideas and to specific advertising techniques discussed in class. Finally, students were encouraged to voice their own personal reaction to the ads, together with the comments and reactions that they might have gleaned first-hand from other observers. 4. Results: Expanding Beyond the Classroom The semiotic analysis assignment yielded a variety of responses and papers on the intrusion of the commercial ‘language’ into the public, communal, and individual space – the Gulf’s semiosphere. Here is a brief review of three representative papers. First is a student who wrote an essay titled “Hello Happiness” about �“an ad that shows a phone booth [Coca Cola company] calls “Hello Happiness” that allows poor workers in Dubai to make a phone call to their families and friends outside the country by using Coca Cola bottle caps instead of coins. In Klein’s book, she analyzes ideas and facts about such ads in communities and how corporations invade our privacy and public spaces by publishing their brands everywhere. According to Klein, these corporations also harm society.” This student goes on to show how, by using nostalgia, diversion and “weasel words” – all advertising techniques introduced in our class – the company profits from promoting “unhealthy risks to the laborers,” illustrating the increasing “connection between [branding,] products and lifestyle.” The students shows that Coca Cola inserts itself into the lives of laborers, as well as middle class viewers (by re-assuring them that the workers are, indeed, happy), offering its products as a solution to otherwise serious situations: “So what if every Coke came with extra happiness?” Another student, analyzing an omnipresent ad for a Nespresso machine featuring George Clooney, concludes that the company “falsely sells us luxury and exclusivity, with only a side of coffee.” She points out how “a massive image of George drinking his espresso, staring deep into your eyes and giving off a slight smile” encourages mall dwellers to actually visit the Nesspresso store and purchase its products. But, this student notes, the celebrity face also looks at us from the airplane seats before take off and from the streets of Dubai while driving. The message, according to my student, that “no matter who you are or what you do, you will always be treated like a star” in Nesspresso universe, capitalizes on the celebrity culture that, too, is imported and aggressively distributed worldwide. Similarly, the third student concludes: “McDonald’s is everywhere in Dubai!” She analyzes “the most recognized McDonald’s ad in Dubai – the ‘McDonald’s McArabia: True to Traditions” campaign, showing how the company is “targeting Arab families” and trying “not only to sell a lifestyle, but also trying to invade our public and private spaces,” following Klein. “The McArabia ad in my opinion is an ideal example of what �Klein was trying to designate about the intrusion of products since the ad is being forced upon the viewers in their daily lives, whether while watching a movie or driving to work.” This student concludes that she personally is quite affected by the McArabia’s careful representation of family values, confessing that she goes to McDonald’s “not for the taste, but for the (false) sense of community” that the company offers through this campaign. 5. Conclusion In their overview of scholarship on teaching of culture in EFL courses, Byram and Feng note that, based on recent publications in Language Teaching, they “concluded that intervention and development work is currently often focused on the ‘problems’ of difference and distance, and how to overcome them” (2004, p. 152). In the assignment described above, students come to understand that the cultural “Other” resides at a lesser distance than originally imagined (the “Other,” in fact, might be becoming “the same” through homogenizing forces of global capitalism). They also develop awareness that 1) meaning is created through a multiplicity of signs beside language; 2) that ‘culture’ is not monolithic and unchanging; and 3) that they have the ability and opportunity to decode complex intercultural phenomena around them. In turn, students’ integrative motivation for language acquisition, their agency as interpreters of culture, and their proficiency in generation of meaning is improved through this assignment. The hybrid space of the Gulf’s semiosphere -- created by the cultural, linguistic, experiential, and commercial encounters – becomes an important cultural context for the learners of English. Asking students to analyze the semiotic elements from the target culture in their local culture helps them understand the importance of sign exchange whether it happens on the level of language such as slogans and messages or non-verbal communication such as advertising images and architecture. By analyzing the glocal culture and its signs, students are involved in “the processes of reflection and negotiation through which shared cultural understanding emerges” (Weninger and Kiss 2014, p. 716). �The relevance of this approach is ensured by the fact that the system of signs in the Gulf, is heavily influenced by mixing of Arabic and English, as well as Filipino/Tagalog, Bengali, and Hindi languages, by entertainment and media outlets of multiple cultures, and the logoed and branded presence of multinational companies. The semiosphere of the Gulf therefore involves an array of signals that function on the global and local scale, what Yuri Lotman (2005) describes as “a semiotic continuum filled with multi-variant semiotic models situated at a range of levels” (p. 216). Commercial and popular culture, including ads, seeks to reconcile traditional and progressive views. The role of contemporary culture in the Gulf might be that of a border text that, according to Lotman, “sets cultural precedents and, in the long run, literally conquers the cultural sphere of the centre” (2005, p. 212). Regardless of the outcome, students are better equipped to understand these dynamic shifts through the semiotic analysis assignment. Recorded applications of semiotics in the EFL classroom include study of specific signs associated with classroom activities and discipline (McGill, 2014), studies on the semiotics of EFL textbooks (Weninger and Kiss, 2014) and investigation of the cultural differences in meaning of certain signs such as body language in different cultures (Unger and Walter, 2010). The fieldwork exercise described here employs a novel way of semiotic analysis that helps students understand the signifying processes at work around them and to develop complex forms of cultural understanding. Increased knowledge of semiotic analysis helps orient a generation of EFL learners facing both strong expatriate presence and a constant change in their environment. Students learn about signifying elements of the target culture, better understand their rapidly developing surroundings, and become involved in the global culture that is being constructed worldwide. The broader question raised by this approach, following Byram and others, is whether it is possible, through complex teaching of culture, to create a model for teaching English as a global language? �A hybrid language called “Arabizi” or “Arabish,” mixing words and letters from Arabic and English, has become a popular form of communication, especially among Arab youth. See, for example: Nadia Al-Sakkaf (2012)“Arabish: Arabic Chat Language” Yemen Times, http://www.yementimes.com/en/1517/variety/408/Arabish-Arabic-chatlanguage.htm 1 Roland Robertson, who introduced the concept of “glocalization” to a wider academic audience, defines it as a “synthesis of the local and the global,” where the distinction between the two aspects is being leveled by an “increasing connectivity and global consciousness” in the present world (2005). “Since the mid-1990s,” Robertson writes, glocalization has gradually come to occupy an increasingly central place in studies of globalization” (2005). 2 No Logo, Klein’s 1999 book, describes an economic model in which big multinational companies outsource the production of physical goods and instead focus on the creation of brand names and on selling of a lifestyle. A big part of the growth for this companies is branding with the ads that “creep into cafeterias, common rooms, even washrooms,” of the universities, schools, parks, theaters, libraries, poor neighborhoods, sidewalks and even pieces of fruit (8). These brands establish emotional ties, values, and their own mythologies in order to spread and grow. As Klein explains “corporations are hitching a ride on our cultural and communal activities” (35) but also invade the mediascape, sports, music, and of course politics. 3 References Byram, M. and Feng A. (2004) Culture and Language Learning: Teaching, Research and Scholarship. Language Teaching 37 (3), 149-168. doi: 10.1017/S0261444804002289 Clarke, M. (2008). Language Teacher Identities : Co-constructing Discourse and Community. Bristol, UK: Channel View Publications. Higgins, C., ed. (2011). Language and Social Processes: Identity Formation in Globalizing Contexts : Language Learning in the New Millennium. Berlin: De Gruyter. Klein, N. (1999) No Logo. Canada: Knopf. ----(2009) No Logo. 10th Anniversary Edition with a New Introduction by the Author. London: Picador. Liton, H., & Al Madanat, T. (2013). Integration of Culture into ESL/EFL Classroom: A Pedagogical Perspective. English for Specific Purposes World, 14, 39-47. �Lotman, Y. (2005) “On the Semiosphere.” Wilma Clark, tr. Sign Systems Studies, 33(1), 205-228. Risager, K. (2011). The cultural dimensions of language teaching and learning. Language Teaching, 44 (4), 485-499. McGill, Ross. (2014) Can Semiotics Be Used to Improve Teaching and Learning? @Teacher Toolkit. Retrieved from http://teachertoolkit.me/2014/01/26/cansemiotics-be-used-to-improve-teaching-and-learning-by-teachertoolkit/ Purba, H. (2011). The Importance of Including Culture in EFL Teaching. Journal of English Teaching , 1 (1), 44-56. Robertson, R. (2005). The Conceptual Promise of Glocalization: Commonality and Diversity. Art –e – Fact An Online Magazine for Contemporary Art and Culture. 4 Retrieved from http://artefact.mi2.hr/_a04/lang_en/theory_robertson_en.htm#_ftn1 Unger, J and Walter L. Gesture, Speech, and Graphic Organizers as Semiotic Resources for Summarizing: A Two-Case Analysis of the Genesis of Meaning Asian EFL Journal. Professional Teaching Articles. November 2010, Vol. 48 Weninger, C. and Kiss, T. (2014) Culture in English as a Foreign Language (EFL) Textbooks: A Semiotic Approach. TESOL Quarterly 47(4), 694-716. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2914 Title A name given to the resource EXTENDING BEYOND THE CLASSROOM: SEMIOTICS AND CULTURE IN EFL COURSES Author Author Kucukalic, Lejla Abstract A summary of the resource. This essay describes a semiotic analysis exercise designed to enhance students’ cultural and critical literacy, a skill necessary for language comprehension, pragmatics, and proficiency (Liton and Madanat). Rather than observing and comparing cultures as monolithic and unchangeable, students are encouraged to develop complex cultural understanding based on the reading of their surrounding semiosphere. Following Yuri Lotman’s concept of “semiosphere,” defined as a totality of signs in a certain system, students apply semiotic analysis on their local physical and media space in order to understand the signifying processes in their hybrid cultural environment. Rather than looking at the target culture as a separate Other, students observe the incursion of that culture into their own environment. The relevance of this approach is ensured by the system of signs in the Gulf – its semiosphere - being heavily influenced by mixing of Arabic and English, as well as Filipino/Tagalog, Bengali, and Hindi languages, by entertainment and media outlets of multiple cultures, and the logoed and branded presence of multinational companies. The semiosphere of the Gulf involves an array of signals that function both on the global and local scale, what Yuri Lotman describes as “a semiotic continuum filled with multi-variant semiotic models situated at a range of levels.” The exercise described in this paper invites students to use semiotics for analysis of culture and its objects, in turn increasing their integrated motivation, their agency, and their cultural literacy by getting them involved in “the processes of reflection and negotiation through which shared cultural understanding emerges” (Weninger and Kiss) while relying on standard practical techniques for teaching culture in the EFL classroom, “noticing,” “prediction,” and “research” (Cullen and Sato) Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-09 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed L Education (General),P Philology. Linguistics https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/66c478be0c1a83494b767d03a24026af.pdf 753215c6a683d0839d9f6a962e55db9f PDF Text Text 1 HOW TO BUILD AN ENGLISH CLAUSE Ronald W. Langacker University of California, San Diego �2 1. Introduction I will be examining central aspects of English clause structure from the standpoint of Cognitive Grammar (CG). Though well known and extensively studied, these phenomena have eluded definitive treatment; they still have much to tell us. Indeed, working out their theoretical basis has contributed to further development of the CG framework (Langacker 1991, 2008a, 2012). Especially relevant are two general notions: the organization of structure in terms of baseline and elaboration; and grammar as the implementation of semantic functions. The elaboration of a baseline, which I refer to as B/E organization, is a kind of asymmetry pervasive in conceptual and linguistic structure. In one way or another, the baseline has a certain priority, being more fundamental and providing the basis for the elaborated structure: (B) > ((B)E). The baseline is generally simpler than ((B)E), tends to be more substantive than E (the elaborating element), and presupposes fewer and more basic capacities. Well-known examples of B/E organization include the centrality of a prototype in a complex category, the stem/affix asymmetry in morphology, as well as privative oppositions, such as [a] vs. [ã], where the unmarked member “lacks” an elaborating feature. Importantly, baseline status is only relative, since an elaborated structure functions as baseline for higher-level purposes: (B) > ((B)E)B > (((B)E)B E)B > ((((B)E)B E)B E)B ... To some