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                    <text>Journal of Economic and Social Studies

Participatory Approach
to Development in Pakistan
Iqtidar Ali Shah
Faculty, College of Applied Sciences, Salalah
Ministry of Higher Education, Sultanate of Oman
ias85@hotmail.com
Neeta Baporikar
Faculty, College of Applied Sciences, Salalah
Ministry of Higher Education, Sultanate of Oman
neetajb@rediffmail.com

ABSTRACT
The concept of people’s participation in development is well defined
but its meaning is different to different development organizations
and social scientists. The objective of the paper is to unpack the
concept of participation by looking at its various aspects including
types, forms and stages. The paper focuses on research questions such
as what kinds of participation are used worldwide with special
reference to Pakistan; how the importance of people’s participation
is realized and incorporated in development projects worldwide and
more so in Pakistan. The paper provides the rationale for conceptual
understanding of participatory approach and enables to deepen the
knowledge about participatory approach for development. Thus,
this paper contributes to the existing theory in terms of exploring the
conceptual understanding of participation, realizing the importance
of participation in development. The paper is descriptive in nature,
based on secondary materials (research papers and various project
documents), case studies and examples.
JEL Codes: O53, P49

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KEYWORDS
People’s Participation, Pakistan,
Development, Community,
Participatory Approach
ARTICLE HISTORY
Submitted: 27 July 2011
Resubmitted: 11 Spring 2012
Resubmitted: 12 March 2012
Accepted: 27 March 2012

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Introduction
In response to the failure of development projects in 1950s, social activists and fieldworkers observed that the populations concerned were not included in project’s
design and implementation. Failure was linked to the lack of local people’s involvement in developmental projects. It was assumed that if local people were involved,
projects would have been more successful (AWARD, 2008). Similarly, Food and
Agriculture Organization of the United States (FAO) also pointed out that the traditional top-down approach of many developing and developed countries failed to
reach and benefit the rural poor (FAO, 1991). The reason for this failure, identified
by the international community in the World Conference on Agrarian Reform and
Rural Development (WCARRD), held in Rome in 1979, is the lack of active participation of the poor in development programmes (FAO, 1990). As an alternative
approach, the concept of participatory development gained significance in development debates and programmes.
Adopting a people oriented approach rather than a government outlook will bring
in more peace and development. The recent people protest in Arabs called “Arab
Spring” is more an outcome of young generation demanding participation in the
country’s governance and resource allocation processes. Such human turmoil can be
minimized if not totally eliminated by adopting people participatory approach to
crucial projects at least. This will have a twofold effect – strengthen the community
and second bring in the better citizenship. Thus, involving people in development,
governance and decision making becomes need of the day as it ensures confidence
of the people. It also helps in providing equality, justice and smooth delivery of
services. The low level of participation can be one of the reasons behind the recent
“Arab Spring” started in 2010. The people in these countries have stood up for more
freedom, equality, justice, better future prospects, employment, economic and social development and participation in the decision making process.
The phenomenon of participatory or bottom-up development has become very
popular, interesting and attractive in the context of urban and regional development
and has recently become virtually indispensable in the discussion on development.
According to Masanyiwa and Kinyashi (2008, p 3) “participation has now become
an established orthodoxy in development thinking and practice.” Participation is
widely accepted by many governments and international agencies including the
World Bank (World Bank, 1996; World Bank, 1998; World Bank, 2000), United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP, 1997), US Agency for International

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Development (USAID, 1999), Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA,
1995), Food Agriculture Organization (FAO, 1990, FAO; 1991, FAO; 1994 and
FAO, 1997), Inter-American Development Bank (IADB, 1996) as an important element in development projects and programmes, and have involved people/GROs/
NGOs in their development programmes/activities in order to achieve sustainable
development. On the other hand, in the so-called top-down approach to development, the entire process of formulating and implementing polices and projects are
carried out under the direction of government and people were put in a passive
position and were rarely consulted in development and usually have no active role
in development activities. This government-led approach to development remained
intact or even increased deep-rooted problems including economic and social disparities between social classes, genders, regions, and between urban and rural areas.
Participatory development arose from consciousness of these inadequacies.
According to the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA, 1995), participatory development is not an attempt to replace the top-down development approach
with local community-led approach but it attempts to compensate for or overcome
the limitations and shortcomings of the top-down development approach by adopting a bottom-up style of development. Participatory approach enables local people
to acquire the skills needed to implement and coordinate the management of development projects themselves and thus reap more returns. For example, three years
after the completion of the People’s Participatory Programme (PPP) project at Sierra
Leone, a FAO consultant reported after his visit to the project action area “The PPP
villages have undertaken a number of community development projects, raising
money to build schools, bridges and grain stores. Some groups have branched out
into palm oil, groundnut and vegetable production.” The visitor found that while
the group no longer had regular access to credit, they continued to save, investing
their capital in construction projects and in small businesses. The groups still kept
record books and had adopted a participatory monitoring and evaluation system.
Two former Group Promoters had formed Rural Workers’ Association that meets
regularly with government representatives and local leaders to discuss project ideas
and to coordinate the delivery of farm inputs (FAO, 1990). Thus, participation is
more than an instrument of development; it ensures sustainability and makes development efficient.
All the governments, developmental agencies and NGOs have recognized that the
top-down approach possessing convention development strategies has largely failed
to reach and benefit the rural poor. For example, an evaluation found that half of

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the rural development projects funded by the World Bank in Africa out rightly
failed to reach the poor as the top-down approaches were used (FAO, 1990). A
review of assistance to agriculture cooperatives by the World Bank reported similar
results (FAO, 1990). On the other hand, an examination of 25 agriculture and rural development projects financed by the World Bank found that participation by
beneficiaries was a key factor for the 12 projects that achieved long-term economic
sustainability (World Resource Institute, 1992).
Similarly, a study by the International Labor Organization (ILO) of 40 “poverty
oriented” projects worldwide showed that the poorest were excluded from activities and benefits (FAO, 1990). UNDP in its Human Development Report, 1990,
emphasizes that the participatory approach is crucial to any strategy for a successful
human development (FAO, 1991).
The literature review, to a greater extent, confirms the results of effective participation in the form of empowerment of communities, social capital and sustainability
of the projects (World Bank, 2000a). However, the same approach is also criticized
for being slow and complex process (Mansuri and Rao, 2004). Thus, the potential
benefits attached with participatory approach are controversial (Khan, 2006).
Research questions to be explored are: what kind of participation is used in the development projects worldwide and in Kyber Pukhtoon Khwa (KPK), Pakistan and
how the importance of people’s participation is realized and incorporated in development projects and programme worldwide and in Pakistan. Moreover the meaning of people’s participation in development, types and classification, importance,
need, ways, principles and demerits of people’s participation has been reviewed and
analyzed with the aim to provide the conceptual understanding of people’s participation which will help to enhance the knowledge about participation.
This paper is descriptive in nature and based on secondary materials (research papers
and various project documents), case studies and examples.
This paper has been organized as: after introduction, a literature review followed
by various kinds of people’s participation in Pakistan. Next the methods of how to
promote people’s participation in development have been explained followed by the
basis / principles of participation. People’s participation and argument against people’s participation is mentioned in next section. The paper ends with a conclusion.

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Literature Review

Evolution / History of Participation
The concept of participation in the context of economic development is not entirely
new. Its origin can be found in ancient Greek. According to Aristotle, participation
in the affairs of the state as a citizen is essential to the development and fulfillment
of human personality and the best state is one where there is broad participation,
with no class dominating the others. At Aristotle’s time, participation was a matter
of voting, holding office, attending public meetings, paying taxes and defending the
state. In those days there was very little consideration of participation in development. People worked and hoped for prosperity through agriculture, trade and art
and craft manufacturing (Cohn &amp; Uphoff, 1980).
After World War II, the US and other industrialized countries focused on the technological gap between developing and developed countries and foreign assistance
was given to the underdeveloped countries to manage the gap. The people’s participation was to adopt the new technologies. By the 1960s this theory changed into a
resource gap between government revenue and expenditure, between export import
and between saving and investment and the people’s participation was to pay taxes,
consume domestic products, produce more for export, save and invest and hold
down the consumption (Cohen &amp; Uphoff, 1980).
In 1950s and 1960, the community development gained momentum, particularly
in Africa and Asia. National programmes were announced to build community infrastructure and to break down communities’ exclusion from development activities (UNDP, 1997a). Thus, two important approaches to rural development were
introduced in a number of countries, particularly in Africa and Asia - community
development and “animation rurale” (in West Africa) which aimed at local people’s
participation. However, Cohen &amp; Uphoff had a narrow view of participatory activities and felt they were largely ineffective in transforming rural communities (Cohen
&amp; Uphoff, 1980).
Participation has increased its popularity since the 1970s, when concern was felt
for meeting basic needs and reaching the poorest of the poor (Michener, 1998). According to White, Nasir and Ascroft the euphoric word ‘participation’ has become a
part of development jargon (1994). In the late 1970s and 1980s, the development

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programmes were analyzed, examined the cause of underdevelopment and poverty,
and came to the conclusion that the poor were excluded and marginalized both
from broader societal participation and from direct involvement in development
initiatives. As a result, the number of poor people rose to 900 million worldwide. In
the World Conference on Agrarian Reform and Rural Development (WCARRD),
held in Rome in 1979, the international community identified the reason for this
failure - the lack of active participation of the poor in programming, designing, to
assist them (FAO, 1990). After WCARRD, and throughout the 1980s and 90s,
participation in rural development – as well as in development at large – gradually
became more established among governments, donors and international organizations (UN, 2008). Thus, the long journey of top-down and non participatory practice broke down and the bottom-up approach to development came into existence.
There are many bilateral and multilateral donors, development agencies, and governments which have involved people in some aspects of planning, implementation,
management and evaluation of development projects because of the fact/philosophy
that sustainability cannot be achieved without the involvement of beneficiaries in
the project life cycle.

Meaning of People’s Participation in Development
In the existing literature, the term people’s participation has been defined by various
social scientists, researchers and developmental organizations such as World Bank,
U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), United Nations Development Program (UNDP), Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD), InterAmerican Foundation (IFA), Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA)
etc. They defined people’s participation from their own point of view, experience
and priority. Some of the definitions are:

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Participation in the Eyes of World Developmental Agencies

The World Bank
“Participation is a process through which stakeholders influence and partly control the development initiatives and the decisions and resources which affect them”
(World Bank, 1996).

U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)
“The active engagement of partners and customers in sharing ideas, committing
timing and resources, making decisions and taking action to bring about a desired
development objective. Participation describes both the ends and the means; both
the kind of results we seek, and the way we, as providers of development and humanitarian assistance, must nurture those results” (USAID, 1999).

United Nation Development Programme (UNDP)
“Participation means that people are closely involved in the economic, social, cultural and political processes that affect their lives” (UNDP, 1997a).

Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD)
“…for development to succeed, the people of the countries concerned must be the
“owner” of their development policies and programs” (USAID, 1999).

International Fund for Agriculture Development (IFAD)
“…a democratic process in which people, particularly the weak and the poor, are not
passive receivers of a developmental project at the end of top-down approach, but
are requested to identify their needs, voice their demands, and organize themselves
so as to improve their livelihood with the help of financial, technical, and human
resources offered by the development project as well as their own” (USAID, 1999).

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Inter-American Foundation (IFA)
“Institutional style and modus operandi which facilitate accountability to members and clients; broad participation in decision-making; availability of information about the management of resources; and equitable distribution of benefits”
(USAID, 1999).

Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA)
“A process whereby individual and community are actively involved in all phases of
development. It therefore involves greater equity in economic and political power”
(USAID, 1999).

Food Agriculture Organization (FAO)
“An active process in which people take initiative and action that is stimulated
by their own thinking and deliberation and which they can effectively influence”
(FAO, 1991).

Inter-American Development Bank (IADB)
Participation in development can be defined in broad terms as the pprocess through
which people with a legitimate interest (stakeholders) influence and control developmental initiatives, and the decisions and resources which affect them, thus,
participation often comprise:
•

the involvement of stakeholders in any or all phases of the project life cycle;

•

promotion of the role of civil society in the development process;

•

specially designed facilitation methodologies and techniques;

•

decentralized or devolved decision-making; or

•

the institutionalization of decentralized or devolved decision-making such that
broad stakeholder involvement becomes a normal, expected part of the development process (IADB, 1996).

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Participation in the Eyes of Researchers and Social Scientists

Cohen and Uphoff
“With regard to rural development.…participation includes people’s involvement
in decision-making process, in implementing programmes, sharing the benefits of
development programmes and their involvement in the efforts to evaluate such programmes” (Cohen and Uphoff, 1977).

Cernea, M. (ed.)
“Empowering people to mobilize their own capacities, be social actors rather than
passive subjects, manage the resources, make decisions, and control the activities
that affect their lives” (Cernea, 1985).

Wolfe and Marshall
Participation designates “The organized efforts to increase control over resources and
regulative institutions in given social situations, on the part of groups and movements hitherto excluded from such control” (Wolfe, 1983).

N.C. Saxena
“Participatory is a voluntary process by which people, including the disadvantaged
(in income, gender, caste, or education), influence or control the decisions that affect them” (Saxena, 1998).

Sam Joseph
“The invitations to people to take part as beneficiaries in a programme designed
exclusively by a development agency in which the beneficiaries have had no input
or a situation where local people have had the responsibility and the authority to
analyze, plan and implement the solutions to local problems or a situation where

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local people have had control of all stages of finding solutions to a local problem”
(Joseph, 1996).

Angelo Bonfiglioli
“A complex social, technical and institutional process through which communities
may become more fully involved in their own development, more particularly taking an active part in the design, implementation and evaluation of specific development initiatives” (Bonfiglioli, 1997).
The main crux and theme of the above definitions can be summarized as:
•

the voluntary involvement of the poor, weak and needy, beneficiaries and stakeholders to share, participate and control all economic, social, cultural and political initiatives,

• to actively participate in the decisions, resources and benefits of developmental
activities,
• to take part in the design, implementation and evaluation of specific development initiative,
•

to involve people in all phases of development programme and policy, because:
participation is a means and end,
in order to achieve desired objectives,
to become owner of the project/ activities / programmes and
to improve their livelihood.

Pretty has pointed out that there are two overlapping schools of thought and practice. According to them: (a) participation as a means to increase the efficiency, the
central notion being that if people are involved, then they are more likely to agree
with and support the new development or service (Pretty, 1995). According to
UNDP,
Participation is seen as a process whereby local people cooperate or collaborate with
externally introduced development programmes or projects. In this way participation becomes the means whereby such initiatives can be more effectively imple-

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mented. People’s participation is sponsored by external agency and it is seen as a
technique to support the progress of the programme or project. The term ‘participatory development’ is more commonly used to describe this approach and it implies
externally designed development activities implemented in a participatory manner.
This approach would appear to be quite widespread and essentially promotes participation as a means of ensuring the successful outcome of the activities undertaken
(UNDP, 1997a).
(b) Participation as a fundamental right, in which the main aim is to initiate mobilize for collective action, empowerment and institution building (Pretty, 1995).
UNDP named this fundamental right as an end (goal) of participation. According
to UNDP,
Participation as an end (goal) which can be expressed as the empowering of people
in terms of their acquiring the skills, knowledge and experience to take greater responsibility for their development. People’s poverty can often be explained in terms
of their exclusion and lack of access to and control of the resources which they need
to sustain and improve their lives. Participation is an instrument of change and it
can help to break that exclusion and to provide poor people with the basis for their
more direct involvement in development initiatives (UNDP, 1997a).
So, very simply, the term participation or participatory approach can be defined
as The active involvement of local people/community or their representatives, local organizations, ideas, skills, knowledge and priorities in all the phases of any local project/
programs,, developmental activities and developmental policies, in order to increase the
efficiency or to ensure sustainability and equitability, as it is the fundamental right of
poor /local beneficiaries or because the local people know more than the government and
external professional experts what problems they face and how best to resolve them.
The importance of this definition is that it covers three aspects of human life i.e. economic, social and political. According to this definition people are involved in the
development process to ensure sustainability, to achieve equitability and to prevail
social justice in society.