extent structure is therefore organized in strata, each a substrate for the next, which draws on additional resources and affords a wider range of options. A second general notion is that grammar exists for the implementation of semantic functions (Croft 2007; Harder 2010), which are more fundamental and more consistent than any particular structural manifestation. As a case in point, nominals exhibit very different structures (e.g. Ellen, big dogs, the teacher, those with children, that she likes him) reflecting alternate strategies for fulfilling their referential function. We can note a broad (and permeable) division between descriptive vs. discursive functions. The former involve the conceptual content representing the objective scene (OS), i.e. the “onstage” situation being jointly apprehended by the offstage interlocutors. The latter concern the negotiation and effective presentation of descriptive content in a coherent discourse. Grammar is shaped by the interplay of descriptive and discursive functions. As viewed in CG, lexicon and grammar form a continuum consisting in flexible assemblies of symbolic structures (form-meaning pairings). �3 2. Descriptive Organization 2.1 Baseline A clause expresses a proposition. That is, it describes an occurrence—an event or situation—in enough detail to be significant and potentially assessed for validity. The function of describing an occurrence is often referred to as predication, a term that needs explication. In the CG analysis, a key notion is profiling: within the content invoked, an expression selects a particular substructure as its conceptual referent and thus a focus of attention. Its profile is either a thing or a relationship (under abstract definitions of those terms). As a special case of the latter, it is claimed that a clause profiles a process, characterized as a relationship followed in its evolution through time (Langacker 1991: Part II, 2008a: ch. 11, 2008b). The baseline for predication is a simple lexical verb (V), such as run, break, see, or admire. It functions as the clausal head, in the sense of providing the essential conceptual content serving to characterize the profiled relationship. We will not be greatly concerned with alternative means of forming the clausal head. It can be non-lexical, representing either a nonce verb or the extended use of a non-verbal element (e.g. The delivery boy porched the newspaper). Many heads are morphologically complex, obtained by derivation (solidify) or compounding (counterattack). There is also a productive pattern for deriving phrasal verbs (look up, turn off, back down), as well as a serial verb construction with come and go (You should come see our new house). Another alternative to a lexical verb is a clausal head consisting of be plus an adjective or a prepositional phrase: She is tall; It is on your desk. The construction is sketched in Figure 1, where the relation profiled by the adjective or prepositional phrase is labeled r. Though it typically endures, the profiled relation does not require a span of time for its manifestation: it obtains at a single moment (and can thus be observed in a photograph). This holistic nature makes it suitable to modify a noun (the tall girl; the picture on your desk), but not to head a clause (*The girl talls; *The picture ons your desk), since a clause profiles a process—a relationship tracked through time. For clausal use, English invokes the schematic verb be, which profiles the continuation through time of a relationship that is wholly non-specific; the arrow drawn in bold indicates this scanning through time. The result of their integration is a derived �4 process (labeled p) which tracks through time the specific relation profiled by the adjective or prepositional phrase. Note that this construction overtly reflects the conceptual characterization proposed for verbs and clauses in CG: that they profile a relationship scanned through time. Be extends through time the relationship specified by its complement. be + ADJ/PP p r r be ADJ/PP Figure 1 By itself, a lexical verb (or other clausal head) fails to express a usable proposition, as it merely describes a type of occurrence. Starting from this baseline, we build a clause through various dimensions of elaboration. The minimal elaboration—producing what I call a baseline clause—involves just two dimensions. There is first the specification of clausal participants. A verb makes schematic reference to its participants: a trajector (primary focal participant) and often a landmark (secondary focal participant). Nominals that specify these schematic elements thereby function as clausal subject and object. The resulting expressions—e.g. the boy break a cup or Alice admire Bill—describe an elaborated process type specific enough to be worth expressing. A proposition whose validity can be assessed represents a particular instance of this type, where the profiled occurrence is accorded some status in relation to the interlocutors and their conception of reality. This dimension of elaboration is known as grounding, the ground (G) being the interlocutors and their immediate circumstances. In English, minimal grounding is done by means of tense. An elaborated process type grounded by tense constitutes a baseline clause: The boy broke a cup; Alice admires Bill. Baseline clauses are a fundamental way of fulfilling the clausal function of expressing a proposition, i.e. describing an occurrence in sufficient detail to be useful and assessed for �5 validity. This global semantic function decomposes into three subfunctions—type specification, type elaboration, and grounding—representing one strategy for its structural implementation. Each subfunction is implemented by a particular structural element: type specification by the lexical verb, type elaboration by the subject and object nominals, and grounding by tense. Though minimal in terms of overt structure, a baseline clause is hardly self-contained. Every linguistic structure presupposes a conceptual substrate of indefinite extent, comprising mental capacities, background knowledge, and apprehension of the context. The substrate allows the structure to emerge, provides its coherence, and is thus an inherent aspect of its meaning. For baseline clauses—representing what is plausibly regarded as the minimal and canonical linguistic interaction based on propositions—the substrate includes the baseline viewing arrangement, shown in Figure 2. Figure 2 In the baseline arrangement, both the ground and the profiled occurrence are real. The interlocutors are together in a fixed location, engaged in observing and describing actual phenomena in the world around them. They are offstage conceptualizers, whose interaction establishes the profiled occurrence (p) as the shared focus of attention within the objective scene (OS), i.e. the “onstage” situation being described. The baseline speech act is a simple statement, where the speaker describes an occurrence for the benefit of the hearer, who is expected to listen, understand what is said, and accept it. A single statement of this sort constitutes a baseline discourse. �6 Given this substrate, a baseline clause contains the minimum needed to fulfill the clausal function: a lexical verb to describe an occurrence, nominals to specify its participants, and tense to ground it. When restricted to the baseline, there is no need for various elements that appear in more elaborate expressions representing higher strata. The substrate specifies the description of actual occurrences, so there is no need for elements like negation or modals, which exclude the profiled occurrence from reality. There is no indication of speech act, since the substrate incorporates the baseline act of statement. And as a stand-alone description, a baseline clause ignores discursive factors such as topic, informational focus, and connections with other clauses. So if you want to build an English clause, the elements of a baseline clause represent the simplest, most straightforward way to fulfill the essential semantic functions. These are summarized in Figure 3. Together, the lexical verb and its participants specify an elaborated process type (p), which functions as the grounded structure. Grounding by tense yields a proposition (P), which profiles an instance of that type situated with respect to the ground. Hence the clause both describes an occurrence and offers a rudimentary assessment of its epistemic status vis-à-vis the interlocutors. Figure 3 2.2 Perspective From a baseline clause, further elaboration produces expressions of greater complexity that I will refer to as basic clauses. There are two dimensions of elaboration. The first, pertaining to the grounded structure, consists in a range of alternatives for perspective. �7 A lexical verb embodies a particular way of apprehending the profiled occurrence (p). The verb being a conventional linguistic unit, this way of viewing it constitutes the neutral or baseline perspective. English clauses have three grammaticized means of effecting a perspectival adjustment: the familiar trio of passive, progressive, and perfect. Since these require additional conceptual capacities and afford a wider array of options, the resulting expressions represent a higher stratum. This is shown in Figure 4(a), where the dashed arrow indicates perspectival elaboration. At the lower stratum, S1, p is the process profiled by the lexical head, e.g. wash. At the higher stratum, S2, p' is the one profiled by a composite expression: be washed, be washing, or have washed. Figure 4 The passive, progressive, and perfect constructions form a cohesive system of perspectival elaboration. They are mutually exclusive—a set of opposing options—as only one �8 can appear on the lexical verb. They are also parallel in formation, each residing in a complex construction involving a participial element (-ed or -ing) and a schematic verb (be or have). These constructions all follow the pattern shown abstractly in Figure 4(b). The structure at the left is the process (p) profiled by the lexical verb; it profiles a relationship (r) scanned through time (thick solid arrow). From this, the participial morpheme derives a structure in which the verbal process is viewed holistically (thin solid arrow) from an altered perspective, indicated by using r' (instead of r) for the profiled relationship. This holistic view implies that the participle is not itself a verb, so it cannot itself function as clausal head. For clausal use, it combines with the schematic verb be or have in much the same way that be combines with an adjective or prepositional phrase (Figure 1). The composite verbal expression that results designates a process, p', in which r' (not r) is the relationship tracked through time. Each perspectival option affects the lexical process in a different way: the passive elevates the processual landmark to the status of trajector (primary focal participant); the progressive “zooms in” on p, taking an internal perspective that excludes its endpoints; while the perfect views the verbal process from a temporally posterior vantage point defining a sphere of interest (“current relevance”). The details are not essential here (see Langacker 1991: §5.2), but for sake of concreteness let us briefly consider the progressive. In 4(c), the complex relationship (r) profiled by the lexical verb (V) is decomposed into the series of component relationships, r1...ri...rn, manifested at successive points in time. The participial morpheme -ing views this holistically, imposing a limited temporal scope—or locus of attention—that excludes r1 and rn. As the specific focus of attention, the profiled relation is confined to this scope and is further construed as being internally homogeneous: the same relation (ri) obtains throughout. Being a relationship viewed holistically, Ving is actually adjectival, so it can modify a noun (e.g. the girl washing her dog). But clausal use requires a verbal head. So at the second level of composition, the verb be effects the scanning through time of the profiled relation ri to form a higher-level process, p'. The essential point is that p' embodies a perspective which makes it distinct from the baseline process p. If these perspectival adjustments are mutually exclusive, as in 4(a), how can they cooccur in complex expressions like be being washed, have been washed, and have been being washed? The answer is that they are mutually exclusive with respect to any one verbal process, p, but since the result of perspectivalization is a higher-level process, p', that in turn is subject to �9 perspectivalization. The maximal sequence is exemplified in 4(d): wash ---> be washed ---> be being washed ---> have been being washed. The permissible combinations represent wellentrenched conventional patterns, which are largely determined by semantic compatibility (Langacker 1991: §5.3.2). The system comprising perspectival adjustments and their combinations provide a substantial range of options for viewing the occurrence profiled by the lexical verb. As shown in 4(d), this ability to iterate adjustments produces progressively more complex structures representing successively higher strata. At each stratum, a verb is introduced—the lexical verb, be, or have—which functions as the constructional head: this verb (marked in bold) imposes its profile on the whole, designating the same process (p, p', p'', or p''') as the composite expression formed at that level. The structure produced at the highest stratum is the grounded structure. Its constructional head is the grounded verb. (a) ((((V) PASSIVE) PROGRESSIVE) PERFECT) -ed be -ing be -ed have (b) V+ ACTIVE Ø PASSIVE -ed be (c) + NON-PROGRESSIVE Ø PROGRESSIVE + NON-PERFECT Ø -ing be PERFECT -ed have wash = wash + [Ø] + [Ø] + [Ø] be washing = wash + [Ø] + [-ing be ] + [Ø] have washed = wash + [Ø] + [Ø] + [ -ed have] Figure 5 A conceivable alternative to B/E organization, with successively more complex structures at multiple strata, would be to posit a zero-morpheme counterpart to each perspectival construction. So instead of the layered structure in Figure 5(a), where wash is simply wash, a clause would always include the four-term structure in 5(b). Wash would thus be analyzed as wash + [Ø] + [Ø] + [Ø], be washing as [wash] + [Ø] + [-ing be] + [Ø], and so on. I doubt that anyone would seriously propose this account (which amounts to treating privative oppositions as �10 equipollent). Among its drawbacks is the infelicity of viewing a simple form as being analogous to a complex one that is clearly based on it. Though just a straw man, the analysis serves to illustrate the dubious consequences of allowing zero elements. These are avoided in CG, B/E organization being a means of doing so. 2.3 Grounding Perspectival adjustment elaborates the grounded structure of a baseline clause. A second dimension of elaboration pertains to grounding. I have often described English grounding (e.g. in Langacker 2011, 2012) in terms of two sets of opposing elements, each with a zero member, as in Figure 6(a). Within the tense system, present is marked by zero or -s, and past by -d (or some variant). In the modal system, zero contrasts with the other options by indicating that the profiled occurrence is real. Omitting third singular -s (which marks person as well as tense), these parameters define the paradigm in 6(b). Instead of PRESENT and PAST, I use the more general labels IMMEDIATE and NON-IMMEDIATE. The non-immediate modals (lacking in the case of must) are of course less than fully analyzable in both form and meaning. Figure 6 The description in 6(a) is reasonable if Ø is taken as merely indicating the absence of explicit tense or a modal. It is less so if Ø is interpreted as an actual structural element (a zero morpheme), as suggested by 6(b). I am proposing a B/E alternative to such an account. In this alternative, the present-tense form of a lexical verb (V) is just V, not V+ Ø (analogous to V + -d). �11 Likewise, the absence of a modal is just that—not the presence of a zero modal. So in the baseline clause We admire her, the verbal element is just admire (rather than Ø admire + Ø). Except for third-person singular (where -s preempts the general pattern), English does not mark present tense. Can we then speak of tense or grounding in such clauses? Can we characterize We admire her as a grounded clause in the present tense? We can if tense and grounding are regarded as semantic functions as opposed to specific structural elements. A clause serves the intersubjective function of coordinated mental reference, whereby the interlocutors direct attention to what is taken to be the same occurrence. This global function incorporates grounding as a subfunction: that of the interlocutors situating the profiled occurrence with respect to time and their conception of reality. This can be accomplished in different ways. It can be done by means of an explicit grounding element, like a modal or a tense marker. Alternatively, it may simply be inherent in the conceptual substrate presupposed by the clause as the basis for its form and meaning. If the substrate ascribes a certain status to the profiled occurrence, that alone fulfills the clausal grounding function. For English clauses, the baseline substrate includes the supposition that the interlocutors are engaged in describing real occurrences (Figure 2). Although the linguistically relevant notion of reality is quite complex (involving dimensions and levels of elaboration), we need only consider the baseline version. Out of all conceivable occurrences, only some are realized. Through time there is thus established a history of realized occurrences, which is continually being augmented. For a given conceptualizer, at a given moment, the established history of occurrences constitutes reality. Note that future occurrences are precluded, as they have not (yet) been realized. Reality (R) can thus be visualized as a cylinder which “grows” through time with new occurrences, as shown in Figure 7(a). The face of this cylinder—where the growth takes place in the form of new events and continuing situations—constitutes immediate reality (IR). In the baseline viewing arrangement, R includes both the ground (G) and the profiled occurrence (p). G is specifically in IR (defining the temporal deictic center), but p can be anywhere in R, as shown in 7(b). �12 (a) (b) G p t R IR R G (d) (c) p p p p G R IR DIST R S1 G IR S0 Figure 7 With 7(b) as part of the supporting conceptual substrate, a language might forgo explicit grounding in baseline clauses. One such language is Hopi, where a bare verb describes either a completed event or a stable situation: Taaqa wari ‘The man ran’; Taaqa qatɨ ‘The man is sitting’. These usually correlate with past vs. present, since a realized event is only describable as such upon completion whereas a stable situation is fully instantiated at the time of speaking (Langacker 2009: ch. 7). English, on the other hand, differentiates 7(b)—where p is simply in R—into the alternate configurations shown in 7(c); baseline clauses are conceptually more elaborate by virtue of indicating whether p is in IR or in its complement. A stable situation can thus be specified as either present or past: I love her; I loved her. Third-singular -s departs from the basic English pattern by preemptively marking person as well as tense. If we limit our attention to tense per se, baseline grounding can itself be seen as exhibiting the B/E organization in 7(d). Present occurrences, fundamental in the sense of being immediately accessible to the interlocutors, represent a lower stratum, S0. Describing past occurrences involves both formal elaboration, by -d, and conceptual elaboration based on an additional mental capacity, namely recall. The dashed arrow indicates elaboration as well as the distancing (DIST) whereby p is non-immediate to G. �13 Baseline grounding is further elaborated by the grammaticized modals. They represent a higher stratum characterized by additional conceptual resources, notably the ability to project the growth of reality to encompass occurrences not yet accepted as having been realized. So as a departure from the baseline substrate, modals situate p outside of R. This is true of both root and epistemic modals, as shown in Figure 8. In an abstract sense both are force dynamic (Talmy 1988; Sweetser 1990; Langacker To appear). The difference is that root modals are primarily interactive, intended to have some effect on the course of events: You may go to the party; They should be more polite; You must tell her the truth. By contrast, epistemic modals are primarily individual, the modal force consisting in the speaker’s own assessment of the prospects for p being realized: She will refuse the offer; They may not be home; We could fail. Figure 8 Elaboration by modals (M) defines the higher strata shown in Figure 9(a). The basic modals—may, can, will, shall, must—distance p from the ground by placing it outside of R (S2). Relative to this, the elaborated modals—might, could, would, should—consistently imply a longer “epistemic path” from G to p than their counterparts. An example is She will do it because she can vs. She would do it if she could, where will and can are matters of future potential while would and could are counterfactual. They represent a higher stratum (S3), since compared to their basic counterparts they are morphologically and conceptually more complex: ((M) DIST)M. �14 (a) S1 S3 S2 S0 p p DIST M G D IST IR R p G' M p IR' (b) [If he were not so poor] she would marry him. [he be poor] G [he not be poor] [she marry him] DIST G' will p Figure 9 Their conceptual complexity reflects an additional mental capacity: that of imagining a situation (G')—distinct from G—from which a basic modal projection could be made. It is exemplified in 9(b), where would effects the grounding of she marry him. The actual situation (immediate to G) is that he is poor. The imagined situation (at G') is that he is not poor. It is from the latter that the basic modal projection can be made: p is predictable (will) given the counterfactual situation of his not being poor (as part of IR'). So with modals the import of the non-immediate form is that the basis for prediction is distant (DIST) from G in the sense of not being real. In contrast to the basic modals, there is thus a two-step epistemic path from G to p. 2.4 Basic Clauses In Figure 10 I give an interim summary. In a baseline clause, grounding is effected by tense, with the grounded structure comprising the lexical verb and its participants. Each can be elaborated to form a basic clause; for grounding this is done by modals, and for the grounded structure through perspectival adjustment. These elaborations are primarily descriptive, serving to refine the characterization of the occurrence and its status. Either a baseline or a basic clause �15 expresses a negotiable proposition (P). By definition, a baseline clause represents the default option—when unelaborated, it stands alone as a basic clause with this function. Figure 10 The general grounding construction, exemplified by the baseline clause We liked her, is sketched in Figure 11(a). An overt grounding element—be it -d, -s, or a modal—profiles a fully schematic process, putting it onstage as the focus of attention within the objective scene (OS). This schematic process is identified with the specific one (p) profiled by the grounded structure (an elaborated process type). The clause thus designates an instance of p and indicates its epistemic status vis-à-vis the ground. �16 Figure 11 Grounding remains implicit in present-tense expressions such as We like her, represented in 11(b). Their formal simplicity reflects the baseline situation of the profiled occurrence being immediate to the ground. In terms of a path from G to p, this is the limiting, degenerate case: there is no path, since both are in IR. This pattern is conventional in English, hence an established linguistic unit. It simply specifies that the description of p itself—equivalent to the grounded structure in 11(a)—qualifies as a clause when its epistemic status is that of immediacy to G. �17 Figure 12 Thus a minimal clause consists of just a lexical verb and its participants, with grounding effected by the substrate: p is immediate to G and neutral in perspective. Other clauses have multiple strata reflecting elaborated grounding and/or perspectival adjustment. Various cases are �18 shown in Figure 12. In 12(a), overt grounding by the distal (past-tense) marker yields what is still a baseline clause (e.g. She washed it), while in 12(b) a modal results in a basic clause (She may wash it). The other examples combine explicit grounding with one or more perspectival adjustments. Each elaboration produces a structure representing a higher stratum by virtue of being formally and semantically more complex. The end result—at the highest level—is a full clause that profiles a grounded occurrence (p, p', p'', or p''') and expresses a negotiable proposition (P): She was washing it, It had been washed, It might have been being washed. At each stratum I have used bold type to indicate the verb word which first appears there. This word is always initial in the verb group at that level, where it is also the constructional head, profiling the same process as the composite expression. The initial word at the highest level is what is traditionally known as the finite verb, defined as the verb bearing tense. In CG terms, the finite verb can be characterized as the locus of grounding: the verb which registers the epistemic status of the profiled occurrence with respect to immediacy and reality. Included as a special case is the pattern in 11(b), where an uninflected verb registers the baseline status of immediate reality. Observe in this respect that a modal has all the properties of the finite verb. Being a grounding element, it is introduced at the highest stratum. It is also a verb, since grounding elements profile the grounded process, represented schematically as the onstage focus of attention. Clearly, a modal registers the epistemic status of this process in regard to both reality (by excluding p from R) and immediacy (indicating whether the basis for modal projection is G or G'). And in the generalized form of immediacy, it is the verb that bears tense. Finally, a modal (immediate or non-immediate) is a word. When present, therefore, a modal is itself the finite verb (hence excluded from non-finite complements). Otherwise the grounded verb functions in that capacity. In baseline clauses, the lexical verb is also the grounded verb as well as the finite verb. Perspectival adjustment creates a discrepancy between the lexical verb and the grounded verb, which is either be or have. Likewise, modals create a discrepancy between grounded verb and finite verb by assuming the latter role. As is common with B/E organization, conceptual and formal elaboration of the baseline results in differentiation of these three semantic functions. They can all be represented by different verbs in a basic clause. In 12(e), for example, wash functions as the lexical verb, have as the grounded verb, and might as the finite verb. �19 3. Discursive Organization 3.1 Factors A basic clause expresses a negotiable proposition (P), which describes an occurrence (p) from a certain perspective and indicates its epistemic status in regard to time and the speaker’s conception of reality (R). It still reflects a central feature of the baseline viewing arrangement: that the speaker merely describes, with the hearer just accepting what is said. Usually, though, the interlocutors engage in a longer discourse where certain propositions are negotiated by way of establishing a “common ground”. Employed for this purpose are interactive clauses, representing a higher stratum with a wider array of interactive and discursive options (cf. the “interpersonal metafunction” of Systemic-Functional Grammar [Halliday and Matthiessen 2004; Heyvaert 2001]). An interactive clause expresses an elaborated proposition, P', in which the validity of P is being negotiated. As noted in Figure 13 (an expansion of Figure 10), an interactive clause augments basic grounding (by tense and modals) with another sort of grounding characteristic of negotiation. Whereas basic clauses are limited to positive statements, interactive grounding provides additional options in regard to polarity and speech act. Basic and interactive grounding both pertain to epistemic status, but at different levels: the former concerns the status of p, as part of a proposition (P); the latter concerns the validity of P as a whole. Hence a basic clause functions as the grounded structure at this higher stratum. �20 Figure 13 The negotiation of P’s validity occurs through discourse (Verhagen 2005). There is no sharp distinction between descriptive and discursive functions, nor any precise correlation with strata or implementing structures. At most we can say that certain structures and functions