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Need of People’s Participation in Development
Traditional development theory holds that development is primarily a function of
capital investment and that the greater the flow of capital from wealthy countries
to poor countries, the more rapid the development of the latter (Korten, 1987).
However, overcoming rural poverty is not simply a matter of more investment, more
aid or more technology. Poverty will persist until development reaches and benefits
the world’s 800 million underprivileged, undernourished and under-educated rural
people. The rural poor must be given the opportunity to participate in development
(FAO, 1997a). Similarly, Cohen and Uphoff (1980) found that more and more
economists have come to challenge the prevailing view that capital was the prime
mover in development. According to them, in this theoretical and practical context, people’s participation becomes important to the same extent as it was peripheral when capital formation was considered as the primary factor. According to the
World Bank (2000), “economic growth is essential to poverty reduction. However,
development requires more than just a focus on macroeconomic and financial issues. Experience shows that looking at both sides-macroeconomic and financial aspects on the one side and structural, social and human considerations on the otheris essential to adequately support a country’s future development.” Thus, to provide
the opportunity to local and poor people to participate in development is the only
solution for overcoming rural poverty and securing sustainable development.
According to Saxena, people’s participation (as an input or an independent variable)
can contribute to the achievement of four main objectives: efficiency; effectiveness;
empowerment; and equity (Saxena, 1998). Experience has shown that participation
improves the quality, effectiveness and sustainability of development actions. By
placing people at the center of such actions, development efforts have a much greater potential to empower and to lead to ownership of the results (UNDP, 1997a).
“Development is a complex process. It cannot be left in the hands of centralized power. Even latter-day communists such as Mikhail Gorbachev and Deng Xiaoping have
come to realize this and tried to open up their societies, to provide more room and
more opportunities to the people to be more participative, creative and productive”
(Cleveland and Lubic, 1992). The failure of conventional, top-down and non-participatory approach in many development and developed countries led to the foundation
of an alternate approach i.e. community participation, which contains the qualities
of sustainability, empowerment, self-reliance, and equity. The need of a bottom-up
approach was not only felt by the governments of underdeveloped and developed

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countries but also all the donors, international development agencies and NGOs and
was incorporated in their development programmes and activities for their successful
implementation. The main characteristic of the bottom-up strategy is the community
involvement in developmental activities. The question and issue is why people should
be consulted, and how to link institutions and people to jointly accelerate the process
of development. There are three reasons which justify people’s participation:
•

When people/community participates in the identification of problems and
come up with their own solutions, the results can be both spectacular and
sustainable.

•

Participation allows communities to discover their own wealth of knowledge
and capacity for problem identification and problem solving.

•

The solutions that are identified by communities are more likely to be feasible
and implementable than those formulated by outsiders.

Linking institutions and communities poses a twofold problem: for the institution it is very difficult to involve the isolated and uneducated people in the main
stream of development. It is a problem how to access them to increase their productivity and income and to make development activities more sustainable. The same
is also faced by the poor population as they are neither connected with the political
system nor with the general economy. They are often isolated, with limited access to
newspapers and other forms of communication. They don’t know how to approach
the government and other institutions and vice-a-versa, for their rights and own
development. Though they know better their own problems and the solutions, the
difficulty is to organize them and make their local knowledge effective. So, there is
a need of a two ways communication between the two groups. To link the two is
mostly done by local NGOs.

Importance and Role of Participation in Development
The importance and role of people’s participation in development has been highlighted in various papers and documents of projects. It is the most important approach
to enable communities to help themselves and sustain efforts in development work.
Participation is important because it makes projects efficient, effective, and sustainable

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in a variety of ways. According to Katsumoto, participation clarifies project goals,
reduces project cost, prevents/reduces management conflicts (that may be caused
between development workers and local people), promotes the technology transfer to the people and encourages a culture of self-help and a commitment among
the people (Katsumoto, 2007). Participation increases sustainability, productivity,
efficiency, reduces cost and builds democratic organizations (FAO, 1997b). Participation improves the status of women by providing them the opportunity to play a
part in development activities (UNDP, 1997a). Participation creates the sense of
responsibility and ownership in the beneficiaries which leads to sustainability (FAO,
1991). Participation breaks the mentality of dependence and promotes self-awareness and confidence (Mefenguza, 2007). Participation helps to build local capacity
and develop the abilities of local people to manage and to negotiate development
activities (UNDP, 1997a). Participation improves the efficiency, effectiveness, sustainability and coverage of projects and programmes and promoting stakeholder
capacity, self-reliance and empowerment (FAO, 2000). Participation provides equitable development and creates a sense of self-determination, community development and self-development (CPA, 2009).

Classification of Participation
Pretty, Satterthwaite, Adnan, Alam &amp; Brustnow and Hart have classified participation on the basis of why and how people participate in development (Pretty, 1995).
They provide a complete cycle of people’s participation in development. In the first
part of their cycle, manipulative participation, passive participation, participation
by consultation, and participation for material incentives, are the weak levels of participation and people have no power to plan or decide for their own development.
In these levels of participation, the whole development programme is controlled and
managed by external agents. The second part of the project cycle includes functional
participation, interactive participation, and self-mobilization participation which
are comparatively the stronger levels of participation. At these levels of participation,
beneficiaries are in a better position to control planning, decisions and resources.
Pretty (1995) indicated that for the best results, the people should be involved in
all stages of a project, from design to maintenance. If they are just involved in information sharing and consultation then, the result will be poor.

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Another way of distinguishing different forms of participation is presented by
United Nations Capital Development Fund (UNDP, 1997). According to this
typology, participation has been classified on the basis of levels or degrees. This
typology can be divided into two levels/stages. Level one contains manipulation,
information, consultation and consensus building. This level is a very weak level
of participation because at this stage all the beneficiaries are just manipulated,
informed and consulted. However, this is a basic level and necessary for future
participatory development of a project. The second stage of participation consists
of decision-making, risk-sharing, partnership and self-management. This is the actual level where the beneficiaries are responsible to control, manage and share the
decisions, risk, partnership and self-management of a development project. This
typology of participation seems similar to the typology given by Pretty (1994).
However, the difference is that this typology provides various levels/stages of participation while the previous one given by Pretty (1994) indicates various forms/
kinds of participation.
Deshler and Sock (1985) also presented participatory levels ranging from pseudoparticipation, (or the manipulation of beneficiaries by development professionals to
meet the needs of elites) to genuine participation in which participation is empowered by having control over programme policy and management. This classification
is also carried out on the basis of level. They divided the people’s participation into
two main levels i.e. Genuine and Pseudo Participation. At the genuine participatory level, the community is empowered and gains control over project planning,
decisions and resources. Community partnership is more strengthened with the external agents of development projects. Thus, it is a very strong level of participation
where people/community and project implementers have strong cooperation and
share all project activities. At this level, communities are delegated more powers to
become the owners of the development projects. At the pseudo participatory level,
the beneficiaries are just invited, informed, consulted and manipulated with regard
to project activities. There is one-way communication. All the project activities are
controlled and managed by the project staff. The beneficiaries’ suggestions and advice with regard to project activities are just heard. The pseudo participation seems
to be a weak and less important level of participation. But, in fact, this level of participation provides a basis for future genuine participation.
White classified participation on the basis of interest of stakeholders (planners and
beneficiaries). At each of the first three levels (Nominal, Instrumental and Representative), planners and beneficiaries have different interest. However, only at the

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ultimate level (transformative) both groups are interested in the empowerment of
beneficiaries (White, 1996). White describes four types of stakeholders’ participation. According to him each type is characterized by the divergent interests of
different stakeholders. Planners are identified as having top-down interests versus
the bottom-up interests of project beneficiaries. Participation ranges from nominal
to transformative. White’s classification is important because it demonstrates that
stakeholders do not share the same expectations of participation in development
projects. At each of the first three levels, planners and beneficiaries employ concurrently conflicting definitions of participation. Only at the ultimate level (transformative), both groups of stakeholders are interested in the empowerment of beneficiaries (Michener, 1998).
Cohen and Uphoff (1980) presented a more comprehensive typology of participation by examining the various dimensions of participation. Their typology not only
includes different type/kinds of participation but also who participates and how.
The type/kind of participation has been classified with regard to the project cycle
i.e. Participation in decision making, implementation, benefits and evaluation and
“who” dimension divides the actors or stakeholders involved and they are for example, local residents, local leaders, government personnel and foreign personnel. Similarly, the “how” dimension describes the mechanisms by which participation takes
place. For example, its basis, form, extent and effect/impact. Cohen and Uphoff’s
typology of participation is more comprehensive. It has an applied focus with less
attention to theoretical divisions. This classification provides a complete framework
for the analysis of participatory component of any rural development project. The
Cohen and Uphoff dimensions of participation concerns the kind of participation
which is taking place, the sets of individuals who are involved in the participatory
process and the various features of how that process is occurring. Basically these
dimensions provide answer to the questions: what kinds of participation take place;
who participates in them; and how the process of participation takes place.
Pretty (1995) presented a participatory continuum laying out different forms of
participation, from the least participatory to the most participatory. Pretty’s participatory continuum is different from the all other aforementioned typologies. This
typology lays down different forms of participation, from the least participatory to
the most participatory. It indicates how people are involved in the project activities
and how they are mobilized to carry out their own developmental activities in the
absence of external initiators and facilitators.

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Form of People’s Participation in Pakistan
After a comprehensive overview of the participations’ classification in the above section, it can be concluded that participation is classified on the basis level, degree,
interest and dimensions etc. However, participation can be classified on the basis of
mobilization, origins/sources, sector/activities and beneficiaries. A quick view of this
classification is given below.
Classification on the Basis of Mobilization: Classification on the basis of mobilization is shown in table 1.1.
Table 1. Classification on the basis of mobilization: Participation by “Which”
Mobilization
1. Self/Internal
Mobilization
(Bottom-up
Participation)
2. External
Mobilization
(Top-bottom
Participation)

Forces for Participation
1. Crises /
threat to community
2. Funding fromdonors
3. Inspiration and
awareness from other
community
1.NGOs Mobilization
2.Government
Mobilization

Kind of Participation

Effect of Participation

1. Short period
participation
2. Long period
Participation

More effective,
sustainable and
genuine if supported

1.Obligatory
Participation
2.Non Obligatory
Participation

Less effective

Source: Self-developed
Participation may originate from below (beneficiaries) in that case it can be called
bottom-up participation. This type of participation is usually generated during crises, or in response to some threat to community’s identity, survival or values. So
community mobilizes itself to protect or resist (Goulet, 1989). Self-mobilization
may cast for a short time and end when the threat or crises to the community is
over. However, in some cases it takes the shape of a strong platform in the form of
grass-root organization that takes the responsibility of community’s welfare and development oriented activities. For example, in response to the construction of Ghazi
Baroota Hydral Development Project in Pakistan, the affected local people belonging to Swabi district of KPK and other adjoining areas were self mobilized and
made platforms in the shape of NGOs and GROs to demand from the government
compensation for their affected agriculture land, houses etc. which were damaged
due to the dam’s construction. Some of the NGOs have now opened windows for
other developmental activities.
Bottom-up participation is more genuine and can be further strengthened if external

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agents provide an enabling framework of support. Take the example of Shewa Educated Social Welfare Association (SESWA) of village Shewa, District Swabi, KPK,
Pakistan. It is a self motivated organization developed by the youth of village Shewa
for the welfare oriented activities of their village. However, the scope of activities
of the SESWA increased by extending its development activities to other villages of
the district as a result of the support provided by the Germen assisted “Pak-German
Integrated Rural Development Project” (IRDP) of the provincial government of
KPK. With the passage of time SESWA became a development platform for people
of the whole Swabi district. Other villages/communities of the surrounding areas
are replicating in order to establish their own organization in the style of SESWA.
Communities may also be mobilized from top i.e. by external agents for their specific objectives. There are two types of external forces which generate mobilization/
participation, the public sector and the external NGO working at the location.
Participation as a result of these external agents is of two types, obligatory and non
obligatory. Sometimes the external forces put condition(s) on the community to
participate in the projects by providing some inputs. For example, the community
may provide land or material or some percentage of the total cost or compulsory
maintenance and repair cost. For example in Pakistan, for the construction of a
water supply scheme, a basic health center and a primary school etc. the land must
be provided by the beneficiaries. Otherwise the activity is shifted to another area
where the people can provide the land for construction. Similarly, the Community
Infrastructure Project (CIP) at KPK, Pakistan invited the community to participate
in their development programme by providing any land required and compulsory
share of 20% of the total cost. (CIP, undated) The main aim behind this obligatory
approach was to reduce the cost of the project and to raise the sense of responsibility and ownership among the beneficiaries. In the non obligatory approaches, the
communities are mobilized / involved in their activities without putting any conditions on them. The mechanism used for mobilization is through employed agents
of change (field workers extension workers, community organizers or animators)
and local institutions. The success of external mobilization depends upon the nature
of project, social, cultural and economic conditions of the beneficiaries and on the
mechanism and technique used for mobilization. The best mobilization approach
is that which produces sense of responsibility and ownership in the community for
their projects; otherwise the participation will end when project activities are withdrawn from the community.

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Classification on the Basis of Origin: On the basis of origins / sources of participation, the classification model is presented in table 1.2.
Table2. Classification on the basis of sources: Participation through “whom”
Origins / Sources of
Participation

Kinds of Institutions for Participation

1. Informal Institutions
or Invisible Institutions

Informal social, cultural, welfare, self-help, regional, religious institutions at
grass root level.

2. Formal Institutions

Multi sector institutions registered with government like Social Welfare
Societies, Village Organizations etc.

3. Individual

Elders, religious and influential people of the community.

Source: Self-developed
There are many informal village or community organizations in every part of the world
which are the main origins / sources of participation. Informal organizations vary according to region, level, society, culture, economic situation and religion. For example,
in a rich religion society there will be many informal religion oriented mosque and
church committees for the welfare, as well as some missionary activities. Rich sociocultural communities consist of many informal institutions such as Panchayat in India
(Gent, 1992) and in the Punjab Province of Pakistan, Hujra and Jarga are informal
institutions in the KPK (Czech, 1996) and Balochistan Province (Bonfigolioli, 1997)
of Pakistan. Many social welfare and self-help institutions are available in the agro
based communities which are the main sources of participation and can be effectively
involved in any development effort. Most of the institutions such as Jarga and Hujra
are “invisible” and can be mobilized for any developmental activity.
The other sources for community participation are some formal community based
institutions existing in the society. Such institutions are developed and formally
registered with the government for some social, welfare, environmental and development oriented activities. For example in KPK, Pakistan, there are 1485 formal
community based institutions out of which 509 have been registered with the government (NGO Directory, 1998-99). Most of the NGOs and government sponsored community based projects are utilizing their knowledge and have involved
them in their activities.
Almost all formal and informal institutions are self-mobilized. However, in the category of formal institutions, there are some organizations which are created by the government or large scale NGOs for carrying out developmental activities through them.

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The third important source of participation in the rural communities is elders (white
bearded), religious scholars (like Ulluma* in Pakistan), and other influential people.
Here a question arises that these elders or ulluma may be few or single at village or
community so how will they participate in the development activities. But actually
they are highly regarded and have a status in rural communities. They have a very deep
rooted impact on the rural community. For example, in Pakistani rural communities,
a youth cannot speak before the elder of the community and a man, young or old,
cannot speak before Allim* (religious scholar). So the participation of an elder, or an
Allim accounts for the participation of the whole community. The NGO crises in Pakistan (1999-2000) happened because of the Ulluma. The Ullima were not consulted
and were not taken into confidence. Therefore, NGOs activities were stopped in various locations of the country. NGOs are blamed for pursuing women’s freedom and
other non Islamic activities (Frontier Post, 2001). On the other hand, Pak-German
Integrated Rural Development Project at Mardan, Pakistan, adopted a new approach
(Czech, 1996) by consulting and taking up the confidence of all the formal and non
formal institutions as well as the elders and Ulluma. As a result of this approach, the
project activities were run very successfully (Interview with Community Development
Coordinator, IRDP, Mardan, and KPK at Pakistan).
Classification on the Basis of Sectors / Activities: Classification of the people’s
participation on the basis of sectors / activities is provided in table 1.3.
Table3. Classification on the basis of sector/activities: Participation for “what”
Sector

Activities

Political

Participation for political activities like peace, democracy, human rights, gender equity,
women rights. Legal aid, humanitarian relief, child right, and labor right etc.

Economic

Participation for Poverty alleviation, Environmental protection, integrated rural and
urban development projects, Women in development, gender and development,
community development, economic research, family planning, small scale enterprise,
employment/income generation, credit and savings, and basic job training etc.

Participation for welfare oriented activities like help to the poor and orphan students,
Social Welfare and
providing food and clothes to the poor, sports and recreations, social research,
Religious.
rehabilitation of drug addicts, and culture arts and heritage etc.

Source: Self-developed
There are three main fields for the people to participate i.e. political, economic
and social welfare/religious. Under these sectors people perform and participate in
various activities, individually or through their formal or informal organizations.
Some organizations are specific to only one sector or activity. For example in

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agrarian communities most people are participating for agriculture based activities
through their farmers’ associations. Some people or their organizations have a multisectoral focus such as political, economic and welfare oriented activities.
In the KPK, 727 people’s organizations have multi-sectoral focus, 473 focus on agriculture, 456 participate for credit and saving, 350 are busy in welfare oriented activities, 96 in human rights and 73 in humanitarian relief (NGOs Directory, 1998-99).
Classification on the Basis of Beneficiaries: On the basis of beneficiaries, a classification model for people’s participation has been developed and shown in table 1.4.

Table 4. Classification on the basis of beneficiaries: Participation for “whom”
Beneficiaries

Participatory activity(es)

Community

Participation in the project(s)/ Programme (s)/activity (es) for community development.

Religious Minorities

Participation in the project(s) / programme (s) / activity (es) designed for the development
of minorities.

Members only

Participation in the project(s) / programme (s) / activity (es) which serve members of the
project only.

Non –Members

Participation in the project(s) / programme (s) / activity (es) whose beneficiaries are non
members.

Elders

Participation in the project(s) / programme (s) / activity (es) which have been designed
for the welfare of elder people.

Students

Participation in the project(s) / programme (s) / activity (es) which provide benefit to the
students community.

Youth

Participation in the project(s) / programme (s) / activity (es) which is useful for the youth
and young generation.

Children

Participation in the project(s) / programme (s) / activity (es) which focus on the
development of children.

Men

Participation in the project(s) / programme (s) / activity (es) which serve only men of the
community.

Women

Participation in the project(s) / programme (s) / activity (es) which serve only women of
the community.

Disabled

Participation in the project(s) / programme (s) / activity (es) design for the welfare and
development of disabled people of the community.

Drug Addicts

Participation in the project(s) / programme (s) / activity (es) designed for the welfare of
drug addicts.

Patients

Participation in the project(s) / programme (s) / activity (es) to help all kinds of patients.

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In the beneficiaries based classification, the focus is on the various individuals or
groups getting benefits as well as participants in the projects. Some people participate and develop an organization for the welfare or development of a specific group.
Their focus is a particular group of the community and not a sector or activity. They
design various programmes/ projects/activities just for the welfare/development of
particular group(s). For example, there are many people’s organizations which are
designed to develop or benefit women or children.
In the KPK, there are 836 people organizations which serve the whole community,
710 for women development, 606 for students’ welfare and 536 for patients (NGOs
Directory, 1998-99).

How to Promote People’s Participation In Development
People’s participation is a very complex process and there is no single recipe for its
promotions. Different countries have taken different approaches, techniques and
methods. It is not possible to present some specific guidelines that can be used for
the promotion of people’s participation in development because the issues are different in each setting. It all depends upon people’s behavior, their social customs,
traditions, religions, norms etc.
The main issues in the promotion of popular participation are: a) how to locate the
deprived, b) how to enter in the circle of a poor community, c) how to give them
voice and d) how to enhance their capacity of skill and knowledge. According to Picciotto (1999), poor are weak, too numerous, too dispersed and too diverse in their
interest to form effective coalitions. How to give voice to the voiceless poor; how to
give them a seat at the table when development programmes are debated and policy
priorities are set; how to channel their scattered energies and extraordinary skills
into productive pursuits is the fundamental challenge of development assistance.
To locate the poorest in the programme area one needs to understand the development profile of the area and to find out various dimensions of poverty (economic,
social or human development dimensions etc.) that exists in the community and the
target groups. Once we find out the poorest, their problems and the target groups,
then the next important issue is how to reach and enter in the community of the
poor. This is not an easy job because in this regard we have to study their social,

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cultural and religious norms and values. Violation of their norms and values will
lead to the failure of the programme. In this regard it is very important to locate the
influential individual(s) like political persons, teachers, religious leaders or elders of
the community and take them into confidence. Moreover, it is important to contact
the formal and informal institutions if already existing in the community. Once the
influential individuals and local institutions are consulted and taken into confidence
it becomes easy to mobilize the poor and carry out the progamme activities in a sustainable and equitable manner. In case there are no such institutions, then a united
platform of the poor in the form of formal grass-root organization is necessary to
be formed first.
The third issue is how to give voice to the poor, to mobilize them in order to participate in the programme activities and to build their capacity to act. In this regard
we need to raise their level of consciousness and to organize, gather and unite them
under one platform by the formation of their own organization (if not available) or
by strengthening the existing one. The poor need to be aware of the socio-economic
realities around them, of the forces that keep them in poverty, and of the possibilities for bringing about changes in their conditions through their own reflections
and collective activities. According to Wignaraja (1992), this constitutes a process of
self- transformation through people’s praxis when they grow and mature as human
beings. Similarly, it is very difficult for the poor to break away from the vicious circle
of dependence and poverty individually. It is only group effort organization that can
reduce dependence and initiate a course of participatory, self-reliant development.
In this way, the voice of the poor for their development and empowerment will
arise. To mobilize the poor and to build their capacity to act, the World Bank (1996)
has suggested the following steps:
•

Keep the primary objective of the project which is to learn from poor and collaborate with the poor. This will build the confidence, knowledge and capacity
of the poor for action.

•

Strengthen the organization and financial capacity of the people so that they
can act for themselves.

•

Organize community; provide them training and one-way flows of resource
through grant. The provision of benefits delivered to people is not sustainable
in the long term and may not improve the ability of people to act for self.

•

When the capacity of poor people is strengthened and their voices begin to be

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heard and they start demanding and paying for goods and services from government and private agencies, they become “clients”. In such a situation move
away from welfare oriented approach and focus on things such as building sustainable market based financial systems, decentralizing authority and resources
and strengthening local institutions.
•

Now, when clients ultimately become the owners and managers of the assets
and activities, this is the highest stage or rank in terms of intensity of participation. In this stage, then, involve poor in the planning and decision processes.

However, in many countries there are policy constraints in the organization
and involvement of the poor. Therefore, a suitable policy environment is required to
allow all stakeholders, especially poor and disadvantageous groups.

Basis or Principles of Participation
It is very important to establish the basis or the set of principles for any development
project to be adopted. Without such principles it will be very difficult to build an
appropriate strategy or to determine how the project is to be implemented. According to the UNDP (1997a), pparticipatory development is not ‘blue-print’ development but it is a strategy which constructs its approach in relation to the demands
of the project context. There is a need of some principles or it requires some basis
which helps planners to determine what the participatory approach should be in
their development projects and programmes. UNDP (1997a) has developed the
following principles which are considered to be more important:
Target Group: The first principle of participation is to keep the poorest of the
poor as a target group in the development of projects and strategies. Techniques
and methods should be adopted to identify the poorest and then how to reach and
involve them in the projects’ activities.
Decision Making Process: People must be the decision makers of the whole development process. Their decisions should be made at all stages of project cycle and an
equal importance and weightage should be given to all groups of the community. A
free environment should be provided in which each individual can participate in the
decision making process and people are encouraged to participate.

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People Capabilities: People’s knowledge, skill and capabilities must be kept in the
strategies and should be incorporated in the planning, implementation, monitoring
and evaluation. People’s knowledge and expertise should be build, strengthened and
encouraged to reduce their dependency on external assistance.
Sense of Responsibility, Ownership and Control: The most important principle
to be kept in any project’s strategy is to produce a sense of responsibility and ownership among the beneficiaries. This principle is important for sustainability. Encourage people to gain control over project activities and outcome. According to the UN
report, people should be involved so that they rather act as “contributors” than mere
“beneficiaries” of development.
Women Empowerment: The gender component is also important and should be
incorporated in development projects. Usually, there are various cultural and social
barriers for women to participate in the activities. They are not allowed to participate in the developmental activities. Therefore, social and cultural changes should
be created so that voice of women could be heard and their participation be secured.
Ways of People’s Participation
There are numerous ways world over for people’s participation in development projects and programmes. However, their participation depends upon the nature and
policy of projects to be executed in their area and the social, cultural, religious,
educational and financial capabilities of the people and community. Below are some
ways of people’s participation adopted by the government and various NGOs in
their respective projects and programmes in Pakistan.
Land Provision: There are some developmental projects for which community provides land without cost. For example, in Pakistan, land for schools and water supply
schemes as provided by the communities.
Labor provision: In some development projects, people participate by providing
free labour. For example, in construction of rural access roads in Pakistan, people
participate by working themselves as laborers.
Material Support: People some time participate by providing material to the projects and other expenditures are undertaken by the project implementers. For example, in Pakistan, people participate in the construction of road/street by providing
materials such as sand, mud, crush stones etc.

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Technical and Professional Support: Every community has some technical and
professional people such as doctors, engineers, teachers, carpenters, painters etc.
These people voluntarily provide their services in the planning and implementation
activities.
Financial Support: In many cases, people participate by providing financial support to the projects. Sometimes the projects policy makes it compulsory for the
people to provide some percentage of the project cost. So, the people contribute in
the form of money. In some cases, people participation starts after the completion of
the project. In such cases, the completed project is handed over to the communities
and all the Operation and Maintenance (O&amp;M) cost is passed onto them.

Arguments against Participation
Despite various benefits and arguments in favour of people’s participation, few arguments against participation are found in the literature. According to the UNDP
(1997a) participation costs more time and money, process of participation is irrelevant and luxury in situations of poverty, participation can imbalance existing
socio-political relationships and threaten the continuity of development work, pparticipation can result in the shifting of the burden onto the poor and the relinquishing by national governments of their responsibilities to promote development with
equity. Similarly, the Inter-American Development Bank also criticized participation. According to Bank (IADB, 2000) pparticipation generates important benefits
for many activities, but not necessarily for every type of activity or project, and is
no substitute for technical competence at any stage of the project cycle. Moreover,
participation generally requires more time and increased costs, particularly in the
stages of project identification and design. High requirements of time and resources
are strong disincentives to participation for executing agencies, stakeholders and the
Bank itself. Most important is the opportunity cost that participation imposes on
the poor for whom time is a valuable resource.
As far as high financial cost is concerned, FAO (1990), on the basis of experience
from the participatory development project indicated that “the poor’s contribution
to project planning and implementation represents savings that reduces project
costs. The poor also contribute their knowledge of local conditions, facilitating the
diagnosis of environmental, social and institutional constraints, as well as the search
of solutions.”

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�Growth rate of Motor Vehicles in India - Impact of Demographic and Economic Development

Similarly, two case studies (Shahzada, 1998 and Ali, 1999) regarding participatory forestry and infrastructure projects at Pakistan, found that the cost of the forestry project
decreased by 38% and infrastructure project by 33% using participatory approach.

Conclusion
People’s participation in development used worldwide including Pakistan is an optimum way to achieve sustainable development. The paper reflects that participation
is an alternative to the bottom-up approach. Various approaches to involve people
in development projects and programmes have been developed and adopted in various countries. Similarly, various methods, level, degree and forms of participation
have evolved indicating the quality and extent of participation. The paper helps in
establishing the degree to the extent people’s participatory approach stands in term
of need, results and level of success in literature and practice.

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communication: working for change and development, (pp. 15-32). Sage publication, New Delhi.
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White, S.C. (1996); Depoliticising development: The uses and abuses of participation. Development in Practice 6/1: 6-15.
World Bank (1998). Participation and the world bank: successes, constraints, and
responses. Paper No. 29, Social Development Papers. World Bank, Washington, DC.
World Bank (2000). working together: the world bank’s partnership with civil society.
World Bank, Washington DC.
st

World Bank (2000a). Entering the 21 century. World development report 19992000.

(Endnotes)
*

Ulluma (singular Allim) means religious scholars of Muslims in Pakistan. They are also called
Immam or Mullah. Usually their activities are limited to Mosque and Muslims pray behind them.
They also serve at death and marriage occasions.

Volume 2

Number 1

Spring 2012

141

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                    <text>PREGLEDNI NAUČNI RAD

Partnerski odnosi: mikrokrizni aspekt
Partner Relationship: Microcrisis Aspect
Prof. dr. Šabani Alisabri
Univerzitet u Sarajevu, Fakultet za kriminalistiku,
kriminologiju i sigurnosne studije, vanredni profesor
e-mail: asabani@fkn.unsa.ba
Sažetak:
U
predloženom
radu
pokušavamo
problematizirati pojavu partnerskih odnosa koji po
definiciji spadaju u izraz slobodnih volja odraslih ljudi.
Istraživanja dokazuju da to nije u potpunosti tako i da je
u osnovi tih odnosa socijalna konstrukcija koja im definiše
prirodu. Karakter rizika u partnerskim odnosima dobrim
dijelom proizlaze iz karaktera modernosti pri čemu smo
obratili pažnju na one teoretičare koji su ta pitanja
radikalizirali u svojim studijama. Mišljenja smo da su
partnerski odnosi oblik zajednice, ali je izložena rizicima
socijalne prirode karakterističnih za modernost.

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Ključne riječi: privlačnost,
partnerski odnos, društveni konstrukt
partnerskih odnosa, rizici u
partnerskim odnosima, modernost.
JEL klasifikacija: K39
http://dx.doi.org/
10.14706/DO152113
Historija članka
Dostavljen: 26.12.2013.
Recenziran: 30.03.2014.
Prihvaćen: 10.07.2014.

233

�Šabani Alisabri

Abstract: In the present work we try to problematize the
emergence of partnerships which by definition belong to the
free expression of the will of adults. Research shows that this is
not entirely so, and that is the basis of these relations social
structures that define their nature. Character risks in
relationships largely stem from the nature of modernity in
which we pay attention to those theorists who have these issues
radicalized in their studies. We believe that partnership is a
form of community, but is exposed to the risks of a social
nature characteristic of modernity

234

Keywords: attraction, a partnership,
a social construct of the partnerships,
risks in partner relationships,
modernity.
JEL Classification: K39
http://dx.doi.org/
10.14706/DO152113
Article History
Submitted: 26.12.2013.
Resubmited: 30.03.2014.
Accepted: 10.07.2014.

Društveni ogledi - Časopis za pravnu teoriju i praksu

�Partnerski odnosi: mikrokrizni aspekt

1. Uvod
Put nas je čvrstim uzama vezao,
Mi smo saputnici vetra, a put je naš bez
kraja…
Raznobojnih trenutaka dragoceni cvetni
prah
Crvenim tragom prolećnog veselja obasipa
srca…
PUT NAS JE ČVRSTIM VEZAMA VEZAO
Rabindranat Tagore
U navedenom dijelu Rabindranatove pjesme polazi se od idealnotipske
situacije između dvoje ljudi u njihovom putu kroz život. Tako je u svakoj početnoj
definiciji odnosa između dvoje ljudi. Međutim, iako su dvoje ljudi puni očekivanja u
partnerskim odnosima, oni su često neizvjesni zbog niza vanjskih i unutarnjih
događanja vezanih za partnerski odnos. U našem radu pokušat ćemo problematizirati
i teorijski razumjeti partnerske odnose kao jedan od odgovora odraslih ljudi na
kompleksnost socijalnog života u kojem bivaju. To nisu isključivo bračni odnosi,
nego odnosi temeljeni na volji dvoje ljudi da budu zajedno. Struktura partnerskih
odnosa podrazumijeva JA, TI i MI (partnerski međusobni odnos) formaciju. Suština
partnerskog odnosa je balans između ove tri formacije. Tako se partnerski odnos
razumijeva kao udruženje para koje dopušta svakom akteru njegovu vlastitost i
jednakovrijednost. Svaka osoba traži i očekuje u partnerskom odnosu psihološku i
prosocijalnu dozvolu za svoj osobni razvoj. Realno osjećanje zajednice i partnerstva
je ono što se prepoznaje kao izvora zadovoljstva. Međusobni odnos figurira kao
konstrukt realnosti za partnere i visoko je neovisan od nepouzdanosti vanjskog
svijeta, tj. ima sposobnosti da živi sam po sebi.
Partnerski odnos je najčešći oblik udruživanja dvoje odraslih ljudi suprotnog
pola (mada ima i istopolnih partnerskih zajednica) i elementarni je oblik veze.
Ukoliko preraste u brak zaštićen je nizom sankcija i zakona, kako vjerskih (svetost
braka), tako i svjetovnih (Zakon o braku).
Danas je jako teško ovladati partnerskim odnosima u smislu normiranja ili
bar jednostavnošću strukture. Smatramo neophodnim navesti nekoliko neophodnih

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�Šabani Alisabri

osobina partnerskih odnosa koji ukazuju na kompleksnost tih odnosa, a u sebi nose
elemente mikrokrizne situacije.

2. Privlačnost kao pretpostavka za partnerski odnos
Međuljudska privlačnost može se definirati kao sklonost ili predispozicija
vrednovanja druge osobe na pozitivan način. Stoga, međuljudska privlačnost je, u
najširem smislu, specifična vrsta stava.1
Na prezentiranoj shemi zapažamo da veza između dvoje ljudi prolazi kroz
četiri razine. Na prvoj razini ne postoji kontakt između dvoje ljudi: oni se čak i ne
poznaju. Ovo je stanje stvari kod većeg dijela populacije, budući da stvaramo
socijalne i vizualno-komunikacijske veze koje su definirane obimom naših kontakata
kroz svakodnevnicu ( radne obaveze, dokolica, druženja, hobiji i sl.) i stoga, stupamo
u kontakte sa relativno ograničenim brojem osoba. Na drugoj razini dvoje ljudi
postaju svjesni jedno drugog; to se događa prije bilo kakve interakcije. To je vrlo
bitno jer faktori kao što su fizička privlačnost i percipirana sličnost stavova određuju
hoće li doći do interakcije i stvaranje veze. Ako svaka osoba osjeća da su okolnosti
dobre, one napreduju na treću razinu – razinu površnog kontakata. Ovdje svaka
osoba saznaje nešto o drugoj na način da li druga osoba zadovoljava kriterije kao što
su sviđanje, privlačnost, uvjerenja, vrijednosti i sl. Prve tri razine tiču se stvaranja
veza. Četvrta razina, uzajamnost, tiče se razvoja veza. To se upisuje kao kontinuum
koji se proteže od poznanstva (manje preklapanje) do duboke i trajne veze.
Treba istaći činjenicu da su akteri socijalizacijski „utrenirani“ iščitavati sve
ove faze koje mogu dovesti do konačne verzije partnerstva.