are primarily descriptive or discursive. Factors that I regard as primarily discursive include speech management, interclausal connections, information structure, order of presentation, and the packaging of content. Speech management includes such matters as turn taking, holding or yielding the floor, and offstage indications of assent or disagreement. Elements specifying interclausal connections range from having substantial descriptive content (after, because, then) to being purely discursive (moreover, furthermore, and so). Information structure (e.g. notions like topic and informational focus) pertains to the discourse status of entities with respect to their intersubjective availability. The order of presentation is a central aspect of discursive organization. It always contributes to linguistic meaning, since processing time is one dimension of semantic structure (just as it is for phonological structure). Finally, semantic and phonological content is packaged into “chunks” of manageable size. Lexical items offer prepackaged chunks �21 of conceptual content. At a higher level, exemplified in (1), packaging consists in allocating content to grammatical structures, like sentences and clauses, as well as to prosodically delimited processing windows—notably, what Chafe calls intonation units and I refer to as attentional frames (Chafe 1994, 1998; Langacker 2001a). (1)(a) //I came//↓ //I saw//↓ //I conquered//↓ [3 clauses, 3 intonation units, 3 pitch contours] (b) //I came // I saw // and I conquered//↓ [3 clauses, 3 intonation units, 1 pitch contour] (c) //I came / I saw / and I conquered//↓ [3 clauses, 1 intonation unit, 1 pitch contour] (d) //I came / saw / and conquered//↓ [1 clause, 1 intonation unit, 1 pitch contour] Discursive structures have little content of their own, consisting instead in ways of organizing and presenting descriptive content for interactive purposes as a discourse unfolds. An example is the informational focus, where unreduced stress symbolizes new or significant information. This symbolic unit per se is too insubstantial to occur independently; it can only be manifested via the semantic and phonological content of the focused elements, e.g. may and work in She MAY have been WORKing. Grammar accommodates descriptive and discursive structures as co-existing facets of symbolic assemblies. In Figure 14 I show the basic functional groupings for the clause She have been WORKing. MAY The ones at the top reflect the descriptive organization already discussed; those at the bottom are primarily discursive. The latter include: (i) the order of presentation (>); (ii) the packaging of content into words (w); (iii) packaging of the clause in a single processing window (W); (iv) the informational focus; (v) organization into subject and predicate (cf. Kuroda 1972); and (vi) a functional grouping I call the existential core (to be considered shortly). �22 Descriptive Functions P CLAUSE p'' GROUNDING GROUNDED STRUCTURE PERSP' MAY W HAVE she > W MAY p' -EN > W PERSP BE -ING have > SUBJECT p ELABORATED TYPE BASIC TYPE PARTICIPANT WORK W be-en SHE > WORK-ing W PREDICATE EXISTENTIAL CORE FOCUS ATTENTIONAL FRAME / PROCESSING WINDOW W Discursive Functions Figure 14 It is hardly surprising that structures reflecting different functions are often in conflict with one another. These cross-cutting groupings are unproblematic in CG: since grammar consists in assemblies of structures (as opposed to rigid hierarchies), the same elements can perfectly well be organized simultaneously in non-congruent ways. In Figure 14, for instance, the informational focus MAY WORK—symbolized by unreduced stress—does not coincide with any other semantic or phonological grouping (Langacker 1997). The need to accommodate both descriptive and discursive functions has the consequence that not every grouping is symbolized individually. As a composite whole, for example, the elaborated process type SHE WORK does not correspond to any independently observable phonological grouping (being discontinuous in the clause). Despite such discrepancies, descriptive and discursive structures are readily apprehended on the basis of the overall assemblies and the constructions employed. 3.2 Negotiation �23 The negotiation defining an interactive clause pertains to polarity and speech act. For polarity, the baseline status is POSITIVE, with NEGATIVE and AFFIRMATIVE as additional options at a higher stratum. Negative is marked by not (often contracted), and affirmative by unreduced stress. Affirmative differs from positive by specifically viewing P in relation to the negative alternative: He IS smart suggests that the possibility of his not being smart is somehow within the realm of consideration (e.g. He may not be a genius, but he we will limit our attention to STATEMENT IS (the baseline) and smart). In the case of speech act, QUESTIONING. The latter is clearly more elaborate because the question scenario includes a statement (the expected response). The starting point for negotiation is thus a positive statement, i.e. a basic clause expressing a negotiable proposition (P). From this baseline, elaborations in regard to polarity or speech act produce an interactive clause representing a negotiated proposition (P'), as shown in Figure 15. The two dimensions of elaboration can also be combined, resulting in an affirmative or negative question (IS he smart?; Isn’t he smart?). P' Q P S1 AFF P' NEG P' Q Q P'' P'' S2 S3 S4 Figure 15 The various options in Figure 15 are all indicated by the subject and finite verb. In a positive statement, they simply occur in that sequence: He is trying. Non-baseline polarity is marked on the finite verb, by either unreduced stress or incorporation of not/n’t: He IS trying; He isn’t trying. And questioning is signaled by the finite verb preceding the subject: Is he trying?. As the manifestation of interactive grounding, the subject and finite verb—along with these basic indications of polarity and speech act—constitute a functional grouping with an important role in the grammar of English clauses. Underlined for ease of identification, I refer to this grouping as �24 the existential core. C∃ is adopted as an abbreviatory notation (∃ being the logical symbol for the existential quantifier). The term alludes to a basic claim concerning the semantic function of a clause: that it serves to predicate—and if need be, to negotiate—the existence of a relationship. In standard usage, of course, we do not speak of relationships as existing. But that is just a lexical idiosyncrasy of English. There is in fact good motivation for speaking this way, based on the wide-ranging parallelism between nominal and clausal structure (Langacker 2009: ch. 6). Consider just their prototypes, namely objects and events. We say that objects exist, while events occur (or happen), but these locutions obscure a fundamental similarity. An object consists of substance that occupies a continuous region in space; it exists by virtue of having spatial extension and a spatial location. Analogously, an event is an evolving relationship [given as r1...ri...rn in Figure 4(c)] that occupies a continuous region in time; it exists (or occurs) by virtue of having temporal extension and a temporal location. In the case of nominals, existence is generally taken for granted; the primary epistemic issue, reflected in nominal grounding, is identification. But for clauses the primary epistemic issue is existence: whether the profiled relationship actually occurs. A relationship that occurs is referred to in CG as a process—or more perspicuously, as an occurrence. Since a verb or a clause profiles a process, by definition it makes an existential predication, describing an occurrence. In the form of interactive grounding, negotiation concerning the validity of this predication is registered in the existential core. The core functions discursively by providing a compact, clause-initial presentation of the existential negotiation. It is optimal when (as very often happens) the subject is pronominal and the finite verb non-lexical; the core is then schematic, and in the absence of specific conceptual content negotiation comes to the fore. As non-lexical options, the finite verb is either be, have, do, or a modal—the so-called “auxiliary verbs”. These are better described as existential verbs: the profiled relationship being wholly schematic, their conceptual import centers on the very notion of its occurrence. Relevant here is the cross-linguistic prevalence of using be- and havetype verbs to predicate existence in the case of things. And despite some basic differences, an existential predication is clearly pivotal for both do and the modals. Do and the modals are alike in that they profile the same process as their complement but describe it only schematically. In terms of their onstage content, therefore, the combinations do + �25 V and M + V are non-distinct from V itself. One difference is that modals are grounding elements, whereas do augments the grounded structure. As grounding elements, modals profile the onstage process, even though their essential content resides in the offstage grounding relationship (Langacker 2002). They contribute semantically by indicating, through their offstage assessment of its potentiality, that the profiled occurrence is as yet unrealized. Unlike modals, do combines only with the lexical verb, which it elaborates for discursive reasons. This elaboration is not a matter of additional conceptual content, since do is schematic for the class of verbs. Its semantic contribution is rather to reinforce the notion of existence by expressing it individually. Observe that it occurs just when existence is being negotiated: in cases of negation, affirmation, and questioning (not in positive statements). Do + V can thus be characterized as a discursively motivated elaboration of V. Defined most narrowly, the existential core is a closely integrated system that lends itself to paradigmatic representation, as shown in the following table. The one apparent anomaly is in the upper left-hand corner, where the finite verb is lexical rather than existential. But this is not at all anomalous when analyzed in terms of B/E organization: the expressions involved are baseline clauses, which occur by default if nothing dictates otherwise. It is only at a higher stratum, through descriptive or discursive elaboration, that an existential verb is introduced to impose its profile and function as the tense-bearing element. With descriptive elaboration, that verb is be, have, or a modal. If there is only discursive elaboration, the lexical verb (V) gives way to the periphrastic alternative do + V. Existential status can then be indicated by the subject and a schematic finite verb (He didn’t; He DID; Did he?), in accordance with the general pattern. POS NEG AFF Q v/do He tried. He didn’t try. He DID try. Did he try? be He is trying. He isn’t trying. He IS trying. Is he trying? have He has tried. He hasn’t tried. He HAS tried. Has he tried? M He will try. He won’t try. He WILL try. Will he try? BASELINE ELABORATION (descriptive) �26 POS BASELINE NEG ELABORATION AFF Q (interactive/discursive) A brief summary will be useful. In all cases, existential status is indicated by the subject and the finite verb, the main elements of the existential core (C∃). As a succinct representation of the clause and its status, the core is optimal when the subject and finite verb are both schematic. Baseline clauses, where the verb is lexical and the subject may be as well, diverge from this general pattern but should not be thought of as exceptional—it is rather that they are more fundamental, for in the baseline substrate existential status is not at issue. At this lowest stratum, where negotiation is not a factor, core and clause are as yet undifferentiated. An important point is that the core is not a fixed, distinct, or discretely bounded structure but a functional grouping, variable in extent and membership depending on the function served. The finite verb, being the locus of existential negotiation and the pivotal element of the existential core (C∃), will also be referred to as the existential verb (V∃). To be sure, every verb is existential in the sense that it predicates the existence of a relationship. And being schematic in regard to that relationship, auxiliary verbs are existential in the further sense that their conceptual import centers on the very notion of its occurrence. The finite verb of a clause is existential in yet another sense pertaining to discursive function: the process it profiles is the one whose existence is being negotiated and whose epistemic status is registered by the core. 3.3 Anchoring The order of presentation has intrinsic conceptual import just by virtue of invoking semantic structures in a certain sequence. Order alone ensures that X > Y is never precisely equivalent to Y > X: they constitute distinct mental experiences, hence subtly different meanings, even if the difference is negligible for most purposes. Nor is it just a matter of sequencing, as what goes before unavoidably influences the processing of what follows. The manifestation of Y is at least minimally different in the sequence X > Y, where X is part of the supporting substrate, from when it occurs alone. (To some extent the influence is bidirectional, the anticipation of Y being part of the substrate for X.) �27 A variety of experimental evidence indicates that the initial element in a sequence has special status in this regard. It serves as a “starting point” to which other content is attached (MacWhinney 1977). Though demanding more cognitive capacity, it lays a “foundation” for “structure building”; it “gains a privileged status in the comprehenders’ minds”, being more accessible in subsequent processing tasks (Gernsbacher and Hargreaves 1992). The initial element in a sequence will be referred to as the anchor. Defined in this general fashion, an anchor can be a structure of any size or at any level of organization. Our concern here is with the anchor in a clause, so the elements involved are major clausal components, such as nominals, adverbials, and the existential core. The default in English is for the subject to function as anchor, whether it be a single word or a longer expression. The correlation of anchor and subject is natural from the standpoint of CG: the subject is the nominal expressing the clausal trajector (primary focal participant), characterized as initial reference point accessed in building