1

I. Ajzen, „Attitudional versus normative messages: An investigation of the differential effects of
persuasive communications on behaviour“, u K. Thomas (ur.), Attitudes and Behaviour, Penguin
Books Ltd., Harmondsworth, 1971, 271-280.

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�Partnerski odnosi: mikrokrizni aspekt

Slika 1.Razine povezanosti između dvoje ljudi,prilagođeno prema D. C. Pennington2

Kao što vidimo, da bi partnerski odnos uopće bio moguć, potrebno je da
osoba bude u nekom obliku komunikacije. Osobe koje su socijalno isključene imaju
daleko manje resursa na raspolaganju za prevazilaženje ove situacije. Često znaju za
ovaj problem ali nemaju hrabrosti, vještina i podrške da ga riješe.
Razlike u sposobnosti savladavanja socijalne isključenosti manje su povezane
s razlikama u ličnosti, a više s mjerom u kojoj su ljudi sposobni sami sebi postaviti
ciljeve, organizirati život i sl. Osobe koje su u tome uspješne manje pate i manje je
vjerojatno da će postati apatične. Sažeto, istraživanja o socijalnoj isključenosti
2

D.C. Pennington, Osnove socijalne psihologije, Naklada Slap, Zagreb, 1997,186-190.

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�Šabani Alisabri

podupiru mišljenje da ljudi općenito trebaju podražaje, a posebno prisutnost drugih.3
Strah od socijalne isključenosti je snažan i potrebna je mala neizvjesnost pa da
nastanu neki oblici panike. Strah je reakcija na događaj koji se dogodio, a tjeskoba je
emocionalna reakcija na očekivanje budućeg događaja sličnog sadržaja, tj. socijalnog
isključenja. Prisustvo drugih ljudi izravno djeluju na smanjenje tog straha, pružajući
utjehu i smirivanje. Osobama je potrebna druga osoba jer se na taj način pruža
mogućnost procjene samog sebe.
Nekoliko nalaza i istraživanja o privlačnosti osoba postuliraju da su:
1.
2.
3.
4.

Više popularne i željene;4
Pretpostavljeno je da imaju pozitivne osobine;5
Mogu su zaposliti brže;
Opažljivi su, sretni, više osjetljivi, uspješni i društveno iskusni.6

Pretpostavlja se da ljudi stvaraju veze, poglavito intimne, s ljudima sličnima
po fizičkoj privlačnosti, poznatih kao pretpostavka o podjednakoj privlačnosti. Vrlo
privlačni ljudi stvaraju veze jedni s drugima, kao i umjereno privlačni, neprivlačni i
ružni ljudi. Ovo je primjer teorije pravednosti, koja, grubo rečeno, kaže da ljudi
dobiju «ono što misle da zaslužuju u životu». Prema teoriji pravednosti, da bi se veza
stvorila (i trajala), svaka osoba mora drugoj pružiti dovoljno koristi i smisla da bi
opstala.7
Saegert, Swap i Zajonc8 su potvrdili pretpostavku da će se nekoj osobi više
sviđati druga osoba što češće bude dolazila u kontakt s njom.

3

A. Šabani, Sociologija, Fakultet za kriminalistiku, kriminologiju i sigurnosne studije, Sarajevo, 2013,
211-215.
4
D. C. Pennington, Osnove socijalne psihologije, Naklada Slap, Zagreb, 1997, 193
5
D. C. Pennington, Osnove socijalne psihologije, Naklada Slap, Zagreb, 1997, 193
6
E. Hatfield, S. Sprecher, Mirror, mirror… The importance of look in everyday life, SUNY Press, New
York, 1986, 74
7
E. Walster, G.W. Walster, E. Berscheid, Equity: Theory and Research, Allyn&amp; Bacon, 1978, 23-40.
8
S. Saegert, W. Swap, R.B. Zajonc, Exposure, context, and interpersonal attraction, Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology, 25, 234-242.

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�Partnerski odnosi: mikrokrizni aspekt

Koliko se druga osoba sviđala

Slika 2. Intenzitet privlačnosti proizlazi iz većeg broja susreta jedne osobe s drugom.

5.0

4.5
1
4.0

2

5

10

Broj susreta

Faktori privlačnosti se ne odnose samo na prostornu–vremensku predikciju
(vjerovatnoća da ćemo neku osobu vidjeti u određenom vremenu i određenom
prostoru), nego i na faktore poput:
1. toga da smo jako privlačni ljudima s kojima dijelimo naše stavove, što više
zajedničkih stavova dijelimo, to smo više privlačni;
2. odbijanja komunikacije s osobama koje nam nisu prijatne;
3. moralnih, estetskih i religijskih kriterija koje poštujemo i na osnovu kojih
dopuštamo pristup do sebe.
Priroda međusobnog odnosa u najvećoj mjeri zavisi od ličnog osjećaja aktera
i definicije situacije te način unutarpartnerske komunikacije.
Izbor partnera, odnosno psihodinamika partnera zavisi da li smo ispunili
početne uslove razvijanja i podržavanja kvalitetnih odnose u dvoje.9 To znači odnos s
kojim će se partneri baviti i harmonizirati ga, a ne odnos koji će biti prepušten
samom sebi.

3. Društveni konstrukt partnerskih odnosa
Socijalna konstrukcija partnerskih odnosa proizlazi iz zahtjeva društva da se
ljudi moraju udruživati, osobito odrasli članovi. Partnerski odnosi imaju osobinu da
9

P. Brajša, Se da živeti v dvoje, Delavska enotnost, Ljubljana, 1986, 18-29.

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�Šabani Alisabri

se pretvore u bračne10 ili neke druge odnose, a na osnovu toga zahtijevaju legitimno
važenje. Partnerstvo je univerzalna i masovna socijalna pojava koja je društveno
normirana. Većina partnerskih odnosa završava brakom ili vanbračnom
zajednicom11.
Ukoliko partnerstvo preraste u brak (kao produbljenje partnerskog odnosa)
onda ta veza ima sljedeća obilježja:
1.
2.
3.
4.

međusobno obvezivanje među supružnicima,
prava seksualnog pristupa,
očekivanje da će brak potrajati kroz trudnoću i
priznavanje legitimnog statusa djece supružnika.12

Partnerski odnosi, u skali funkcionalnih osobina, imaju mogućnosti
socijalizacije odgovornosti jer uključuje vođenje računa i o drugoj osobi. Ukoliko su
partnerski odnosi formirani između različitih socijalnih i konfesionalnih jedinica
onda partnerski odnosi imaju i svoju akulturacijsku funkciju. Na kraju partnerski
odnosi predstavljaju instrument socijalne kontrole jer gdje god se dvoje ili više ljudi
susreću, neka zajednička pravila moraju biti prihvaćena od strane svih aktera za
osiguravanje i održavanje individualnih prava. Uspješnost adaptacije na pravila
unutar partnerskih odnosa je uvod za uspješnu adaptaciju i socijalnu definiciju
partnerskih odnosa. Kada akteri ne mogu kontrolisati jedne druge tada su prinuđeni
da aktiviraju moralne sankcije koje upozoravaju na narušavanje pravila (ljutnja, bijes,
povučenost, uvrijeđenost, itd.).
Uspostavljanje partnerskih odnosa, odnosno prihvatanje partnerski odnosa
kao činjenice konstituira nizu obaveza, prilagodbi, kompromisa ali i očekivanja.
Najčešće obaveze ili prilagodbe su slijedeće:
1. uspostavljanje rutine svakodnevnice,
10

M. D. Buss, Human Mate Selection, American scientists,73,47-51.
Autor navodi podatak da preko 90% partnerskih odnosa završava brakom.
11
I. Vidanović, Rečnik socijalnog rada, TIRO-ERC, Beograd 2006, 70.
Brak je zakonski zasnovana institucija zajedničkog života punoljetnih osoba, podrazumijevaju se prava i
obaveze supružnika što se reguliše pravnim normama. Velika promjena u zakonskoj regulativi i praksi
pojedinih zemalja dogodio se nakon 2000.g. kada je omogućen zakonski regulisan brak osoba istog pola
12
I. Ivulić, Što žene žele?, Jedna empirijska provjera, u J. Hrgović i D. Polšek (ur.), Evolucija
društvenosti, Naklada Jesenski i Turk Zagreb, 2004, 193.

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�Partnerski odnosi: mikrokrizni aspekt

2. učenje kako donositi svrhovite odluke zajedno,
3. građenje novih prijateljstava na osnovu činjenice da se u partnerskim
odnosima poprimaju novi socijalni atributi,
4. razvijanje odnosa koji imaju potencijal legitimiteta,
5. uspostavljanje zajedničkog financijskog budžeta,
6. razvijanje „dvostruke ličnosti“ u smislu trošenja i kupovanja ne samo za sebe
nego i za drugu osobu,
7. uspostavljanje ceremonijalnih i ritualnih navika,
8. odluka o dinamici erotskih relacija,
9. učenje kako se pregovara o konfliktima,
10. učenje kako uzimati i davati u zajedničkom životu,
11. alokacija odgovornosti,
12. razvijanje uspješnih komunikacijskih modela,
13. uspostavljanje i dijeljenje vrijednosnih orijentacija,
14. identificiranje partnerskih uloga,
15. stvaranje zajedničkih ciljeva,
16. odlučivanje o aktivnostima u slobodnom vremenu,
17. odlučivanje o formama i sadržajima uključenosti u zajednicu,
18. uspostavljanje i definisanje kreditnih aranžmana,
19. razvijanje zadovoljstva i uspostavljanje balansa između zajedništva i
individualnosti,
20. uspostavljanje partnerstva kao životni uspjeh.13
Kao idealnotipski socijalni konstrukt partnerstva sa stanovišta racionalnosti,
često puta i vladajuće ideologije, javljaju se ovi poželjni odnosi i projekcije socijalnih
vrijednosti:
1. viša klasa

otmjeno življenje

2. gornja srednja klasa

karijera i obrazovanje

3. donja srednja klasa

poštovanje i stabilnost radnog mjesta

4. radnička klasa

finansijski opstanak i mogućnost zaposlenja

5. niža klasa

fizički opstanak

13

C. S. Schuster, S.S. Ashburn, The Process of Human Developement: a Holistic Life-Span Approach (
second edition), Little, Brown and Company, Boston, Toronto, 1986, 123-128.

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Kao što vidimo partnerski odnosi su jako usmjereni na kontrolu vanjskih i
unutarnjih prijetnji zbog kojih mora biti izgrađen partnerski kodeks čije se
poštovanje podrazumijeva od strane oba aktera.

4. Rizici u partnerskim odnosima
Najčešći rizici u partnerskim odnosima su:






nepovjerenje,
preljuba,
razočarenje,
konflikti,
disfunkcionalnost partnera.

4.1. Nepovjerenje
Nepovjerenje je situacija koja ima moralno značenje i odnosi se na odsustvo
sigurnosti i izvjesnosti partnerskog odnosa. Socijalna kontrola unutar partnerskog
odnosa često konstatira nekonzistentnost toka partnerstva.
Nepovjerenje je često uvodna situacija za raspad partnerskog odnosa.
Nepovjerenje je uzrok nezadovoljstva kvalitetom odnosa koji nije zasnovan na
dubokom poštivanju i obostranom razumijevanju.. Nepovjerenje se može shvatiti i
kao strah od gubitka voljene osobe, a ponekad može prerasti u oblik terora koji
vremenom postane nepodnošljiv za kontroliranog aktera.
4.2. Preljuba
Preljuba je prvi dokaz nepotpune ljubavi i dokazuje nezrelo doživljavanje i
poimanje ljubavi. Partner stupa u preljubu ukoliko nije izražena ljubav. Međutim,
preljuba može biti izraz virilne kulture jer je takva kultura zadržala dominaciju
muškarca, pa prema tome i njegovu pravo da ima više partnerica.
4.3. Razočarenje
Razočarenje je jedna od čestih situacija u partnerskim odnosima. Najteži
osjećaj jeste spoznaja da jedan drugog razumiju samo na svoj način.

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Ljubav ne važi samo za jednu sferu čovjeka, nego obuhvata kompletnu
njegovu ličnost. Često se dešava da nekog partnera ne želi vidjeti takvog kakav je,
nego takvog kakav bi on želio. U fazi zaljubljenosti velika su očekivanja da će im
partner ispuniti i omogućiti sve želje i da će otpočeti novi život. Prečesto nedostaje
jednom od partnera jednostavna konstatacija da su ljudi jednostavno takvi kakvi
jesu, a ne da su robovi, slike kako su sebi zamislili.
Partnerski odnosi često bivaju opterećeni nizom međusobnih primjedbi,
tako muškarci najčešće prigovaraju ženama:




vezanosti za kuću i domaćinstvo, pretjerana vezanost za partnera, pretjerana
kontrola;
nastojanje da se muškarac veže za kuću i kućne obaveze;
emocionalna ovisnost od muškarca i preveliko insistiranje na osjećanjima.

S druge strane najčešći prigovori žena muškarcima su:




nemaju vremena za žene, suviše su same i muškarci ne preuzimaju nikakve
odgovornosti;
oskudica priznanja, ozbiljno neshvaćanje žene, nepriznavanja rada, zasluga,
odsustvo ljubaznosti;
emocionalna nedostupnost, nikada se ne izraze osjećaj do druge osobe i ne
pokazuje pažljivost.14
4.4. Konflikti

Konflikti u partnerskim odnosima se definiraju kao povrede psihosocijalnog
polja jednog od aktera u partnerskom odnosu. To znači da čitava skala formalnih i
neformalnih prava i dužnosti, očekivanja i i simboličkih nagrada biva povrijeđena
konfliktom. No, konflikti mogu biti funkcionalni i popraviti stanje u odnosu, a često
su sami po sebi fleksibilni. Jedna povreda psihosocijalnog polja aktera od strane
drugog aktera povlači reakciju i tako se konflikt može umnožiti. Ako su povrede
shvaćene kao ugrožavanje slijedi reakcija i očekivano multipliciranje. Konflikti se ne
završavaju dosljedno, nego kompromisno. Na taj način konflikt uči učesnike
kompromisnim rješenjima, a dugoročno i toleranciji.

14

V. Satir, Družina za naš čas, Cankarjeva založba, Ljubljana, 1998, 157-170.

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�Šabani Alisabri

Konflikt je jedna od težih situacija u partnerskim vezama i izuzetno
komplicira odnose. Emotivno reagovanje partnera, ukoliko je nefunkcionalno,
dovodi do konflikta. U osnovi konflikt je upozorenje na disfunkcionalnost veze i
izražava strah od završnog razrješenja situacije. Konflikt često ima izraze i situacije
povezane za pobjedu i poraz. Konflikt može kreirati suštinu partnerskog odnosa u:






instrumentalizaciju partnerskog odnosa, koji znači prijelaz iz JA – TI u
odnos JA – ONO. Međusobna ljubav se mijenja, ali i međusobno
iskorištava. Takav odnos guši partnera i pravi ga nezadovoljnim.
u odnose koji dugo traju i u kojima se neprijatna osjećanja ne zaboravljaju,
nego se pohranjuju kao kapital za konfliktu situaciju i služe kao energetski
izvor i „municija“ za repertoar uvreda koji će se upotrijebiti u budućem
konfliktu, najčešće zlostavljanje.15
u odnose u kojima nije sve logično, sa nizom nesvjesnih događanja koja
uzrokuju konflikt. Često dolazi od nerazumijevanja i pogrešnog
doživljavanja partnerovog ponašanja.

Iako je konflikt u partnerskim odnosima uzrokovan nizom neslaganja,
neugodnim situacijama i sl., ističemo da ima izvjesnu autonomnost u odnosu na
aktere. Naime, psihodinamika konflikta preživljava unatoč činjenici što su nestali
elementarni uslovi nastanka istog.
Proces partnerskih konflikata otpočinje dinamikom zahtjeva, traženja pa do
povlačenja. Jedan od partnera zahtjeva blizinu intimnost, dok drugi odgovara
šutnjom i povlačenjem. Partner izbjegava dodir i ulaže punu energiju u distancu, dok
drugi partner osjeća strah od samoće. Sljedeća faza konflikta je ona kada jedan od
aktera, koji želi bliži dodir, prelazi u fazu proganjanja, a onaj drugi u fazi bježanja.
Treći stepen jeste ona situacija kada jedan od partnera osjeća razočarenje. U
sljedećem stepenu, partner koji je proganjao drugog, doživljava bijes i počinje
neumoljivo napadati, a drugi odgovara protiv napada. U petom stepenu oba partnera

15

Kao što su pokazala istraživanja Autonomne ženske kuće Zagreb (Jutarnji List, ponedjeljak,
18.10.2004.g.) na području Hrvatske, najmanje 29% žena partneri su zlostavljali. Istraživanje je
provedeno na 987 žena u dobi 18 do 67 godina iz svih dijelova Hrvatske. Njih 61% je bilo u braku,
21% u vezi, a 18% nije imalo partnera. Rasprostranjenost fizičkog nasilja, između ostalog, mjereno je
kroz pitanje zna li ispitanica da je njezinu najbolju prijateljicu partner ikad fizički ozlijedio. Čak 29%
žena odgovorilo je potvrdno.