up to a full conception of the profiled process (Langacker 1998, 1999; cf. Chafe 1994: ch. 7). A key point is that the extent and specific nature of their correlation differ at successive strata. In baseline clauses, there is only one option: the subject is always initial (hence the anchor) and expresses the trajector of the lexical verb. Things are slightly more elaborate in basic clauses owing to perspectival adjustment. In particular, the passive construction introduces a discrepancy between the trajector of the lexical verb and that of the clause as a whole. The anchor of a basic clause is still the subject—its primary focal participant (Tomlin 1995; Ibbotson, Lieven, and Tomasello 2013)—but in passives this coincides with the landmark of the lexical verb rather than its trajector. Interactive clauses, where discursive factors come into play, present a considerably more complex picture. They are structurally more elaborate both by containing additional components (such as adverbs) and also by letting word order vary for discursive purposes. Most relevant here is a particular construction in which the subject is preceded by another element, e.g. the object nominal: Dishonesty she can’t tolerate. By definition the preceding element functions as clauselevel anchor. This construction therefore differentiates the anchor and subject roles, just as the passive differentiates the roles of subject and verbal trajector. �28 The element preceding the subject will be called the discursive anchor (labeled A'). A wide array of elements function in this capacity, including non-subject nominals, prepositional phrases, and adverbial expressions. They have varied functional motivations, exemplified in (2). (2)(a) Obama he would never vote for. (b) In parts of Hawaii it rains almost every day. (c) From Houston he will drive to Dallas. (d) ??To Dallas he will drive from Houston. (e) Therefore you shouldn’t take the job. (f) On the counter it goes! (g) Carefully she unwrapped the present. One basic function is to provide a mental address for interpreting the clausal content, by directing attention to a certain portion of our conceptual universe. This is often a clausal participant, as in (a), in which case the anchor is said to be a clause-internal topic. But it can also be a location or a global setting (Langacker 1991: §8.1.3), as in (b). The discursive anchor has iconic motivation when it specifies the origin of a natural path, e.g. a path of motion, as in (c); note the relative infelicity of the counter-iconic order in (d). Another function is to indicate the connection of a clause with the previous one, as in (e). An alternative motivation is urgency: the anchor demands immediate attention. If I see you staggering under a heavy load, which you need to put down right away, I will probably state the location first, as in (f). The default order, It goes on the counter!, delays the essential information. A clearly discernible motivation is not always evident. It may just be that the speaker chooses to favor a certain component with the intrinsic salience of initial elements. In (2)(g), for example, coming first makes the manner specification a bit more salient than it would be otherwise. Whatever its motivation, the discursive anchor has at least this minimal conceptual import. Moreover, it frames the clause in the sense of providing an initial point of access to its content. Because it is already active when subsequent elements are activated, it has the potential to influence their interpretation. Discursive anchoring represents a dimension of B/E organization at the level of interactive clauses. The baseline—the most neutral order of presentation—is for the subject to be �29 initial as part of the existential core, as in Figure 16(a): I may not finish this paper on time. By definition the subject is then the clausal anchor (A), but as the default configuration this does not per se have any special discursive import. It is noteworthy that a clause of this sort displays a kind of functional optimality in having not just one but two natural starting points. The subject anchors the clause, as well as the existential core (C∃). But since an anchor can be of any size, the core itself can be thought of as a clausal anchor. It is a natural point of access which facilitates processing by offering a schematic preview of the profiled occurrence and its existential status. Whether taken to be the subject or the core, the anchor still frames the clause in the sense of being the initial point of access. Representing the baseline situation, this constitutes neutral framing, as distinct from the special framing giving rise to discursive alternatives at a higher stratum. Figure 16 Special framing implies a more elaborate conceptual structure based on discursive factors like those in (2). As shown in Figure 16(b), it creates a discrepancy between the discursive anchor (A') and the subject: This paper I may not finish on time. Note, however, that the subject still anchors the core as well as the sequence that follows A'. Indeed, except for the “gap” corresponding to A', that sequence still constitutes a clause which the subject frames in the same way as at lower strata. This construction can thus be seen as elaborating an interactive clause by introducing an additional level of structural and functional organization. It partially differentiates what would otherwise be a single clause, resulting in two layers of clausal structure, each with its own anchor: [A' [A ...]CL ]CL. The two anchors have slightly different framing functions, which are not yet differentiated at lower strata. The function of A is primarily descriptive: an active clause describes what the agent does, while a passive describes what happens to the patient. The choice �30 of subject—a matter of perspective on the lexical process—emerges at a lower level. By contrast, the function of A' is primarily discursive, pertaining to discourse factors at a higher level of organization. This is not to deny, of course, that passives are used for various discourse purposes. The point is rather that special framing constitutes a discursive overlay on a more basic descriptive structure. It can thus apply to either actives or passives, as in (3). (3)(a) Termites destroyed the house in just six months. [A = SUBJ = AG] (b) The house was destroyed by termites in just six months. (c) In just six months termites destroyed the house. [A = SUBJ = PAT] [A' ≠ A = SUBJ = AG] (d) In just six months the house was destroyed by termites. [A' ≠ A = SUBJ = PAT] Since A' and A represent semantic functions, rather than fixed or separate structures, different elements can assume either role. Nor does anything prevent the same element from functioning in both capacities. In (4)(a), we observe that a clause-internal topic, especially when contrastive, is fully stressed and prosodically salient in addition to being initial. When that element happens to be the subject, as in (4)(b), the neutral framing effected by a clause-initial subject is reinforced by the special framing of a discursive topic. In this case the subject functions as both A' (by virtue of being the topic) and as A (by virtue of being initial). The functions are conflated in a single element. (4)(a) STUPIDITY [A'] she [A/SUBJ] can tolerate. DISHONESTY [A'] she [A/SUBJ] can’t. (b) SHE [A'/A/SUBJ] can tolerate stupidity. HE [A'/A/SUBJ] cannot. 4. Inversion 4.1 Existential Core In Figure 16(b), and again in 17(b) Zelda he will never understand, we observe a parallelism between the core of an interactive clause and the clause as a whole. It is captured by the formula A > ∃ > R: an anchor (A), followed by an existential element (∃), followed by the remainder (R). Within the existential core, A is the subject, ∃ is the existential verb (V∃), and R �31 is any remaining core element (e.g. never). At the clause level, the corresponding elements are a discursive anchor (A'), the full existential core (C∃), and everything which follows it (R'). Representing a kind of fractal organization, this pattern repeats itself at multiple levels. We can recognize the same elements in a baseline clause, such as 17(a) Floyd broke the glass: A is the subject, ∃ the lexical verb, and R the object. It is also evident in the higher-level elaboration of an interactive clause, as in 17(c): Your son, at home he has always been pleasant, hasn’t he?. In this case A is a clause-external topic, ∃ is a basic interactive clause, and R is a question tag. Figure 17 Our main concern is with an interactive clause and its existential core. Let us first consider the motivation for recognizing the core as being linguistically significant. Recall that C∃ was characterized as a functional grouping comprising the subject, the finite (or existential) verb, and basic indications of polarity and speech act. One indication of its significance is the fractal organization noted in Figure 17: the core is a particular manifestation of a pattern that recurs at multiple levels. Also, within an interactive clause the core serves the important function of registering the existential status of the profiled occurrence. And with a baseline interactive clause, as in 16(a) I may not finish this paper on time, the core is a natural point of access �32 providing a schematic representation of the clausal occurrence, its existential status, and its main participant. These are indications that the core has functional significance. It also has structural significance. First, the division between C∃ and R' is a favored location for the interruptive occurrence of adverbs and other expressions pertaining to existential status, as in (5). Moreover, because C∃ satisfies the abstract definition of a finite clause—namely, it profiles a grounded process—it has the potential to stand alone as such. We see in (6) that it does so both as a question tag (e.g. will it?) and also as part of an elliptic response (No, it won’t). (5)(a) You should, I think, pass this test quite easily. (b) He did not, apparently, tell his wife about his affair. (c) She has, it seems, been complaining to her boss. (d) Are they, perhaps, being criticized unfairly? (6)(a) A: Our plan won’t be affected, will it? B: No, it won’t. (b) A: The boys have been quiet, haven’t they? (c) A: You’re cleaning your room, are you? (d) A: He DID vote for Romney, didn’t he? B: Yes, they have for the most part. B: Yes, I am. B: No, he didn’t, actually. Despite its structural significance, the existential core is not a rigid structure with clearcut boundaries. There is no definitive list of core elements, as they differ in degree of centrality and membership varies for different functions. The core is minimal, consisting of just the most central elements, in the case of question tags. There it is limited to the subject and existential verb—both of which have to be schematic—as well as baseline negation (not/n’t) and indication of speech act. We see in (7) that a tag is infelicitous with a lexical subject or verb. Nor does it tolerate ever, which occurs in the core of either a full clause or an elliptic response. (7)(a) Floyd broke the glass, {did he? / *did Floyd? / *broke he?}. (b) He has {never / not ever} broken one, has he (*ever)? (c) A: He didn’t break a glass. B: Has he ever (done so)? �33 At the other extreme, the core is maximally inclusive in the case of interruptive adverbials, as in (8)(a). It allows both lexical subjects and a substantial array of elements with epistemic import. The core also figures in the phenomenon known as “subject-auxiliary inversion”—here just inversion—where the subject follows the existential verb instead of preceding it. This represents an intermediate case, as only a subset of the elements preceding interruptive adverbials function as core elements for this purpose. And as noted in (8)(b), the judgments are not always clear, suggesting that their status as core elements is a matter of degree. (8)(a) Floyd has {never / seldom / often / always / even / certainly / clearly / in fact / indeed}, according to the evidence, been guilty of glass breaking. (b) {Never / Seldom / ?Often / ??Always / *Even / *Certainly / *Clearly / *In fact / *Indeed} has Floyd been guilty of glass breaking. I am proposing, then, that elements which induce inversion—like never and seldom in (8) (b)—belong to the existential core. Two issues must therefore be addressed. First, what is the basis for claiming that these “inversion triggers” are core elements? And second, why do they have this effect? How, exactly, does inversion come about? The analysis of inversion has been a point of theoretical contention. In the generative tradition, it is treated (following Chomsky 1957) as a “purely formal generalization”, thus supporting the autonomy of syntax (Borseley and Newmeyer 2009). In the cognitive-functional tradition, an alternative is naturally sought in which all the structures involved have semantic or discourse motivation. Goldberg (2006, 2009) describes inversion as a polysemous family of constructions which share the property of departing significantly from a prototypical sentence, characterized by the features positive, predicate focus, assertive, independent, and declarative. In my own analysis—which has much in common with one proposed by Chen (2013)—inversion is not a construction per se, but results from the interaction of discursive factors. 