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se nalaze na sigurnoj distanci i tako ostaju do novog konflikta. Šesta i završna faza
jeste faza gađenja i prezira.16
4.5. Disfunkcionalnost partnera
Odlika kvalitetnog odnosa, pa i partnerskog, jest sposobnost prepoznavanja
šta partneru treba u određenom trenutku i kakvim su odnosom oba partnera
zadovoljni.
Međutim, niz partnerskih odnosa su nastali spletom slučajnih okolnosti i
pod utjecajem onih vanjskih prilika koje akteri nisu mogli ili ne mogu kontrolisati i
mijenjati ih u svoju korist. Ovi faktori se mogu razumjeti kao disfunkcionalni
(odsutvo ili slom funkcionalnih odnosa). U neke od tih odnosa spadaju:





umješanost roditelja u partnerski odnos;
nezrelost partnera,smatra se da odnos nije stabilan, npr., tinejdžerske
partnerske zajednice ne mogu zbog toga formirati svoj identitet;
partnerske zajednice sklopljene od strane aktera koji su inkongruentni po
statusno-socijalnom kriteriju;17
partnerski odnosi u kojem je jedan, ili oba, od aktera imao teške traume iz
djetinjstva.

Ukoliko se partnerski odnosi njeguju kao važni i smisleni za aktere, onda
zapažamo da akteri znaju da su oni po sebi nestabilni ukoliko se ne obnavljaju ili
redefiniraju.

5. Antinomije u partnerskim odnosima
Antinomije se u teoriji smatraju sukobima između dvije suprostavljene
istine ili teze, koje su podjednake argumentacijske snage. U našoj raspravi partnerski
odnosi imaju tu osobinu. Naime, koliko god osobe rado stupaju u te odnose,18 s

16

M. Metelko, Ljubezen in okamenelo srce, Samozaložba, Vrhnika, 1998, 31-42.
J. Burušić, Koliko daleko jabuka pada od stabla, Jutarnji list, 13. studenoga 2013, 28-29.
18
A. Giddens, Sociologija, Nakladni zavod Globus, Zagreb, 2007, 192.
Autor ističe da se brak transformirao u sve većem broju u kohabitualne veze kao alternativa braku,
parovi žive zajedno i zajedno odgajaju djecu. Predviđa se da će 4 od 5 vjenčanih parova Z. Evropi živjeti
zajedno prije braka.
17

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�Šabani Alisabri

druge strane postoji i visoka stopa raspada partnerskih odnosa,19 ali i ponovnog
ulaska u njih. To znači da su oni ujedno i potreba ali i okvir u kojem nisu potpuno
zadovoljene potrebe. To također znači da proces odabira partnera dovode u
određenu sumnju taj čin kao čin pun osobnih sviđanja, emocija i zaljubljenosti,
neovisno o kontekstu. U većoj se mjeri može razmatrati društvena uvjetovanost
odabira partnera unutar koje socijalne, finansijske kulturne, obrazovne i druge
varijable imaju vrlo važno mjesto.
Prema Richard Sennettu20 velikog kritičara teorije zajednice svedene na
dvoje ljudi smatra da su se kroz modernijom historiju reducirali potencijali pojedinca
na svijest o njegovim okrenutostima samom sebi. To je proizvelo neku vrstu egoizma
i svijest o partnerskim odnosima da su oni jedini skup zaista postojećih ljudskih bića
( pad u sebstvo). Međutim, to ne garantuje da su partnerski odnosi čvrsti, nego su
mnogo više krhki i često partnerska zajednica egzistira samo stalnim usiljenim
pojačavanjem emocija. Razlog za tu investiciju sastoji se u tome da je dominantna
kultura dobrim djelom onemogućila male partnerske jedinice da funkcioniraju bez
prisile, straha ili instrumentalnih svrha, poput emocionalnog preživljavanja. Kultura
im nudi nestabilne simbole pobude, i namjere i stalno su prinuđeni provjeravati
njihovu snagu kroz medije, vizualnu kulturu i kulturalne pritiske. Partnerski odnosi
u modernom svijetu funkcioniraju kao male jedinice otpora u modernom svijetu i
samim tim gube svoje smisao jer koriste sredstva i instrumente koji malu zajednicu
onemogućavaju kao smislenu.
Sennett ovu situaciju naziva tiranija prisnosti. On ističe da je privatni život,
nasuprot javnom životu, izložen nizu tiranskih prisila koje predstavljaju ideju da sva
ljudska aktivnost prolazi kroz mrežu odgovornosti i nadzora. Neispunjavanje
dužnosti stvara strah od neispunjavanja tih dužnosti,a samim tim i vrijeđanja
dogovorenih partnerskih odnosa. Intimnost, kao važan dio partnerskih odnosa, je
polje očekivanih ljudskih odnosa. Očekuje se da su odnosi topli onda kad su bliski..
Paradoksalno, što se ljudi više zbližuju u partnerskim odnosima, to su manje
društveni.
19

N. Abercrombie, S. Hill, Riječnik sociologije, Jesenski i Turk,zagreb, 2008,179.
Autori navode podatak za Veliku Britaniju da se stopa razvoda naglo povećala (2,1 razvod na 1000
sklopljenih brakova u 1961. godini, u usporedbi s 13,4 u 1995. godini). Istovremeno se stopa
ponovnog stupanja u brak nakon razvoda ostale visoke - 50% razvedenih žena u 1980-ima su ponovo
stupile u brak 8 godina nakon razvoda.
20
R. Sennett, Nestanak javnog čovjeka, Naprijed, Zagreb, 1989,127-149.

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Anthony Giddens21 u studiji „Transformacija intimniteta“ konstatira da u
okružju moderniteta odnosi poprimaju nove kvalitete koje su prije svega rezultat
promjena u prirodi društva i strukturi familije. Naime, žene su preuzele rizik
oslobođenja od tradicionalnih struktura i porodice. Istovremeno su redefinirale
partnerske odnose u smislu da su22 fokusirane na razumijevanje sebe i odnosa u koje
stupaju. Na tragu M. Foucaulta, Giddens objašnjava razliku, nastalu u modernitetu,
uvodeći ideju „čistih odnosa“. Suština tog odnosa jest da se u njega slobodno ulazi na
temelju utilitarnosti, odnosno, smisleno je da traje onoliko koliko je kao odnos
koristan. To je ono bitno što je u kontrastu sa ranijim pojmovima braka kao skupa
uloga i obaveza. On također hipostazira pojam romantične ljubavi, koja je
definirana stavom ili iluzijom da je to „nešto posebno“. Tu vrstu osjećanja Giddens
naziva „konfluentna ljubav“ ili ona ljubav koja je posebna po sebi u samom odnosu.
Giddens tumači ovu promjenu radikalnom demokratizacijom društva koja je
obuhvatila i mikronivoe poput partenskih odnosa. Uočio je da postoji opšta
tendencija da su se muškarci kulturalno „ulijenili“ unutar dominantno virilne
kulture i da su žene, kroz socijalne promjene, otvorile mogućnost stvaranja
konkurentnih vrijednosti unutar te kulture.

6. Zaključak
Nekoliko je važnih razloga zašto partnerski odnosi nisu univerzalni odgovor
na kompleksnost svijeta za pojedince. Partnerski odnosi, prije svega ne mogu biti
zamjena za socijalni život osobe, niti osoba može biti svedena samo na partnersku
ulogu. Drugo, osobe u modernom svijetu su socijalizirane na oblike egoizma kao
način očuvanja osobnosti i iz tih motiva može lako doći do raspada partnerske
zajednice. Treće, osobe modernog doba izložene su snažnim konzumentskim
ponudama i slikama za koje ne želi biti uskraćen, a za to može biti prepreka
partnerski odnos. Četvrto, partnerski odnos može biti privatni mikrokosmos, ali
nesposoban da rješava pitanja u kategorijama javnosti. To dokazuju teorijski okviri i
empirijski izvori različitog statusa i značaja. Akteri u partnerskim donosima imaju
svoje predstave o zajedničkom življenju i potrebama, koje pokušavaju zadovoljiti u
zajedničkom životu. Ipak, shvatili smo da su partnerski odnosi odgovor na

21

A.Giddens, The Transformation of Intimacy: Sexuality, Love and Eroticism in Modern Societies,
Stanford University Press, Palo Alto, 1992, 140-162.
22

M. Fuko, „Telo, moć“, u P. Milenković, D. Marinković (ur.) Mišel Fuko 1926-1984-2004,
Vojvođanska sociološka asocijacija, Novi Sad, 2005, 81.

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�Šabani Alisabri

usamljenost ili socijalnu isključenost, a da bi bili uspješni karakterizira ih nekoliko
zajedničkih osobina:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.

Jasno i razumljivo komuniciranje,
Sudjelovanje, a ne takmičenje,
Saradnja, a ne izražavanje moći,
Priznavanje realnosti partnerskog odnosa, a ne robovanje zamišljenoj slici
tog odnosa,
Upotreba autoriteta za uređenje i usrećivanje partnerskog odnosa, prije nego
izražavanje moći,
Samopoštovanje u svim aspektima ličnosti,
Sposobnost odgovornosti do sebe i partnera,
Sposobnost suočavanja sa problemima u duhu izazova i novih temelja za
prirodu partnerskog odnosa.

Činjenica je da je u okolnostima moderniteta ljudska egzistencija nestalna,
ali mnogima ostaje mogućnost konstruiranja partnerskog odnosa kao univerzalnog
odgovora nato stanje. Ono što možemo učiniti za sebe jeste samopoštovanje i
zahtijevanje, u okviru kategorija humanog razvoja i humanističkih odnosa, da me se
poštuje. Partnerski odnosi, stoga, predstavljaju jednu od mogućnosti u okviru niza
borbi za preživljavanje na koje je čovjek prinuđen da učestvuje.
Perspektive suvremenih partnerskih veza, sudeći po onome što modernitet
nameće ljudima, pokazuje niz tendencija i eksperimenata, ali je sigurno da će ostati
kao važan resurs za one aktere koji ih još uvijek smatraju racionalnim i ontološkim
rješenjem svoje egzistencije.

7. Literatura





248

Giddens, Sociologija, Nakladni zavod Globus, Zagreb, 2007, 192.
Šabani, Sociologija, Fakultet za kriminalistiku, kriminologiju i sigurnosne studije,
Sarajevo, 2013, 211-215.
A.Giddens, The Transformation of Intimacy: Sexuality, Love and Eroticism in
Modern Societies, Stanford University Press, Palo Alto, 1992, 140-162.
C. S. Schuster, S.S. Ashburn, The Process of Human Developement: a Holistic
Life-Span Approach ( second edition),
Little, Brown and Company, Boston,
Toronto, 1986, 123-128.

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


















D. C. Pennington, Osnove socijalne psihologije, Naklada Slap, Zagreb, 1997, 193
D.C. Pennington, Osnove socijalne psihologije, Naklada Slap, Zagreb, 1997,186190.
E . Walster, G.W. Walster, E. Berscheid, Equity: Theory and Research, Allyn&amp;
Bacon, 1978, 23-40.
E. Hatfield, S. Sprecher, Mirror, mirror The importance of look in everydaylife,
SUNY Press, New York,1986, 74
Ajzen, „Attitudional versus normative messages: An investigation of the
differential effects of persuasive communications on behaviour“, u K. Thomas
(ur.), Attitudes and Behaviour, Penguin Books Ltd., Harmondsworth, 1971,
271-280.
Ivulić, Što žene žele?, Jedna empirijska provjera, u J. Hrgović i D. Polšek (ur.),
Evolucija društvenosti, Naklada Jesenski i Turk Zagreb, 2004, 193.
Vidanović, Rečnik socijalnog rada, TIRO-ERC, Beograd 2006, 70.
J. Burušić, Koliko daleko jabuka pada od stabla, Jutarnji list, 13. studenoga 2013,
28-29.
Jutarnji List, ponedjeljak, 18.10.2004.g.
M. D. Buss, Human Mate Selection, American scientists,73,47-51.
M. Fuko, „Telo, moć“, u P. Milenković, D. Marinković (ur.) Mišel Fuko 19261984-2004, Vojvođanska sociološka asocijacija, Novi Sad, 2005, 81.
M. Metelko, Ljubezen in okamenelo srce, Samozaložba, Vrhnika, 1998, 31-42.
N. Abercrombie, S. Hill, Riječnik sociologije, Jesenski i Turk,zagreb, 2008,179.
P. Brajša, Se da živeti v dvoje, Delavska enotnost, Ljubljana, 1986, 18-29.
R. Sennett, Nestanak javnog čovjeka, Naprijed, Zagreb, 1989,127-149.
S. Saegert, W. Swap, R.B. Zajonc, Exposure, context, and interpersonal
attraction, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 25, 234-242.
V. Satir, Družina za naš čas, Cankarjeva založba, Ljubljana, 1998, 157-170.

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                <text>Abstract: In the present work we try to problematize the emergence of partnerships which by definition belong to the free expression of the will of adults. Research shows that this is not entirely so, and that is the basis of these relations social structures that define their nature. Character risks in relationships largely stem from the nature of modernity in which we pay attention to those theorists who have these issues radicalized in their studies. We believe that partnership is a form of community, but is exposed to the risks of a social nature characteristic of modernity</text>
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                    <text>PASSENGERS’ SATISFACTION IN COACH TRAVEL IN BOSNIA AND
HERZEGOVINA - STUDY ON PERCEPTION OF UNIVERSITY STUDENTS
IN SARAJEVO
Adis Ćatić
International Burch University
Bosnia and Herzegovina
adis.catic@hotmail.com
Edin Smajić
International Burch University
Bosnia and Herzegovina
esmajic@ibu.edu.ba
Abstract: Transportation of people was always very important aspect of human life.
Today, there are many ways in which people can travel. This paper was occupied with
coach travel, and passengers’ satisfaction in it in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A coach
is a type of vehicle used for carrying passengers on excursions, touristic journeys and
trips, and on other long distance journeys such as intercity or international bus lines.
The goal of this study was to find out level of passengers’ satisfaction in coach travel
in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and what is most important for passengers when they use
coach travel services - is it price, speed, safety, comfort, or something else.
Study was performed on perception of university students in Sarajevo, because they are
representative sample of passengers’ population in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Focus of
the study was on “on board experience”, which is actually experience of passengers
while they are inside of the vehicle. Research clearly indicated what aspects of coach
travel are most important for passengers, and also suggested some proposals that can
make coach travel more competitive and attractive.
Keywords: passengers’ satisfaction, university students, coach travel
1.

Introduction

Coach travel is one of the most important transportation modes in Bosnia and
Herzegovina. Actually, it is important way of transportation of people in most of
developing countries. In developed countries, where air and rail transportation is well
organized, smaller number of passengers uses coach travel services. Anyway, coach
travel finds place in organizing touristic trips, excursions and other kinds of journeys in
every country, no matter is it developed or developing country. Purpose of this study
was to illuminate current situation in coach travel market in Bosnia and Herzegovina, to
find out what aspects of coach travel are most important to passengers and to reach
level of satisfaction of passengers who travel by coach in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Since coach travel is, as we said, one of the most common ways of transportation
in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is important to investigate current situation, to analyze
reasons and to reach final conclusion in order to make it more attractive and more
affordable for all segments of passengers. Although this study was focused only on
university students who are studying at any of universities in Sarajevo, conclusions
that were reached during the research can also be applied for some other groups of
passengers.

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1.1

Importance and contribution of the study

There are number of reasons that give importance to this research. First of all, this
research clearly showed level of satisfaction of university students/passengers with
coach travel services of Bosnian transportation companies they travel with, or they
have travelled. It is important in order to motivate transportation companies to increase
the level of quality of their services and to try to make users of that services more
satisfied. Other reason of importance of this research is that the research showed what
aspects of coach travel are the most important for university students/passengers. By
this information, transportation companies can focus their efforts to improve especially
those aspects of coach travel that research participants stated as most important.
This research is important because it helps both, transportation companies who provide
coach travel services and passengers who use them at the end. Because coach
travel is one of the most important ways of transportation in Bosnia and Herzegovina
(maybe the most important one), it is crucial thing to make it attractive, affordable,
comfortable and safe. This research gives its contribution to this very important issue.
1.2

Objectives of the study

We can identify several objectives of this research. First of all, objective of the research
was to find out what factors or what aspects of coach travel are most important
for university students/passengers in Sarajevo when they use coach travel services
on intercity lines, international lines, students’ trips and any other kind of journeys by
coach. They were asked to fulfill the survey and to rate importance of specific factors
such as price, crew, safety, etc.
Next, one of objectives of the study was to investigate and to find out level of university
students’ satisfaction with coach travel services of Bosnian transportation companies
they travel with. University students were also asked to give their comments, proposals,
suggestions, critics and experiences (good or bad). These comments were greatly
useful in the process of data analysis and commenting of final results.
Finally, this research was done in order to find out what are the most common problems
that passengers and transportation companies are facing with, and to try to provide
some new ideas, proposals or possible solutions for those problems. There were no
a lot of researches like this in the past in Bosnia and Herzegovina, so this one is very
important in process of illumination of coach travel sector and passengers’ satisfaction
in it in this country.
2.

Literature review

There are number of articles and other kinds of works written about bus and coach
travel. Anyway, there are more articles that are examining issues in public and urban
transportation, and less about coach travel. We already differentiated these two
terms, but in order to get closer to the topic of transportation of people, in this section
we will also review some articles that are focused on bus transportation, urban and
public transport.
Bodiono (2009) was writing about passengers’ satisfaction in public bus transport in
Indonesia. The overall result showed that service quality attributes influences overall
customer satisfaction in using public bus transport. The service quality could be
evaluated and improved by analyzing single attributes but also by analyzing factors
based on several attributes. The overall aim is to make public bus transport an attractive,
satisfied, and marketable mode of transport. (Budiono, 2009)

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Yusof et al. (2014) investigated factors that are affecting students’ satisfaction towards
bus services in University of Utara, Malaysia. The objective of this study was to explore
factors that influence student satisfaction on bus services in University Utara Malaysia
(UUM). A factor analysis yielded three factors which are attitude of bus driver, reliability
of the buses and facilities of buses. (Zahayu Md Yusof, Masnita Misiran, Lee Pei Pei and
Ho Tian Tian, 2014)
Woldeamanuel and Cyganski (2011) were writing about factors affecting travelers’
satisfaction with accessibility to public transportation. This research is similar to previous
two. Authors state that accessibility to public transportation is one of the important
attributes to assess the effectiveness of a transit system and the integration of
transportation with land use. The level of accessibility can be a determining factor
for users‟ perception and satisfaction with the overall transit system. (Mintesnot
Woldeamanuel and Rita Cyganski, 2011)
Islam et al. (2014) conducted a study about measuring costumers’ satisfaction on
bus transportation. The purpose of the study was to examine the factors measuring
customers’ satisfaction, especially the impact of service quality on customers’
satisfaction in public transportation industry in the university town of Sintok located in
Kedah province of Malaysia. (Rabiul Islam, Mohammed S. Chowdhury, Mohammad
Sumann Sarker and Salauddin Ahmed, 2014) Authors say that service quality attributes
influences overall customer satisfaction in using public bus transport.
In March 2011, Passenger Focus, which is independent national passenger web site,
wanted to get a better understanding of coach passenger needs and experiences
in Great Britain, so it commissioned preliminary research. This included identifying
any improvements which could be made and how complaints were handled. Focus
groups and depth interviews were undertaken with users several transportation
companies in UK. (Coach passengers needs and experiences, 2011) Results indicated
that participants of the survey used the coach because it was significantly cheaper
than other modes. Also, they mentioned other advantages of travelling by coach:
getting a seat is always guaranteed, the seats can be comfortable; coach travel can
be a stress free and relaxing experience and the time can be used to work or read.
(Coach passengers needs and experiences, 2011) Authors claim that coach travel is
one of the most affordable kinds of transportation.
3.

Coach travel overview

In order to define coach travel correctly, it is necessary to define a term “coach”.
Before that, terms “coach” and “bus” have to be distinguished. In Bosnian language
there is no difference between these two terms, but in English language it is important
to differentiate them.
Coaches and buses are both used for carrying passengers from place to place.
The differences between a bus and a coach may be hard to recognize, especially
when coaches are often confusedly referred to as buses and the terms are used
interchangeably. However, buses and coaches differ in service, comfort and pricing.
(Gianino) In American English, the word “bus” may refer to any form of public transport
by road, be it a short ride through New York City or a coast-to-coast marathon. (Bus
and Coach Travel in Europe: Understanding the difference, 2011)
Things are a little different in European English. A “bus route” is essentially a local
service, geared to local traffic. You cannot normally reserve seats in advance. A
“coach service,” by contrast, is usually a longer-distance service, often one where
advance booking is recommended (even if often not absolutely necessary) and
usually operated by a vehicle that has more comfortable seating than you would find
on a local bus service.
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(Bus and Coach Travel in Europe: Understanding the difference, 2011) Unlike transit
buses designed for shorter journeys, coaches often have a luggage hold that is separate
from the passenger cabin and are normally equipped with facilities required for longer
trips, including comfortable seats and sometimes a toilet. (Wikipedia - Coach, 2016)
The term “coach” was previously used for a horse-drawn carriage designed for the
conveyance of more than one passenger, the passengers’ luggage, and mail that is
covered for protection from the elements. (Coach (Bus), 2016) Coach development
could only benefit from the improvement in roads. Before turnpike trusts, coaches had
been un-sprung and any journey in them was very uncomfortable as there was no
suspension. Basically a wooden carriage, aided by four wooden wheels, was used to
move people or produce. (Treuman, 2016)
The world’s first motorized bus went into service on 18 March 1895. Father of it was Carl
Benz. Technically speaking, the world’s first motorized bus was in fact a converted
passenger car model, fitted with what was known as a landau body – a design very
familiar at that time as a carriage body. It was powered by a horizontal single-cylinder
rear-mounted engine with an output of 5 hp. The drive to the rear wheels was provided
by chains. The bus had space for eight people, including the driver. (Mercedes Benz
- first motorized bus) Today’s coaches are equipped with toilets, Wi-Fi, comfortable
seats, air condition, kitchen, fridge, TV and audio systems, and many more things. Buses
and coaches are an integral part of public transport and travel, and key elements in
a sustainable transport system. (The role of bus and coach transport in mobility chain)
Methodology

4.

This study was occupied with university students who are studying in Sarajevo. Reason
for choosing university students for research sample is because they represent
important part of passengers’ population in Bosnia and Herzegovina. They travel from
their home towns to Sarajevo and of course, they use coach travel services. They also
organize student trips and excursions all around Bosnia and Herzegovina and Europe.
One of reasons why university students in Sarajevo were chosen for research sample
is also because they come from almost every part of the country. Because of that,
we assumed that they represent good and realistic sample of student population in
Bosnia and Herzegovina.
According to the data of Institute of statistics in Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina
for 2013, there were 33 919 university students in Sarajevo, studying at State University
and other private education institutions. (FB&amp;H, 2013) According to this, at least 0,01%
of student population has had to be investigated. Total number of respondents was
388 which satisfy the minimum requirements of sample size.
Survey was conducted in order to find out what criteria or factors are most important
for university students in Sarajevo when they use coach travel services on intercity
lines, international lines, student trips and excursions. Also, goal of the survey was to
explore level of satisfaction of university students with quality of coach travel services
of Bosnian transportation companies they travel with, or they have travelled. Survey
was divided into three parts. In first part, students were asked to rate specific criteria
(factors/variables) in terms of importance to their travelling experience. There were six
variables explored in this survey:
-

Price and accessibility
Crew inside of the vehicle
Safety during the trip
Comfort, ergonomics and visual look of the vehicle
Equipment in the vehicle
Speed and accuracy

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Inside of each variable, there were several questions to rate them in terms of importance
to university students’ coach travelling experience. Participants were asked to rate
them form 1 – not important to 5 –very important. In second part of survey, students
were asked to rate their level of satisfaction with coach travel services of Bosnian
transportation companies from 1 – very dissatisfied to 5 – very satisfied. Third part of
survey was actually open question for students to give their suggestions, proposals,
experiences and comments. This was very useful in process of interpretation and
commenting of the results.
5.

Results

Quantitative data was collected from university student respondents’ surveys. Data
was analyzed in Microsoft Excel using means and standard deviations, as well as
comparing the means of male and female respondents. Total number of respondents
was 388. Respondents were asked to give their information about gender, age and
current study program. Surveys were collected via online methods using Google
Forms tool for making questionnaires, and via visiting universities, students’ flats and
dormitories.
5.1

Analysis of variables

In the table below, we can see that „speed and accuracy“ variable has the biggest
value of mean (4,213). „Crew inside of the vehicle“ is second with mean of 3,986.
„Safety during the trip“ is on third place with mean of 3,923. „Comfort, ergonomics and
visual look of the vehicle“ has mean of 3,766. Fifht variable is „price and accessibility“
with mean of 3,601. Equipment in the vehicle has the lowest mean (3,189).
Table 1: Analysis of variables
VARIABLES
Price and accessibility
Crew inside the vehicle
Safety during the trip
Comfort, ergonomics and visual look of the vehicle
Equipment in the vehicle
Speed and accuracy

MEAN
3,601
3,986
3,923
3,766
3,189
4,213

ST. DEV.
1,123
0,972
1,060
1,048
1,218
1,046

From these results, we can conclude that speed and accuracy are most important
element of coach travel for unversity students. Speed and accuracy of transportation
companies are factors that can affect some other aspects of life of passengers. If there
are delays in transportation of people, some other obligations and issues can suffer
because of that. It is so important for university students to have fast and accurate
coach travel, especially on regular bus lines (intercity, for example). During touristic
journeys and other student trips, delays can be more accepted than during regular
bus lines.
From the figure below, we can see graphical view of average means and standard
deviations of each of six variable. We can notice that variable with highest value
of mean actually has the second lowest value of standard deviation, and variable
with lowest mean actually has the highest value of standard deviation. This value of
standard deviation for „speed and accuracy“ variable supports reability and validity
issues of the research. Second most important factor for university students is nice and
friendly crew inside of the vehicle. It is important for them to have kind and helpfulness
drivers or tour leaders who will always be communicative.

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Figure 1: Analysis of variables

5.2

Comparative analysis of variables

In this section, data gathered from male and female respondents will be compared
in order to find out what aspects of coach travel are most important for male and for
female university students. As we can see form the table below, speed and accuracy
are the most important factors of coach travel for both, male and female univirsity
students, but this factor is more important for female than for male respondents. We
can also notice that means for females are higher than means of males in each
variable except equipment in the vehicle. That means that five of six factors of coach
travel are more important for female than for male university students.
Table 2: Comparative analysis of variables
VARIABLES
Price and accessibility
Crew inside the vehicle
Safety during the trip
Comfort, ergonomics and visual look of the vehicle
Equipment in the vehicle
Speed and accuracy

Male
3,597
3,916
3,781
3,770
3,229
4,171

Female
3,615
4,073
4,079
3,892
3,158
4,272

In the figure below, we can see graphicall view of average means of male and
female respondents for each variable. Only equipment in the vehicle, which is actually
variable with lowest importance for university students, was more important for males
than for females. We can say that femeale university students are more demanding
kind of passengers than male university students.

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Figure 2: Comparative analysis of variables

5.3

Analysis of university students’ satisfaction in coach travel in B&amp;H

In this section of the study, second objective of the research will be examined. Overall
level of university students’ satisfaction with Bosnian transportation companies they
travel with or they had travelled will be discovered.
In the table below, we can see means and standard deviations of each of six question
regarding university students’ satisfaction with Bosnian transportation companies.
Safety during the trip has the biggest value of mean (3,046) which means that university
students are the mostly satisfied with feeling of safety when they travel by some of
Bosnian transportation companies. Research showed that university students are the
least satisfied with comfort and quality of vehicles in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Table 3: Students’ satisfaction with Bosnian transportation companies
Students’ satisfaction with Bosnian
transportation companies
Comfort and quality of vehicles
Attitude of crew toward passenger
Accuracy in timetable
Safety during trips
Prices of tickets and trips
Generally

MEAN
2,879

ST. DEV.
1,175

2,701
2,899
2,863
3,046
2,892
2,874

1,174
1,169
1,172
1,200
1,234
1,098

In the figure below we can see graphical view of means and standard deviations of
each question regarding university students’ satisfaction with Bosnian transportation
companies. We can see that the biggest value of mean is only 3,046 (safety during
the trips). University students are the least satified with comfort and quality of vehicles.
At the end, according to average mean (2,879) we can conclude that university
students are very little satisfied or neither satisfied nor dissatified with quality of Bosnian
transportation companies.

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Figure 3 Students’ satisfaction with Bosnian transportation companies

5.4

Comparative analysis of university students’ satisfaction in coach travel in B&amp;H

In this section, data gathered from male and female respondents will be compared in
order to find out which of these two groups has higher level of satisfaction with Bosnian
transportation companies. From the table below, we can see that females’ means
have lower values than males’ means in each of six questions regarding university
students’ satisfaction with Bosnian transportation companies. Average mean of males
is 2,953 while average mean of females is 2,790.
Table 4: Comparative analysis of students’ satisfaction with Bosnian transportation
companies
University students’ satisfaction with Bosnian
transportation companies
Comfort and quality of vehicle
Attitude of crew toward passenger
Accuracy in timetable
Safety during trips
Prices of tickets and trips
Generally

Male
2,953
2,838
2,984
2,874
3,188
2,906
2,927

Female
2,790
2,545
2,802
2,847
2,899
2,859
2,787

We can conclude that female university students passengers are less satisfied with
Bosnian transportation companies than male university students passengers. Not only
that, females are also more demanding than males, regarding importance of variables
that were investigated in the main part of research.
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Figure 4 Comparative analysis of students’ satisfaction with Bosnian transportation
companies

6.

Conclusion

After detailed process of analyzing and commenting of collected data, we can
conclude that transportation sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina still needs a lot of
improvements. Focus of the study was on coach travel and passengers’ on-board
experience. After carefull analysis, we can say that research showed that speed and
accuracy are the most important factors that make university students satisfied when
they use coach travel seriveces. Respondents stated that this element of coach travel
has significant importance to their coach travelling experience. Second important
factor which affects their satisfaction is crew inside the vehicle. Behavior of coach
driver or any other member of crew is significantly important for university students.
Feeling of safety during the trip is third most important element of overall travelling
experience of university students. After these elements, we have comfort, ergonomics
and visual look of the vehicle; price of tickets and trips; and equipment in the vehicle.
It is interesting to mention that all variables except equipment in the vehicle are more
important for female respondents than for male respondents, so we can conclude
that female university students are more demanding than males.
When we talk about university students’ satisfaction with Bosnian transportation
companies they travel with or they have trevalled, research clearly indicated that
university students are not so satisfied with domestic coach travel. It is also interesting
to mention that female students are less satisfied than male students in each of
six investigated questions regarding their satisfaction with Bosnian transportation
companies. This research clearly showed what aspects of coach travel transportation
companies should pay attention to.
6.1

Research limitations and recommandations for future studies

This study was occupied with experiences and opinions of university students who are
studying in Sarajevo. Other groups of passengers were not included into this research.
That is exactly first limitation to this study. All results are based only on responds of
university students in Sarajevo who are between 18 and 30 years old. Second limitation
to the study is that university students from other cities were not included in this research.
University students in Sarajevo were chosen to be a sample for the research because
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they come from all parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina. However, not including university
students form other cities in the research is surely one of limitations to this study.
However, according to the number of respondents who participated in the research,
we can freely say that research was effective and successful. In order to investigate
overall level of students’ satisfaction in coach travel in Bosnia and Herzegovina, future
researches should include university students from all other university cities in the
country. Of course, it will demand larger sample of university students. Also, all other
groups of passengers (workers, pensioners) should be included in the research in order
to find out a general level of satisfaction of passengers in Bosnia and Herzegovina and
what criteria are most important for passengers when they use coach travel services.
References
• Budiono, O. A. (2009). Costumer satisfaction in public bus transport - a study of
travelers’ perception in Indonesia.
• Bus and Coach Travel in Europe: Understanding the difference. (2011,
November 23). Retrieved May 8, 2016, from www.eurocheapo.com: http://
www.eurocheapo.com/blog/bus-and-coach-travel-in-europe-understandingthe-difference.html
• Coach (Bus). (2016). Preuzeto 9. May 2016 iz Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coach_(bus)
• Coach passengers needs and experiences. (June 2011). Preuzeto 9. May 2016 iz
Passenger Focus: http://www.transportfocus.org.uk/
• FB&amp;H, I. f. (2013). Higher education in federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
Preuzeto
11.
May
2016
iz
http://www.fzs.ba/god_bilteni/Visoko%20
obrazovanje%20u%20F%20BiH%202012-2013.pdf
• Gianino, L. (n.d.). The Differences Between a Bus and a Coach. Retrieved May
8, 2016, from www.ehow.com: http://www.ehow.com/list_7406698_differencesbetween-bus-coach.html
• Mercedes Benz - first motorized bus. (n.d.). Preuzeto 9. May 2016 iz Mercedes Benz:
https://www.mercedes-benz.com/en/mercedes-benz/lifestyle/mercedesbenz-magazines/classic-magazine/the-first-motorized-bus-dating-back-to-1895was-a-benz/
• Mintesnot Woldeamanuel and Rita Cyganski. (2011). FACTORS AFFECTING
TRAVELLERS’ SATISFACTION WITH ACCESSIBILITY TO PUBLIC TRANSPORTATION.
Association For European Transport and Contributors .
• Rabiul Islam, Mohammed S. Chowdhury, Mohammad Sumann Sarker and
Salauddin Ahmed. (2014). MEASURING CUSTOMER’S SATISFACTION ON BUS
TRANSPORTATION. American Journal of Economics and Business Administration .
• The role of bus and coach transport in mobility chain. (n.d.). Preuzeto 9. May
2016 iz Bus and Coach Travel:http://www.busandcoach.travel/download/
promotional_material/en/Bus%20and%20Coach%20in%20the%20mobility%20
chain.pdf
• Treuman, C. N. (2016). Coaches 1750 to 1900. Preuzeto 9. May 2016 iz The
History Learning Site: http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/britain-1700-to-1900/
transport-1750-to-1900/coaches-1750-to-1900/
• Wikipedia - Coach. (2016). Preuzeto 8. May 2016 iz Wikipedia, the free
encyklopedia: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coach_(bus)
• Zahayu Md Yusof, Masnita Misiran, Lee Pei Pei and Ho Tian Tian. (2014). Factors
affecting students’ satisfaction towards bus services in University. Research
Journal of Applied Sciences, Engineering and Technology .