4.2 The Basic Analysis �34 Simply stated, inversion is just a consequence of special discursive framing by a core element other than the subject. Notions already introduced make it apparent why this is so. Special framing implies that there is indeed a discursive anchor, A'. When A' is a core element, it frames the clause in terms of some facet of the existential negotiation by the interlocutors. Since A' is then initial as well as being a core element, it is initial in the core, making it the core-level anchor, A; the functions A' and A are thus conflated. Now the existential core in English consistently follows the pattern A > ∃ > R, where ∃ is the existential verb (V∃). And only one core element can be initial. So when something other than the subject functions as both A' and A, the subject cannot, but has to follow V∃ as part of the remainder (R). Even if the basic outline is clear, the analysis requires more extensive discussion. Let us start with the observation that not every interactive clause has a discursive anchor. There is none in the case of neutral framing (the baseline in this respect), corresponding to the default word order of English clauses. As shown in Figure 18(a), the core is then initial, with the subject initial in the core. The subject thus functions as descriptive anchor (A) for both the core and the clause, but there is no discursive anchor (A'). �35 Figure 18 Moreover, most cases of A' do not trigger inversion. For instance, it does not occur with a clause-internal topic, as in 18(b). Nor does it occur in the examples given previously [in (2)] to illustrate the varied functional motivations of discursive anchors: (9)(a) *Obama would he never vote for. (b) *In parts of Hawaii does it rain every day. (c) *From Houston will he drive to Dallas. (d) *Therefore shouldn’t you take the job. (e) *On the counter does it go! (f) *Carefully did she unwrap the present. �36 In the spirit of Chen 2013, I am claiming that discursive anchors which do trigger inversion belong to the existential core. The basic rationale for this claim is that inversion triggers pertain directly to the clause’s existential negotiation, which is localized in the core. The strongest triggers embody the central core functions of negation and questioning. Thus in 18(c), A' is a negative adverb (never = not ever). In 18(d), it is a question word. By occurring initially, these elements frame the clause in terms of the existential negotiation. In such expressions the initial negative or question word is clearly a discursive anchor (A'): it is an anchor just by virtue of being initial; and it serves a discursive function, the interlocutors engaging in an existential negotiation which pivots on this element. And being pivotal to the existential negotiation, it belongs to the existential core (C∃). This is so even if it corresponds to an element that normally does not. In 18(d), the question word what functions as the clausal object, which is not per se a core element. What brings it into the core is not its status as an object, but its role in the existential negotiation. Obviously, when A' belongs to the core it does not precede it, as in 18(b), but is rather included within it, as in 18(c)-(d). And being initial in the clause, ipso facto it is initial in the core, hence the core-level anchor (A). The two anchoring functions, A' and A, are thus conflated in a single element. Moreover, since only one element precedes the existential verb, the core conforms to the general pattern A > ∃ > R. To state it another way, the A-slot in the pattern A > ∃ > R can be occupied by a single element with multiple functions (e.g. A'/A), or one that is internally complex (like a multiword subject). But it cannot be occupied simultaneously by distinct structures functioning individually in that capacity. Expressions like (10)(a)-(c), with two core elements preceding the existential verb, are thus precluded. So when a non-subject functions as discursive anchor, occurring directly before V∃ with the dual role A'/A, it fills the slot normally occupied by the subject. English resolves the conflict by having the subject follow V∃ instead of preceding it; though still a core element, it is relegated to the remainder (R). This alternative construction, providing another way of implementing some of the same semantic functions, is what we call inversion. (10)(a) *Never she can tolerate stupidity. (b) *What she can not tolerate? (c) *Never what can she tolerate? �37 Of course, the subject may itself take on the function of discursive anchor, as either a negative element, a question word, or a clause-internal topic. This has no effect on word order: as discursive anchor (A'), the subject must be initial; but as the default-case descriptive anchor (A), it is already initial in both the core and the clause. So instead of displacing the subject, this additional discursive function reinforces its claim to initial position. Merely the descriptive anchor (A) in 18(a), the subject has a dual anchoring role (A'/A) in 18(e)-(g). A classic problem—the absence of inversion in questions formed on the subject—is thereby resolved. The solution just falls out in the context of a more comprehensive analysis. Inversion is thus a matter of a non-subject core element preceding V∃ as discursive anchor, so that it preempts the A-slot in the pattern A > ∃ > R. How, then, do we account for polarity questions (those answerable by yes or no), where nothing precedes V∃? The analysis handles them straightforwardly. As seen in 18(h), polarity questions represent the special case where the existential verb is itself the discursive anchor. In Can she tolerate stupidity?, the core sequence can she conforms to the pattern A > ∃ > R with the minor qualification that the A- and ∃-slots are conflated in a single element (can). That element therefore has three semantic functions: A', A, and V∃. This is not just a formal solution, but directly reflects the meaning of polarity questions. The discursive anchor in a question assumes that role by virtue of being the question focus (Lambrecht and Michaelis 1998), i.e. it represents the information being sought. This, of course, is just what a question word does in content questions—in 18(f), who indicates that the question pertains to the identity of the human subject. In polarity questions, the information being sought is whether or not the profiled occurrence is real: existence per se is being negotiated. The existential verb is thus the question focus and discursive anchor. 4.3 Extensions A variety of constructions show the inversion of subject and existential verb. A standard inventory comprises those exemplified in (11). The issue, then, is whether this is simply an arbitrary list, or whether a unified characterization can be found. Goldberg (2006) is certainly correct that these constructions amount to a prototype category with central and more peripheral members, the latter exhibiting degrees of acceptability. There being no precise boundary, �38 inclusion is based on motivation rather than strict predictability, so unification consists in mappping out natural paths of extension from the central cases. Let me briefly sketch what such an account might look like. (11)(a) Have they been complaining? [questions] (b) May you have a happy marriage. [wishes] (c) Is Yao ever tall! [exclamations] (d) Were he rich I might marry him. [non-factual conditionals] (e) Never did they suspect the truth. [negative adverbials] (f) Only with pizza will she drink beer. [only] (g) The groom was more nervous than was the bride. [comparatives] (h) They should relax, and so should we. [certain conjunctions] (i) Truly are we lucky to have survived. [certain positive elements] At the center, being fundamental to the existential negotiation, are questioning and negation. In (12) I list some elements that consistently induce inversion. Among these robust inversion triggers are the basic question words as well as any complex expressions containing them. Also included are basic negative words and an open-ended set of complex expressions incorporating no. (12)(a) who, what, which, when, where, why, how, to whom, for what purpose, with whose wife ... (b) nobody, nothing, never, nowhere, neither, nor, at no time, in no way, to no avail ... Questioning and negation are primary interactive means of establishing joint epistemic control, i.e. building up a shared conception of reality. They embody different strategies for doing so. A content question, such as What was she eating?, is aimed at eliciting a response allowing a specific occurrence to be included in reality: She was eating a banana. It is a strategy of specific inclusion. By contrast, negation embodies the indirect strategy of universal exclusion: Nothing was she eating excludes all propositions of the form She was eating X. The baseline in either case—implemented by polarity questions and basic negation with not—is a global assessment pertaining to the grounded process as an undifferentiated whole. �39 But in either case we also have the option of more nuanced assessments in which status vis-à-vis reality depends on a particular element. That element—the question or negative focus—is specified by the expressions in (12). These are core elements because they are pivotal to the existential negotiation. And as core elements, they function as inversion triggers. These are core elements even if they correspond to non-core elements in positive statements. In (13)(a), for example, C∃ does not include the direct object nominal a banana. But in (13)(b)-(c), what and nothing belong to the core—a functional grouping, it will be recalled— even though it is discontinuous. Their pivotal role in the existential negotiation also makes them prime candidates to be the discursive anchor (A'), as in (13)(d)-(e), in which case they trigger inversion. However, we do have the option of leaving them in place, since focus and special framing are distinct functions despite their natural affinity. (13)(a) She was eating a banana. [OBJ is not in C∃] (b) She was eating what? [OBJ is in C∃, does not function as A or A'] (c) She was eating nothing. [OBJ is in C∃, does not function as A or A'] (d) What was she eating? [OBJ is in C∃, functions as both A and A'] (e) Nothing was she eating. [OBJ is in C∃, functions as both A and A'] In lists of inversion constructions, polarity questions are usually at the top. They represent a basic and obvious form of existential negotiation, being explicitly interactive and concerned with existence per se. The existential verb is therefore pivotal, whether we describe it as the default-case focus or say (from the standpoint of B/E organization) that there is no question focus. Either way, it is natural for V∃ to function as discursive anchor, framing the question in terms of existential status. Of course we also have the option of relying on intonation alone, with no special framing: She was eating a banana?. This alternative construction downplays the negotiation—it is not so much a request for information as a matter of seeking confirmation. But when V∃ does function as discursive anchor (A'/A), inversion is an automatic consequence: Was she eating a banana?. Other inversion constructions with V∃ as discursive anchor represent extensions from this prototype. Included are “wishes”, exclamations, and non-factual conditionals. They differ from polarity questions in regard to either the nature or the extent of the existential negotiation. �40 The first construction uses may as a root modal, being aimed at having some effect on the course of events. The sentence can be interpreted either positively, as a kind of wish (May there be peace on earth), or negatively, as a kind of curse (May you burn in hell!). In a departure from the prototype, the speaker is not negotiating with a human interlocutor, but is rather appealing to some higher power in the hope of inducing the profiled occurrence. Exclamations are emphatic, so they often incorporate reinforcing elements: Is he ever tall!; Man, is he tall!. Moreover, they focus on degree: Did he complain! does not relate to the fact of complaining but to its vehemence. The expressive function of exclamations thus rivals or surpasses their descriptive function. They are also interactive, as the hearer is invited to share and confirm the speaker’s reaction. Existence is still at issue with exclamations, but in a way that reflects their expressive and interactive function: what the interlocutors are negotiating is the degree of existence, i.e. its exceptionality. In non-factual conditionals, like those in (14)(a), the existential verb appears in its nonimmediate form, indicating distance from the ground in the sense of removal from reality. Being both initial and marked for distance, V∃ frames the clause in terms of non-reality. To be sure, non-factuality is simply presented, rather than being negotiated in any strong or narrow sense. But existence is nonetheless the pivotal issue, and the epistemic assessment—effected via grounding—inheres in the interlocutors’ apprehension of the scene. By contrast, in clauses introduced by if, as in (14)(b), non-factuality is directly symbolized and put onstage as an object of conception. (14)(a)(i) Were he rich, I might marry him. (b)(i) If he were rich, I might marry him. (ii) Had he won, he would have gloated. (ii) If he had won, he would have gloated. (iii) Should you see her, say hello. (iii) If you should see her, say hello. Finally, we need to consider inversion constructions in which the discursive anchor is something other than V∃. Exemplified in (15), these all represent extensions (or chains of extensions) from the more typical situation where the inversion trigger (A'/A) is a question word or an overtly negative expression. (15)(a) {Seldom / Rarely / Hardly ever} does he have any fun. Barely could he lift it. �41 (b) Little do they know. On few occasions would he complain. (c) ?