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                <text>Abstract: Transportation of people was always very important aspect of human life.  Today, there are many ways in which people can travel. This paper was occupied with  coach travel, and passengers’ satisfaction in it in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A coach  is a type of vehicle used for carrying passengers on excursions, touristic journeys and  trips, and on other long distance journeys such as intercity or international bus lines.  The goal of this study was to find out level of passengers’ satisfaction in coach travel  in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and what is most important for passengers when they use  coach travel services - is it price, speed, safety, comfort, or something else.  Study was performed on perception of university students in Sarajevo, because they are  representative sample of passengers’ population in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Focus of  the study was on “on board experience”, which is actually experience of passengers  while they are inside of the vehicle. Research clearly indicated what aspects of coach  travel are most important for passengers, and also suggested some proposals that can  make coach travel more competitive and attractive.</text>
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                    <text>1st International Annual Student Symposium

PAYLAŞIM SİTELERİNİN BIREYLERIN YAZMA BECERİLERİNİN
GELİŞİMİ ÜZERİNE ETKİSİ
Tuğba ÇALIŞ
International Burch University / Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina
ÖZET
Bu araştırmanın amacı; sosyal paylaşım sitelerinin bireylerin yazma
becerilerinin gelişimi üzerine etkisini incelemektir. Güncel olan ve sıklıkla
kullanılan üç paylaşım sitesinde ( Facebook, Twitter, Messenger ) yapılan
yazım hataları belirlenmiştir. Bu yazım hatalarının Türkçemize ve milli
kültürümüz olan Türk kültürüne yansımaları yapılan anketler sonucu ortaya
konulmuştur. Böylelikle elde edilen bulgular sonucunda sosyal paylaşım
sitelerinin yazma becerilerine etkisi istatistiksel olarak bu çalışmada
belirtilmiştir.

50 |

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                <text>Bu araştırmanın amacı; sosyal paylaşım sitelerinin bireylerin yazma  becerilerinin gelişimi üzerine etkisini incelemektir. Güncel olan ve sıklıkla  kullanılan üç paylaşım sitesinde ( Facebook, Twitter, Messenger ) yapılan  yazım hataları belirlenmiştir. Bu yazım hatalarının Türkçemize ve milli  kültürümüz olan Türk kültürüne yansımaları yapılan anketler sonucu ortaya  konulmuştur. Böylelikle elde edilen bulgular sonucunda sosyal paylaşım  sitelerinin yazma becerilerine etkisi istatistiksel olarak bu çalışmada  belirtilmiştir.</text>
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                    <text>Pedagogical Benefits of E-mail
Senka Majetić
University of Bihać/ Bihac, Bosnia and Herzegovina
Key words: interaction, e-mail, communicative situation, classroom setting, FL learner
ABSTRACT
As many researchers have noted, e-mail extends what one can do in the classroom, since it provides a venue for
meeting and communicating in the foreign language outside of class. Because of the nature of e-mail, FL learners do
not have to be in a specific classroom at a particular time of day in order to communicate with others in the foreign
language. They can log in and write e-mail from the comfort of their own room, from a public library or from a
cyber-café, and these spatial possibilities increase the amount of time they can spend both composing and reading in
the foreign language provides FL learners with more input than they would be able to expect from class time, which
typically amounts to not more hours per week in most high school or college settings. By connecting FL speakers
outside of the classroom, e-mail also provides a context for communicating with other speakers in authentic
communicative efforts that may seem artificial in a classroom setting. They communicate in much like spoken
language because of its informal and interactive nature. Yet, unlike face-to-face communication, e-mail is in written
form and this can serve the language learner. As Schwienkorst (1998) stressed, "The major advantage of written
communication […]" and have for future use "an enormous sample of his or her own efforts in the target language"
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Senka Majetić
University of Bihać/ Bihac, Bosnia and Herzegovina
Key words: interaction, e-mail, communicative situation, classroom setting, FL learner
ABSTRACT
As many researchers have noted, e-mail extends what one can do in the classroom, since it provides a venue for
meeting and communicating in the foreign language outside of class. Because of the nature of e-mail, FL learners do
not have to be in a specific classroom at a particular time of day in order to communicate with others in the foreign
language. They can log in and write e-mail from the comfort of their own room, from a public library or from a
cyber-café, and these spatial possibilities increase the amount of time they can spend both composing and reading in
the foreign language provides FL learners with more input than they would be able to expect from class time, which
typically amounts to not more hours per week in most high school or college settings. By connecting FL speakers
outside of the classroom, e-mail also provides a context for communicating with other speakers in authentic
communicative efforts that may seem artificial in a classroom setting. They communicate in much like spoken
language because of its informal and interactive nature. Yet, unlike face-to-face communication, e-mail is in written
form and this can serve the language learner. As Schwienkorst (1998) stressed, "The major advantage of written
communication […]" and have for future use "an enormous sample of his or her own efforts in the target language"
(p. 125).

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                <text>Key words: interaction, e-mail, communicative situation, classroom setting, FL learner  ABSTRACT  As many researchers have noted, e-mail extends what one can do in the classroom, since it provides a venue for meeting and communicating in the foreign language outside of class. Because of the nature of e-mail, FL learners do not have to be in a specific classroom at a particular time of day in order to communicate with others in the foreign language. They can log in and write e-mail from the comfort of their own room, from a public library or from a cyber-café, and these spatial possibilities increase the amount of time they can spend both composing and reading in the foreign language provides FL learners with more input than they would be able to expect from class time, which typically amounts to not more hours per week in most high school or college settings. By connecting FL speakers outside of the classroom, e-mail also provides a context for communicating with other speakers in authentic communicative efforts that may seem artificial in a classroom setting. They communicate in much like spoken language because of its informal and interactive nature. Yet, unlike face-to-face communication, e-mail is in written form and this can serve the language learner. As Schwienkorst (1998) stressed, "The major advantage of written communication […]" and have for future use "an enormous sample of his or her own efforts in the target language" (p. 125).</text>
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                    <text>1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo

Pedagogies of the Home and International Schools: New Models for (Inter)
Cultural Education?
Bela Gligorova
Nova Internatiponal Schools, Macedonia
Bela.gligorova@nova.edu.mk

Abstract: As an educator at an international school located in a pre-dominantly Balkan
cultural milieu, I see myself crossing several contact zones (sometimes more than one,
simultaneously). While there is a dangerous sense of enjoyment that comes with this sort of
‗cultural ventriloquism‘, on the behalf of said practitioner, I cannot but help and wonder
about its long-term effects. Exacted through the medium of the English language, students
are encouraged to live out in what seems like a cultural safe-haven: as they are continuously
reminded of dominant social paradigms (gender, race and ethnicity, sexuality, religion, to
name a few) and their operational value within ‗an imagined international community‘, the
cultural identity of their discourse becomes foreign, un-Balkan, yet also un-English
(perhaps a quiet cosmopolitan? a delocalized ‗other‘?). They seem to remain dwellers of a
cushioned ‗non-place‘, a cultural contact zone within a larger contact area, for the duration
of their studies, and even beyond.
Key words: contact zone, cultural ventriloquism, non-places, heterotopias, quiet
cosmopolitan, transnational denizenship, pedagogies of the home

Introduction:
Constructing a cultural identity is as easy as mastering the nuances of a foreign language while
travelling to the country of its origin on an eight-hour flight. Indeed, there are gifted individuals among us who
are able to carry out such a feat in less than eight hours. (Fortunately or not, they are few in number.) However,
for most of us, nowadays, the process of constructing our cultural ‗selves‘ is the journey of a lifetime, as we
struggle to position ourselves within a cultural space that is no longer (re)presented as monolithically uniform.
We constantly enter battles with our cultural heritage (who we were before we were ‗we‘ or ‗I‘) and our cultural
responses (who ‗we‘ or ‗I‘ are now that we contribute to the ‗living out‘ of the said cultural legacy), since for the
most part these two notions are at odds with each other. In other words, we might be born into a certain cultural
group which, in turn, due to various social, political, and or religious circumstances may have distinctly reshaped
and restructured its beliefs and customs, so that it strikes the outsider as non-existent in the first place. Therefore,
when such individuals decide to reaffirm their cultural identity against the background of strong ties to the
indigenous culture they were born into and the greater social milieu they had assimilated to (as a result of
education, religious conversion, power accessibility, etc.) the outcome may prove disheartening, both to the
individuals in question, and to the larger social and familial environments. As an educator at an international
school located in a pre-dominantly Balkan cultural milieu, I see myself crossing several contact zones
(sometimes more than one, simultaneously). Cultural historian Mary Louise Pratt was the one who originally
coined the term ‗contact zone‘ (which seems to have become over the years inextricably tied to the proliferation
and understanding of auto/ethnographic narratives), herself searching for a descriptively dynamic way to
approach the study of social and personal relations amidst the intersecting frontiers of spaces marked by colonial
encounters. In her work on the relationship between travel writing and colonized historical discourse, titled
Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation, Pratt defines the contact zone as ―the space of colonial
encounters, the space in which peoples geographically and historically separated come into contact with each
other and establish ongoing relations, usually involving conditions of coercion, radical inequality and intractable
conflict.‖ (Pratt, 1992, 6) By choosing a denominator (‗contact‘) that is closer to linguistics than traditional
historical analysis, Pratt hopes to bring into perspective the relational side to subject formation within the terrain
of the colonized frontiers, therefore allowing for the production and distribution of auto/ethnographic
‗expressions‘ that are ‗heterogeneous‘ in structure, idiom and reception.
While there is a dangerous sense of enjoyment that comes with any sort of ‗cultural ventriloquism‘,
border-crossing, or bo(a)rdering, so to speak, on the behalf of said practitioner, I cannot but help and wonder
about its long-term effects. Exacted through the medium of the English language, students at international
schools are encouraged to live out in what seems like a cultural safe-haven: as they are continuously reminded of
dominant social paradigms (gender, race and ethnicity, sexuality, religion, to name a few) and their operational
value within ‗an imagined international community‘, the cultural identity of their discourse becomes foreign, un-

239

�1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
Balkan, yet also un-English (perhaps a quiet cosmopolitan? a delocalized ‗other‘ in pursuit of global human
agency?). Some recent scholarship might go as far as to suggest that international schools are not unlike what
French scholar Michel Foucault deemed ‗heterotopias‘, or, non-hegemonically arranged spaces which operate
under the condition of ‗otherness‘. (Foucault 1986) As such, their function is to join together, on the one hand,
utopian perspectives, and on the other, real spaces, intellectual or physical, which in turn, stand as sites of
cultural otherness, linked yet produced in opposition to cultural hegemonies. Hence, cemeteries, gardens,
movies, brothels, boarding schools. And even if the daily life of individuals in one such space is controlled,
according to Foucault, by the bell and not the whistle, in truth, local students at international schools in the
Balkans seem to remain dwellers of a cushioned ‗non-place‘ (Augé, 1995), a cultural contact zone within a larger
contact area, for the duration of their studies, and even beyond. And with that, dangerously removed from any
prospect of living an integrated cultural life.

In lieu of a biographical note
When I graduated from the Department of English at the Faculty of Philology within the framework of
the State University in Skopje, almost a decade ago, I was certain of two things: a.) I wanted to teach literary
texts (no grammar, no tenses) and b.) I wished to work solely within the medium of English. With this in mind, I
applied for a position at then one of a few international high schools in Macedonia, Nova High School. Having
successfully completed Professor Ekaterina Babamova‘s graduation course in ELT Methodology, I felt up to the
challenge: I believed I had acquired the necessary tools that would guide me on this new path. I had also, prior to
enrolling at the Faculty of Philology, graduated from a US high school, on US soil, thus the added confidence.
Perhaps even cockiness. In October of 2000, I was assigned two classes, nominally called English 9 Regular and
English 12. The former comprised of students (sans three) who had recently graduated from state primary
schools in Macedonia, whereas the latter consisted of fifteen students who were a part of the very first class of
students the said high school had enrolled in September of 1997, when the school opened its doors for the first
time. Oddly enough, or so it seemed, the latter group was the more culturally diverse one, not just in terms of the
ethnicity pool but also in terms of citizenship. During that very same academic year, both classes allowed me to
witness a few key insights about cultural instruction in English, as well as English cultural instruction. Although
the 9th graders, for instance, had nearly polished syntax, their communal insights were tied to a Macedonian
context; if we were going to make any progress with a Renaissance play or a contemporary American short
story, I had to engage with them at a ‗local level‘. Which in turn, would ask for a comparativist method, and a
good deal of popular culture immersion. Whereas, with the 12th graders, whose English grammar skills were
picked up, peace-meal by peace-meal, from native speakers who taught at this school or at various other
international schools abroad that these students had attended prior to transferring, the communal insights were so
varied and versatile, that there seemed to be no common denominator. These ‗third culture kids‘, or better, these
‗hybrid cosmopolitans‘ could relate to everything and nothing; it all seemed too easy, or perhaps too vast.
Since then, the school‘s student population, in particular the one relating to the high school division, has
quadrupled; numbers aside, what has struck me, and those who have taught/teach, especially within the
Language Arts Department, is the overwhelming change local students (Macedonians, Albanians, Turks, Roma)
who matriculate at Nova International Schools bring with them, through distinct epistemologies and pedagogies,
which allows them to stay connected locally while thinking and writing and being internationally. Again, this
staggering change, which could and should be examined thoroughly through apt statistical data, based on
entrance exams‘ results and interview notes, has allowed me to conceptualize, as well as further explore, the
following research questions:
1. By attempting a delocalized ‗territory of culture‘ through their respective missions and objectives, do
international schools in the Balkans contribute to a (re)creation of a ‗pseudo nation-state scenario‘?
2. Even so, could their products (students) legitimately question the unspoken acceptance and affirmation
of culturally determined roles, imposed on Balkan individuality by various mechanisms of compliance
(governmental decisions, communal practices, tradition and gossip)?
3. Yet, when all is said and done, who is to implement a newly designed cultural mythos: individuals or
institutions?
On that note, in September 2005, upon return from graduate school, I started a project with a group of 25
entering 9th graders (freshmen), tentatively embedded within the context of our English 9 Honors class, yet
entirely for extra credit. Throughout the 4 years I spent with this group, which indeed changed in size and
circumstance, guiding them towards a successful completion of an Advanced Placement (AP) English Literature
and Composition class, this ‗pet project‘ of mine, became our focal point of discussion, immersion and selfassessment; in turn, giving birth to student-initiated projects, such as the one I will discuss later on in the text.