{Many times / Often} have I asked myself that question. (d) Only at parties does he tell dirty jokes. (e) Thus did she learn the truth. In that way did he manage to survive. (f) Truly are we fortunate. (g) Jack fell, {and so / as} did Jill. Jack didn’t fall, {and neither / nor} did Jill. (h) Jack was more nervous than was Jill. The most obvious cases are quasi-negative expressions like seldom, rarely, hardly, and barely, which sanction negative polarity items such as any (Klima 1964). These constitute a natural extension—a simple matter of attenuation—from the negative strategy of universal exclusion to one of near universal exclusion. Further attenuation brings in the minimizing quantifiers little and few (Langacker 2009: ch. 3). These provide a bridge to positive expressions of quantity such as many and often, whose status as inversion triggers is rather marginal. Only is also a case of near universal exclusion, but since it limits the range of options to just one, it blends this with the question strategy of specific inclusion. The latter provides the basis for the relatively small number of positive inversion triggers, among them demonstratives, as in (15)(e). Note that demonstrative TH is closely related to the WH of question words (Langacker 2001b), often occurring in the answers to content questions. Another positive trigger, the non-deictic truly, is assimilated to the existential core because inclusion in reality is essentially what it means. Moreover, it is emphatic in this regard, making it similar to exclamations. Other positive triggers are so and as when they act as conjunctions, as in (15)(g). These, of course, are the counterparts of the negative triggers neither and nor. Their status as conjunctions is itself a motivating factor, as one function of discursive anchors is to specify a connection with the previous clause. The same is true for comparatives, as in (15)(h). And because it indicates non-identity of values, than is also quasi-negative. Much more can and needs to be said about inversion constructions. This brief discussion may at least indicate that, instead of being an arbitrary list, they represent motivated extensions from central cases. �42 5. Conclusion I have touched on many issues, both descriptive and theoretical, that are all deserving of far more extensive treatment. My main excuse for brevity is that they must all be considered together for an in-depth understanding of how to build an English clause. With even more egregious brevity, let me now conclude by reviewing some basic points. The analysis illustrates the pervasive organization of conceptual and linguistic structure in terms of baseline and elaboration. Although I discussed various strata as if they were discrete, that is at best a convenient simplification. The boundaries are often permeable. Moreover, successive strata may arise through multiple dimensions of elaboration that do not occur in lockstep but are basically independent. Another general notion is that grammar is the implementation of semantic functions. It consists in assemblies of symbolic structures, representing functional groupings whose emergence as fixed, discrete structures is a matter of degree. Grammatical structure reflects the interplay of discursive and descriptive functions. Finally, these notions are essential for understanding the structure of English clauses, especially in regard to verbal elements. The clausal function of predicating and negotiating the existence of a relationship is represented schematically in a functional grouping—the existential core—with a basic role in English grammar. In particular, it is crucial for inversion, which is not a “purely formal generalization” but has a unified characterization in terms of meaning and discursive function. �43 References Borseley, Robert D. and Frederick J. Newmeyer. 2009. On Subject-Auxiliary Inversion and the Notion “Purely Formal Generalization”. Cognitive Linguistics 20.135-143. Chafe, Wallace. 1994. Discourse, Consciousness, and Time: The Flow and Displacement of Conscious Experience in Speaking and Writing. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press. Chafe, Wallace. 1998. Language and the Flow of Thought. In Michael Tomasello (ed.), The New Psychology of Language: Cognitive and Functional Approaches to Language Structure, 93-111. Mahwah, NJ and London: Erlbaum. Chen, Rong. 2013. Subject Auxiliary Inversion and Linguistic Generalization: Evidence for Functional/Cognitive Motivation in Language. Cognitive Linguistics 24.1-32. Chomsky, Noam. 1957. Syntactic Structures. The Hague: Mouton. Janua Linguarum 4. Croft, William. 2007. The Origins of Grammar in the Verbalization of Experience. Cognitive Linguistics 18.339-382. Gernsbacher, Morton Ann and David Hargreaves. 1992. The Privilege of Primacy: Experimental Data and Cognitive Explanations. In Doris L. Payne (ed.), Pragmatics of Word Order Flexibility, 83-116. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Typological Studies in Language 22. Goldberg, Adele E. 2006. Constructions at Work: The Nature of Generalizations in Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Goldberg, Adele E. 2009. The Nature of Generalization in Language. Cognitive Linguistics 20.93-127. Halliday, M. A. K. and Christian Matthiessen. 2004. An Introduction to Functional Grammar. Third edition. London: Hodder Arnold. Harder, Peter. 2010. Meaning in Mind and Society: A Functional Contribution to the Social Turn in Cognitive Linguistics. Berlin and New York: De Gruyter Mouton. Cognitive Linguistics Research 41. Heyvaert, Liesbet. 2001. Nominalization as an “Interpersonally-Driven” System. Functions of Language 8.287-329. �44 Ibbotson, Paul, Elena V. M. Lieven, and Michael Tomasello. 2013. The Attention-Grammar Interface: Eye-Gaze Cues Structural Choice in Children and Adults. Cognitive Linguistics 24.457-481. Klima, Edward S. 1964. Negation in English. In Jerry A. Fodor and Jerrold J. Katz (eds.), The Structure of Language: Readings in the Philosophy of Language, 246-323. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Kuroda, S.-Y. 1972. The Categorical and the Thetic Judgment. Foundations of Language 9.153185. Lambrecht, Knud and Laura A. Michaelis. 1998. Sentence Accent in Information Questions: Default and Projection. Linguistics and Philosophy 21.477-544. Langacker, Ronald W. 1991. Foundations of Cognitive Grammar, vol. 2, Descriptive Application. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Langacker, Ronald W. 1997. Constituency, Dependency, and Conceptual Grouping. Cognitive Linguistics 8.1-32. Langacker, Ronald W. 1998. Conceptualization, Symbolization, and Grammar. In Michael Tomasello (ed.), The New Psychology of Language: Cognitive and Functional Approaches to Language Structure, 1-39. Mahwah, NJ and London: Erlbaum. Langacker, Ronald W. 1999. Assessing the Cognitive Linguistic Enterprise. In Theo Janssen and Gisela Redeker (eds.), Cognitive Linguistics: Foundations, Scope, and Methodology, 1359. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Cognitive Linguistics Research 15. Langacker, Ronald W. 2001a. Discourse in Cognitive Grammar. Cognitive Linguistics 12.143188. Langacker, Ronald W. 2001b. What WH Means. In Alan Cienki, Barbara J. Luka, and Michael B. Smith (eds.), Conceptual and Discourse Factors in Linguistic Structure, 137-152. Stanford: CSLI Publications. Langacker, Ronald W. 2002. Deixis and Subjectivity. In Frank Brisard (ed.), Grounding: The Epistemic Footing of Deixis and Reference, 1-28. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Cognitive Linguistics Research 21. Langacker, Ronald W. 2008a. Cognitive Grammar: A Basic Introduction. New York: Oxford University Press. �45 Langacker, Ronald W. 2008b. Sequential and Summary Scanning: A Reply. Cognitive Linguistics 19.571-584. Langacker, Ronald W. 2009. Investigations in Cognitive Grammar. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Cognitive Linguistics Research 42. Langacker, Ronald W. 2011. Semantic Motivation of the English Auxiliary. In Klaus-Uwe Panther and Günter Radden (eds.), Motivation in Grammar and the Lexicon, 29-47. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Human Cognitive Processing 27. Langacker, Ronald W. 2012. Substrate, System, and Expression: Aspects of the Functional Organization of English Finite Clauses. In Mario Brdar, Ida Raffaelli, and Milena Žic Fuchs (eds.), Cognitive Linguistics between Universality and Variation, 3-52. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Langacker, Ronald W. To appear. Modals: Striving for Control. MacWhinney, Brian. 1977. Starting Points. Language 53.152-168. Sweetser, Eve E. 1990. From Etymology to Pragmatics: Metaphorical and Cultural Aspects of Semantic Structure. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cambridge Studies in Linguistics 54. Talmy, Leonard. 1988. Force Dynamics in Language and Cognition. Cognitive Science 12.49100. Tomlin, Russell S. 1995. Focal Attention, Voice, and Word Order. In Pamela Downing and Michael Noonan (eds.), Word Order in Discourse, 517-554. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Typological Studies in Language 30. Verhagen, Arie. 2005. Constructions of Intersubjectivity: Discourse, Syntax, and Cognition. Oxford: Oxford University Press. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2904 Title A name given to the resource HOW TO BUILD AN ENGLISH CLAUSE Author Author Langacker W., Ronald Abstract A summary of the resource. I will be examining central aspects of English clause structure from the standpoint of Cognitive Grammar (CG). Though well known and extensively studied, these phenomena have eluded definitive treatment; they still have much to tell us. Indeed, working out their theoretical basis has contributed to further development of the CG framework (Langacker 1991, 2008a, 2012). Especially relevant are two general notions: the organization of structure in terms of baseline and elaboration; and grammar as the implementation of semantic functions. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-09 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed BC Logic,P Philology. Linguistics,PE English https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/b2f513586101058bffa95e70051368c8.pdf 4ed6ee26b910b832288c497382da9f84 PDF Text Text CONCEPT FOR UKRAINIAN LANGUAGE TEXTBOOK FOR CROATIAN STUDENTS (IN TERMS OF LEARNING A CLOSELY RELATED LANGUAGE) Lesya Petrovska & Ana Dugandžić Taras Shevchenko University, Ukraine & University of Zagreb, Croatia Article History: Submitted: 09.06.2015 Accepted: 29.06.2015 Abstract: In creating textbooks and course books for foreign language education, the starting point is the goal of learning the language – language acquisition either on the level of communication skills for specific purposes (business or daily), or as part of the process of training philology specialists, or more specifically, linguistics specialists. In this, among other factors, authors should take into account the ethno-linguistic characteristics of the audience, so the training process should be organised differently for groups of students who study a language closely related to their native language. In studying a closely related language, a variety of phenomena is observed, such as, for example, interference, cross-language homonymy, the fact that ability to perceive and understand a foreign language always outweighs the ability to reproduce material, etc. These points are important to consider when preparing textbooks and course books, and they should be reflected in the selection of lexical material and presentation of grammar. Existing textbooks for learning Ukrainian as a foreign language are mainly not designed for a Slavic languages-speaking audience, which makes the process of training specialists in Ukrainian in Slavic countries more difficult. On the other hand, the methods of organising the material in a textbook and its structure should be designed for philology students and therefore should feature a complex and comprehensive presentation of the language material and combine various methods of teaching. We propose the principles we follow in creating a textbook for learning Ukrainian designed for Croatian students whose primary field of study is the Ukrainian language. �Key words: teaching methodology, closely related languages, communication skills, teacher’s role, philology students �1 Introduction Ukrainian language studies at the University of Zagreb have a long and strong tradition. However, one of the constant tasks is to improve the effectiveness of training specialists in Ukrainian as future translators, teachers, and in broader terms – Slavic philologists with a high level of expertise. In classes, there is an obvious lack of appropriate teaching materials, handbooks and textbooks that could best meet the students’ needs. 2 The objective of this paper is to lay down for consideration and discussion the conceptual principles of such a textbook, its main characteristics, structure and methodology that are built into its basis. 3 Specific characteristics of materials used in teaching Ukrainian. In working with students whose field of study is a foreign language, special textbooks are commonly used, developed for the purpose of acquiring the language at the appropriate level, as well as grammar books, dictionaries and other academic publications that enable a deeper and more detailed study and research of certain linguistic phenomena. The existing textbooks of Ukrainian for foreigners partially cover our needs. In particular, teachers in our department use in their work Ukrainian language textbooks designed for foreigners who are not speakers of Slavic languages (Zhluktenko, Ju. O., & Toc’ka, N. I. (1973). Pidruchnyk ukrajins’koji movy. Kyjiv.; Zajchenko, N. F., & Vorobjova, S. A. (2004). Praktychnyj kurs ukrajins’koji movy dl’a inozemciv: usne movlenn’a. Kyjiv.; Jeshchenko, N.O. (Bojchenko) (2010). Praktychnyj kurs ukrajins'koji movy: usne movlennja. Navchaljnyj posibnyk dlja inozemnyh studentiv; Palins'ka, O., & Turkevych, O. (2011) Krok-1(ukrajins'ka mova jak inozemna). L'viv), and among the existing textbooks that take into account the needs of speakers of related languages, there are only those designed for students who speak Russian. Therefore, it is necessary to create a textbook that would successfully combine approaches to teaching Ukrainian for “distant” and “close” foreigners. In addition, the textbooks mentioned are designed to help students master Ukrainian in order to develop active communication skills and to master grammar structures, or for specific professional purposes (for example, foreign students learning Ukrainian at a basic level to be able to study at other, non- philological faculties in the Ukraine – medical, technical, natural sciences, �etc.). This approach, which can roughly be referred to as “communicative”, is generally prevalent in modern foreign language teaching, although it is not fully appropriate for philology students. In this case, the foreign language itself becomes the object of students’ study. Accordingly, students must not only develop the skills of expressing themselves in the foreign language (“surface” knowledge), but also understand the core of the language and linguistic phenomena (“deep” knowledge of the foreign language). Therefore, if we talk about training linguists in broader terms, we should use the “conceptual and functional” approach to teaching, and to the preparation of textbooks (Jarmak, 2001), since the training of philology students involves the introduction of a strong theoretical basis with numerous exercises. The aim of teaching in this case is to train expert philologists; they should gradually acquire both grammar and orthography, have a wide vocabulary and the ability to express themselves and even to “think” in the foreign language, i.e. acquire the cultural image behind the words. Hence, all language levels, and preferably in aspects that are as broad as possible, should be taken into account. Accordingly, in considering what exactly the kind of the textbook required is, it should be noted that this is a textbook for 1) philology students for whom the Ukrainian language is the major field of study, and 2) students who study a closely related language. To solve this problem, our goal was to prepare a Ukrainian language textbook for students studying Ukrainian Language and Literature at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences of the University of Zagreb, which would fit the education needs of philology students. The planned textbook is designed for students of the 1st and 2nd years of study, and is intended to be used during 4 semesters – the time required for a more or less full basic mastering of the language studied. 4 Conceptual principles The first of the conceptual principles in the Ukrainian textbook preparation is its focus on the professional education of philologists. This means that the presentation of material will cover the conceptual instruments and categories the philology students should know. Therefore, it is our task to prepare a textbook that would: - propose lexical and grammar material in accordance with the professional level of students; �- develop active language skills that ultimately form linguistic knowledge; - develop skills of appropriate language use depending on communicative situations; - fully cover the basic Ukrainian grammar system; - include wide but systematically framed lexical material, the mastering of which would allow students to freely use texts (both oral and written), in most everyday situations and in special texts, that is, which would constitute the basis for the further expansion of the lexical fund and the deepening of vocabulary in highly specialised fields; - contain a sufficient amount of exercises and practical tasks, which will provide a good drill and mastering of lexical and grammar structures at the appropriate level; - include a sufficient amount of texts related to the culture, history and geography of the country, etc., which are an obligatory component in the formation of professional competence of specialists in a foreign language (and beyond: in literature and culture). Therefore, this would be a single integrative foreign language textbook, which would develop various language skills in students, at the levels of both understanding and expression (Kljuchkovs'ka, 2009). 5 Textbook structure The overall textbook material can be divided into two parts: a) the beginners level, intended for the first two semesters of the language study, which would include grammar and lexical structures that allow students to express themselves grammatically correctly in basic everyday situations, and be able to construct simple syntactic structures (this refers to the knowledge of all cases, their forms and basic functions in a sentence, basic grammatical categories of verbs, such as tense and aspect, etc.); and b) the intermediate level that would continue the expansion of linguistic knowledge, building on the already acquired material, which will allow students to construct syntactically and lexically more complex structures (for example, the emphasis on individual case functions, verb categories such as aspect, voice, certain rules of word formation, etc.) The textbook consists of the main book and a workbook with exercises accompanying each unit. In considering the structure of the main part, we concluded that it is most appropriate to divide it into units (not lessons), each of which includes: 1) the main text; �2) vocabulary from the text with translations into Croatian; 3) orthoepy and orthography rules with exercises; 4) grammar rules and exercises; 5) speech structures; 6) lexical, grammar and communicative exercises; 7) translation exercises; 8) additional material for optional work (or self-study). More precisely, the main text should include lexical tools for a certain lexical topic (e.g., “family”, “house”, “food”, “clothing”, etc.). The text should also take into account the grammar structures dealt with in the unit, and repeat them several times, but it should not be loaded with other structures that are unknown to the student at this stage of language learning. However, it should be noted that such forms are allowed, as well as more complex structures. After all, the speakers of Croatian will more or less understand the majority of Ukrainian grammar forms from the context. For example, for students whose native language is Croatian, the meaning and grammatical characteristics of the Ukrainian sentence: “Я буду читати” should be clearly understandable already at the beginning of learning the language, without indicating that this is the future tense form of the verb (as in similar structures Вона читала – past tense; Ми пишемо – present tense), while for students who are native speakers of e.g. English or German, the introduction of such structures without explanation and multiple repetitions will aggravate understanding. Therefore, we allow the inclusion of more complex texts already at the initial stage of language learning compared to the texts in Ukrainian language textbooks for foreigners that are currently available. Croatian students will understand most material from the context, and more complex structures or complicated words are accompanied with comments or direct translation into Croatian. Therefore, students will immediately be provided with the entire logically complete text, expand their vocabulary more intensively and acquire expression skills more quickly. To this end, it seems appropriate to provide some additional vocabulary after the text that is related to the topic. A set of phonetic and orthography exercises is introduced to develop the skills of correct pronunciation of Ukrainian language sounds and stress. It should be noted that accentuation rules �are one of the main problems for Croatians who learn Ukrainian due to fundamental accentuation differences, whether it is the understanding of the nature of stress as a linguistic phenomenon, or mastering the Ukrainian “floating” stress. Special attention is paid to the pronunciation of certain sounds, especially those absent in Croatian, such as /г/, differences in pronunciation of hard and soft consonants, etc. We consider it useful to include exercises of expressive reading, tongue-twisters, etc. in phonetic exercises. Croatian students used to the Latin alphabet need orthography exercises primarily because of the different graphical system. Therefore, such exercises will enable a faster development of correct writing skills in Cyrillic. In addition, they will also help them master certain features of Ukrainian orthography, such as the apostrophe and the specific rules of its use, the implementation of morphological orthographic principle to a greater extent than in Croatian, change of sounds, etc. Grammar rules should be presented sufficiently broadly and comprehensively and must take into account similarities and differences of certain grammar forms in the foreign and native languages. For example, we believe that each case should be dealt with individually, not in the paradigm or declination. In this way, what is equal and different in the two languages is better observed – functions of cases in the sentence, specific formal forms, and links with verbs are taken into account, as is the presence of prepositions in structures. For example, 1st year students often make mistakes in the instrumental case, which, in addition to almost identical endings for masculine and neuter, has different endings for the feminine: masc. studentom=студентом, učiteljem=учителем, neutr. selom=селом, suncem=сонцем, but femin. sestrom–сестрою (not *сестром). Frequently there will also be errors in selecting the correct case in structures such as торт з малиною (instr.) – сік з малини (gen.), because in Ukrainian the same preposition is used with different cases (compared to Croatian – s čime instr. // od čega gen.). Special attention is given to certain verb categories, for example, reflexive verbs: differences in forms but also in expressing the reflexive category itself. In some cases a Ukrainian reflexive verb corresponds to a non-reflexive verb in Croatian (uživati u čemu – насолоджуватися чим, koristiti što – користуватися чим). To the same end, i.e. in order to detect differences between the two languages, we include �translation exercises from Croatian into Ukrainian, which also help understand, raise awareness of the differences between the native and the foreign language, in addition to, of course, contributing to the acquisition of translation skills. In the translation exercises students can visualise the characteristics of meaning, the nuances of the semantic structure of lexemes. Thus, it is appropriate to include exercises that would provide for the selection of several translation variants, search for synonyms (in foreign and native languages), and translation exercises containing proper names (especially toponyms). This is why lexical material is so important in the process of selecting material for the preparation of exercises. These are the words and phrases which represent the core of the language itself, but at the same time they are the basis for practising grammar structures. As for vocabulary, it should be noted and emphasised that closely related languages in their vocabularies have a large number of the same or similar words in terms of pronunciation and semantics. In the process of language learning, this phenomenon is at the same time facilitating and aggravating: on the one hand, it makes it easier to understand and master the language faster, but on the other hand it is often confusing (at the level of understanding if the same pronunciation has different meanings, the so-called cross-language homonymy; at the level of expression it can create a habit among students to use Croatian words, phonetically and morphologically adapted to the Ukrainian language, which is quite often the case, from our experience, for example *ормарик for ormarić, or *піджама for pidžama, etc.). By speech structures we mean various formulas, phrases typical of certain communicative situations that are introduced into example dialogues. These exercises are primarily intended for the acquisition of speaking skills which are the primary task for anyone who learns a foreign language. Such structures should take into account the different communication tonalities, both the formal, characteristic of official communication, and the purely conversational, typical of everyday situations, and even some forms of slang, since a philologist as a foreign language specialist should master the clear stylistic differentiation and have the ability to select linguistic resources in accordance with actual communicative situations. Therefore the use of multi-style language material in foreign language learning helps to achieve a more successful professional communication. Developed communicative exercises help the teacher to create communicative situations �that encourage students to speak actively. This is facilitated by dialogue exercises, as well as games (e.g., role-playing). We consider it appropriate to include in the structure of each unit additional material for optional use, or for self-study. These can be literary texts related to the topic learned (lexically or grammatically), or folk poetry, non-fiction texts, advertisements, jokes, etc., accompanied by exercises for individual work (e.g. “Answer the questions...”, “True or false?” – exercises to check understanding; “Write down synonyms/antonyms...”, “Write the meaning of words/idioms” – vocabulary exercises, etc.). Such or similar material is preferred in foreign language study, as it contributes to faster progress in learning. Therefore, its inclusion in the textbook facilitates primarily the work of the teacher as it builds on the vocabulary and grammar structures learned within the units. 6 As the conclusion, it should be pointed out that in teaching a foreign language to philology students a textbook is needed with the informative, developing, communicative, motivating, systematising and formative, in addition to instructive and control functions, i.e. a textbook that would “integrate” in its structure several aspects of training language professionals. �References: Jarmak, V. (2001). Aktuelni metodološki problemi nastave srpskog jezika kao stranog za studente početnike u Ukrajini. Slavistika, pp. 245 – 255. Beograd. Kljuchkovs'ka, I. (2009). Osnovy koncepciji integratyvnogo pidruchnyka z ukrajins'koji movy jak inozemnoji. Theory and practice of teaching Ukrainian as a foreign language, No. 4. pp 45-50 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2916 Title A name given to the resource CONCEPT FOR UKRAINIAN LANGUAGE TEXTBOOK FOR CROATIAN STUDENTS (IN TERMS OF LEARNING A CLOSELY RELATED LANGUAGE) Author Author Petrovska, Lesya Dugandžić, Ana Abstract A summary of the resource. In creating textbooks and course books for foreign language education, the starting point is the goal of learning the language – language acquisition either on the level of communication skills for specific purposes (business or daily), or as part of the process of training philology specialists, or more specifically, linguistics specialists. In this, among other factors, authors should take into account the ethno-linguistic characteristics of the audience, so the training process should be organised differently for groups of students who study a language closely related to their native language. In studying a closely related language, a variety of phenomena is observed, such as, for example, interference, cross-language homonymy, the fact that ability to perceive and understand a foreign language always outweighs the ability to reproduce material, etc. These points are important to consider when preparing textbooks and course books, and they should be reflected in the selection of lexical material and presentation of grammar. Existing textbooks for learning Ukrainian as a foreign language are mainly not designed for a Slavic languages-speaking audience, which makes the process of training specialists in Ukrainian in Slavic countries more difficult. On the other hand, the methods of organising the material in a textbook and its structure should be designed for philology students and therefore should feature a complex and comprehensive presentation of the language material and combine various methods of teaching. We propose the principles we follow in creating a textbook for learning Ukrainian designed for Croatian students whose primary field of study is the Ukrainian language. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-09 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed P Philology. Linguistics