240

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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
‗Journal Keeping‘ Project: a ‗quilted‘ way towards a reciprocal cultural methodology
The histories and lives of international students, in particular local kids from multicultural milieus
attending/attempting an international education setting, are not (well) represented in the local cultural policies.
Since said students have optioned out, for various reasons, to attend private schools (often deemed elitist and
viewed by the public as ‗the breeding grounds for snobs‘), their presence within a non-state education facility for
the duration of four years, resembles, to a point, a prolonged banishment from all matters relevant to an
integrated communal life. In other words, the local community does not feel responsible for their ‗cultural
upkeep‘ as they no longer exist as its young offspring. To take it a step further, according to French thinker and
scholar Michel Foucault, what we are facing in this case is another example of the intricate relationship(s)
existing between the production of various systems of knowledge (i.e., discourses) and the production of power
within a social framework. That is to say, each society exerts different rules and regulations that would
‗lawfully‘ police and discipline ‗undesired‘ discourses, thus maintaining its hold on power. Those who are
considered a viable threat to the dominant discourse and its tight grip on social structures may be dismissed as
‗mad‘, ‗non-conforming‘, to say the least. Classifying non-conforming individuals as mad eases the ‗burden‘ of
‗dealing with them‘; they could be almost surgically removed from the cultural unconscious, leaving a space
which is momentarily filled up by subjects that have been instructed to conform to the norms and ideals of the
dominant discourse. (However, even in a ‗well-rounded‘ oppressive social framework there is a push by the
marginalized ‗mad subjects‘ to re-claim/re-map this space which has been taken away from them.)
To make matters worse, once these students enter the ‗hallowed halls‘ of international schools, they
expect an unconditional welcome and a chance to participate and engage, fully, within a more or less, imagined
international community that would not shun their choice of being there. The expectations are great, perhaps
even illusionary, hence the disappointment, when it comes, hits hard. Just because a community is more versed
in politically correct discourse does not mean that it is unequivocally open and forthcoming and giving, or for
that matter, ready to welcome anyone unconditionally. While students at international schools in the Balkans are
indeed taken care of, namely, looked upon as individuals and not mere numbers, many international schools, due
to the very nature of their missions and objectives, and endowments, focus the bulk of their resources on a sad
but palpable fact, which can be best summed up as ‗teaching students to be quiet cosmopolitans‘, which in turn
amounts to the creation of a subculture that ironically de-personalizes education while attempting to guide and
foster intellect. This dangerous practice, whether we wish to admit to it or not, does double-harm: for one, it
requires of students to see themselves as empty vessels, stripped off cultural-familial, raced, or gendered
knowledge of their past (Thus, in the case of local students, there is a ‗twice removed‘ emptying which takes
place) (Delgado Bernal, 2002, 2006). Consequently, it convinces students that only a positivist type of
knowledge (white, male, Western) can help them succeed and thus enroll, with a scholarship, at a prestigious
university abroad, which is still the principal reason why most local students (and their families) make a leap of
faith and apply to international schools in the first place. While I did/do understand the reality of conformity and
acculturation, I wanted to find a way, through differentiated instruction, which could allow me to bequeath my
students with a means that would in turn help them understand the complexities of their two communities: the
home-base and the school environment; one primarily oral, the other unquestioningly written.
In a sense, I see now that I was attempting a kind of auto/ethnographic self-recovery: i.e., more than a
textual representation of auto-ethno-biographical modes of contact for and in multi-vocal settings. According to
ethnographer Deborah E. Reed Danahay, the editor of the first (and to this day, only) anthological work that
examines this hybrid form of life-writing ethnography, titled Auto/Ethnography: Rewriting the Self and the
Social, ‗autoethnography‘ is a boundary-crossing practice and product, simultaneously acting out the method
behind the concept; as a method and a text, the act of auto/ethnographic representing fuses ―both a postmodern
ethnography, in which the realist conventions and objective observer position of standard ethnography have been
called into question, and a postmodern autobiography, in which the notion of the coherent, individual self has
been similarly called into question.‖ (Reed Danahay, 1997, 2) As a result, whether or not the astute literary critic
or social historian decide, respectfully, to stake their claim either with the autobiographic or the ethnographic
side of the hybrid-form, ‗auto/ethnography‘ thwarts conventional story-telling practices (of the ‗realist school‘)
by trespassing cultural and social boundaries, thus exerting its presence in ―form of a self-narrative that places
the self in a social context.‖ (9)
Enter: ‗journal keeping‘.
Cultural historian Pierre Nora examined the relationship that exists between historical investment and
individual memory, offering a reading of ‗historical truths‘ and ‗remembered events‘ through lieux de mémoire,
that is, ‗sites of memory‘ which ―originate with the sense that there is no spontaneous memory, that we must
deliberately create archives, maintain anniversaries, organize celebrations, pronounce eulogies, and notarize bills

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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
because such activities no longer occur naturally.‖ (Nora, 1989, 12) Within contemporary social practices, such
‗sites of memory‘ appear to be a necessity, a final defense against misrepresentation and unilateral polemics in
epistemologies and pedagogies. As children of history and memory, lieux de mémoire, according to Nora, are
unlike any previously encountered type of history, ancient or modern, since contrary to historical objects, they
are without a referent in reality. However, Nora is quick to point out that this unique trait does not leave the
‗sites of memory‘ without a referent all-together; lieux de mémoire are their own referents. Namely, they
constitute a double act: they are ―a site of excess closed upon itself, concentrated in its own name, but also
forever open to the full range of its possible significations.‖ (24) Bearing this in mind, I wanted to attempt a sort
of historical recovery filtered through the tools of feminist scholarship, hoping to show my students an example
of one such ‗site of memory‘; and with that, a way out of the slums of ‗quiet cosmopolitanism‘ and into
(perhaps) the alertness of ‗transnational cultural denizenship‘ (Buff, 2001).
Initially conceived as an attempt to showcase the value of written discourse, while drawing on the
abundance of orally transmitted knowledge my students had grown up with, I introduced the students to the
storytelling method of what Lomas and Joysmith (2005) term as ‗testimonio‘: an ethnographic genre/strategy
which allows the voiceless political subject – the local student – the necessary agency to account for the
connections that exist between lived experience and social (education) context.31 Namely, for a semester, my 9th
grade class, each Friday, worked on a reflection piece. At first, most preferred to work on their own, while with
time, groups started to form. The goal in mind: to think of a way in which their own varied experiences connect
them to the particular reading of the week, may it be a poem, a short story, a play or a chapter/chapters of a
novel. Thus, to use the allotted class time, and write down, in the English of their choice, the said reflection.
Each student had decided to ‗safe keep‘ his or her own reflection pieces in a folder, or a file, or even a notepad.
There was no word limit. No passing or failing grade, and no requirement deadline for a submission. Only a
hopefulness, that with time, each student may choose to share his or her own piece with someone else. At the end
of the semester, I had also hoped that each student would choose a piece to place on the class‘ cork board, so that
we could all part-take in a kind of ‗testimonial‘, a quilt-making record of our unhindered critical journey through
a series of English texts, i.e., texts written in the English language.
A few things occurred: the contact zone which this side-project carved out presented itself as the most
rewarding and equally the most challenging one I had ever dwelled into. Namely, the project took on a life of its
own, branching out in ways I had not anticipated or even hoped for. Freed from the burden of testing and
grading, or excessive monitoring, the quality of writing students presented had created a sense of reciprocity,
both in their distinctive relationship to each other, as peers and neighbours, and in their relationship to writing,
speaking, listening and thinking in English, now the formative medium of their life in international education.
Students started keeping personal blogs, they wrote Facebook notes, msn-ed their thoughts, frustrations,
reflections, dilemmas. When the academic semester came to an end, they asked if we could continue with our
‗Friday project‘, even if it was not possible to dedicate each Friday to its unfolding. We could meet after school,
on Saturdays, during breaks, they suggested. And we did.
For the next four academic years, as they matriculated through the Nova Language Arts curriculum,
these 25 local students (and in time 10 more ‗transfers‘), wrote about the various points of intersectionality
experienced by a Balkan native when facing the trials and tribulations of education in an international school
context. In turn, this empowering practice, unburdened by the weights of grades and arbitration, propelled their
written discourse in ways that no class-bound, test-teaching instruction could. In a sense, their ‗testimonio‘
storytelling practice, allowed them to conceptualize the validity of lived knowledge (a Roma girl from Tetovo)
as a key strategy in the process of any scholarly enquiry (racial formation in contemporary social practices). For
a class, (and a grade), over the years, they did produce nuanced and thoughtfully researched papers on an array
of topics, from the seemingly mundane enquiry into popular culture‘s archetypes (think: The Simpsons), all the
way to high-brow assertions on the relationship between the modern novel and masculinity discourses (think:
Joyce). Not to mention, the college-application essays, and the strength of their argumentation, as individuals.
For themselves, and their own contact zone, which seemed to expand with time, they initiated auxiliary projects
that expanded the ‗territory of culture‘ realm of the school, such as the MIR Celebrating Literacy Project, The
on-line Student-Reviewed Fanzine (The Discourse Detectives), The Reading Group Fellowship. All these
projects incorporate a reciprocal cultural methodology, thus allowing all participants to bear witness to their own
31

Here, I‘d like to thank the work of a colleague, Dr. Judith Flores Carmona, formerly of The University of Utah, and now
with Hampshire College, for encouraging me to make such an inter-cultural connection, one that I otherwise would not have
made, had I been teaching at a state school, or at a local university. Her own work in the Adelante Oral Histories Project
(AOHP) gave me the impetus and the strength to draw on the teachings of hooks, Friere, Anzaldua, as well as Elizabeta
Sheleva, and see the many common themes which exist between the pedagogy of the oppressed and the reciprocal
methodology in international education.

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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
becoming of both subjects and objects of their own enquiry. And all have a longer shelf life than an academic
semester. However, with all said and done, I am still concerned about the following long-term effects, namely as
limitations and/or impetuses for further research:
1.
While inspirational education does propel change, when exacted through the medium of a
colonizing language and culture, could it affect real change within the leakage of the
pipeline of local identity formation?
2.
If so, by advocating for a ‗pedagogy of the home‘ (Delgado Bernal, 2001, 2002), aren‘t we,
(locally-affiliated) teachers and educators in international education, reverting to an
epistemology that in turn would dispossess our students from that very home we had set out
to promote, and turn them into vulnerable observers (Behar, 1996), that is, reflexive
insiders/outsiders bound by the within (Hill Collins, 1990, 1991)?

In Lieu of a Conclusion
Without the intention or the pretext of further colonization, of pedagogies or epistemologies, I do
believe that culturally reciprocal methodology is the only viable means, present out there for us, to create
dialogue amidst students from various and varied cultural and social milieus, yet co-habiting the same education
space. What I am still debating over, however, is (the extent of) the role English language instruction should play
in the creation of such an educational mythos

References
Augé, M. (1995). Non-Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity. Brooklyn and London:
Verso Books.
Behar, R. (1996). The Vulnerable Observer: Anthropology That Breaks Your Heart. Massachusetts: Beacon
Press.
Buff, R. (2001). Immigration and the Poltical Economy of Home: Carribean Brooklyn and American Indian
Minneapolis, 1945-1992. Los Angeles and London: University of California Press.
Delgado Bernal, D., Elenes, C.A., Godinez, F.E., Villenas, S. (Eds.) (2006). Chicana/Latina Education in
Everyday Life: Feminista Perspectives on Pedagogy and Epistemology. New York: State University of New
York (SUNY) Press.
Delgado Bernal, D. (2002). Critical Race Theory, LatCrit Theory, and Critical Raced-Gendered
Epistemologies: Recognizing Students of Color as Holders and Creators of Knowledge. Qualitative Inquiry,
8(1), 105-126.
Delgado Bernal, D. (2001). Learning and Living Pedagogies of the Home: The Mestiza Consciousness of
Chicana Students. International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, 14(5), 623-639.
Foucault, M. (1995). Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Second Vintage Books
Edition.
Foucault, M. (1986). Of Other Spaces. Trans. By Jay Miskowiec. Diacritics. 16 (1), 22-27.
Hill Collins, P. (1990). Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of
Empowerment. Boston: Unwin Hyman.
hooks, b. (1994). Teaching to Transgress: Education as the Practice of Freedom. New York: Routledge.
Joysmith, C., Lomas, C. (Eds.) (2005). One Wound for Another/Una Herida por Otra: Testimonios de
Latin@s in the US Through Cyberspace (11 de Septiembre 2001 – 11 Marzo 2002). Mexico, D.F.:
Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico.
Nora, P. (1989). Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de Mémoire. Representations, 26(Spring), 7-24.
Reed-Danahay, D.E. (Ed.) (1997). Auto/Ethnography: Rewriting the Self and the Social. Oxford: Berg. 117.

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                <text>As an educator at an international school located in a pre-dominantly Balkan  cultural milieu, I see myself crossing several contact zones (sometimes more than one,  simultaneously). While there is a dangerous sense of enjoyment that comes with this sort of  ‗cultural ventriloquism‘, on the behalf of said practitioner, I cannot but help and wonder  about its long-term effects. Exacted through the medium of the English language, students  are encouraged to live out in what seems like a cultural safe-haven: as they are continuously  reminded of dominant social paradigms (gender, race and ethnicity, sexuality, religion, to  name a few) and their operational value within ‗an imagined international community‘, the  cultural identity of their discourse becomes foreign, un-Balkan, yet also un-English  (perhaps a quiet cosmopolitan? a delocalized ‗other‘?). They seem to remain dwellers of a  cushioned ‗non-place‘, a cultural contact zone within a larger contact area, for the duration  of their studies, and even beyond.</text>
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enormous endeavors to find the ordinary under extraordinary living&#13;
circumstances.&#13;
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5&#13;
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                    <text>BİLDİRİ ÖZETLERİ - UTEK 2014

PEND-NÂME-İ ATTÂR’IN TÜRKÇE ŞERHLERİNİN DİL VE ÜSLUP
AÇISINDAN KARŞILAŞTIRILMASI
Gülçiçek AKÇAY
Trakya Üniversitesi / Türkmenistan
Anahtar Kelimeler: Şerh, Pend-nâme, dil ve üslup, karşılaştırma.
ÖZET
İslamî edebiyata ait bir metni yorumlama temayülü İslamiyet’in ilk
devirlerinden beri bu alanda çeşitli faaliyetlerin gerçekleşmesine, İslamî
edebiyatlara alem olmuş bazı meşhur eserlerin yorumlanmasına zemin
hazırlamıştır. Türklerin İslamiyet’i kabulüyle birlikte Arapça ve Farsçadan
başta dini eserler olmak üzere birçok eser Türkçeye tercüme edilip
yorumlanmıştır. Klasik edebi metinlerin şerhi şarihler için kendi birikimlerini
ortaya koydukları bir düzlemdir. Klasik şerh dediğimiz yorumlama faaliyetine
giren şarihlerin dil üzerindeki tasarrufları; şerhin genelinde sıkça kullanılan
ibareler ve kullanılış amaçları, muhtevalarına göre cümle kuruluşları, atasözü
ve deyim kullanımındaki tutumları, söyleyişle ilgili sanatlara temayülleri, şerh
ettikleri esere müdahale biçimleri de şerhin keyfiyeti hakkında incelenmeye
değer unsurlardandır. Feridüddîn Attâr’ın Pend-nâme’si de Osmanlı
coğrafyasında yüzyıllar boyu çok yaygın olarak okunan ve şöhreti dolayısıyla
birçok tercüme ve şerhi yapılan eserlerden biridir. Biz bu çalışmamızda Pendnâme’nin Türkçe şerhlerinden birkaçı olan Sa’âdet-nâme (Şem’î), Müfîd
(Abdurrahman Abdî Paşa), Şerh-i Pend-i Attâr (İsmail Hakkı Bursevî), Berg-i
Dervîşân (Mustafa Refî’a) Rûhu’ş-Şurûh (Kilisli Mustafa Rûhî) ve Mâ-hazar
(Mehmed Murad Nakşibendî) adlı eserlerde şarihlerin dil üzerindeki söz
konusu tasarruflarını incelemeye çalışacağız.

34

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                <text>İslamî edebiyata ait bir metni yorumlama temayülü İslamiyet’in ilk  devirlerinden beri bu alanda çeşitli faaliyetlerin gerçekleşmesine, İslamî  edebiyatlara alem olmuş bazı meşhur eserlerin yorumlanmasına zemin  hazırlamıştır. Türklerin İslamiyet’i kabulüyle birlikte Arapça ve Farsçadan  başta dini eserler olmak üzere birçok eser Türkçeye tercüme edilip  yorumlanmıştır. Klasik edebi metinlerin şerhi şarihler için kendi birikimlerini  ortaya koydukları bir düzlemdir. Klasik şerh dediğimiz yorumlama faaliyetine  giren şarihlerin dil üzerindeki tasarrufları; şerhin genelinde sıkça kullanılan  ibareler ve kullanılış amaçları, muhtevalarına göre cümle kuruluşları, atasözü  ve deyim kullanımındaki tutumları, söyleyişle ilgili sanatlara temayülleri, şerh  ettikleri esere müdahale biçimleri de şerhin keyfiyeti hakkında incelenmeye  değer unsurlardandır. Feridüddîn Attâr’ın Pend-nâme’si de Osmanlı  coğrafyasında yüzyıllar boyu çok yaygın olarak okunan ve şöhreti dolayısıyla  birçok tercüme ve şerhi yapılan eserlerden biridir. Biz bu çalışmamızda Pendnâme’nin  Türkçe şerhlerinden birkaçı olan Sa’âdet-nâme (Şem’î), Müfîd  (Abdurrahman Abdî Paşa), Şerh-i Pend-i Attâr (İsmail Hakkı Bursevî), Berg-i  Dervîşân (Mustafa Refî’a) Rûhu’ş-Şurûh (Kilisli Mustafa Rûhî) ve Mâ-hazar  (Mehmed Murad Nakşibendî) adlı eserlerde şarihlerin dil üzerindeki söz  konusu tasarruflarını incelemeye çalışacağız.</text>
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                    <text>Peoples Motives in Utilizing the Freedom of Movement within the EU: The
Case of Kosovo and Visa Liberalization with the EU
Alban Asllani
AAB University
Albania
alban.asllani@universitetiaab.com
ShkumbinMisini
Universum College
Albania
shkumbin.misini@gmail.com
KujtimBytyqi
Universum College
Albania
kujtim.bytyqi@gmail.com
Abstract: This study intends to identify the main motives for travel of citizens from Kosovo to
the EU Member States once the visa liberalization takes place. The authors of this paper take
into account demographic information from the surveys handed out to citizens of Kosovo, and
try to correlate them with their motives for travel to the EU Member states. The study argues
that visa liberalization for Kosovo is of imperative importance in preparing Kosovo for EU
membership. The study also argues that citizens of Kosovo benefit substantially by creating
networks with professionals in the areas of research, technology, and education. These
networks could potentially lead to local businesses gaining from outsourcing, which would
overtime increase economic development of the country. However, the study’s focal point is
the analysis of the survey of Kosovo’s on how they would utilize the EU visa liberalization
regime, using descriptive, correlation, and regression analysis. The descriptive statistics and
simple correlation analysis show a strong negative correlation between employment status,
and work and study as a reason for visiting the EU member states after visa liberalization,
while there is strong positive correlation between employment status and business, tourism
and research as reasons for visiting the EU. Similarly, strong correlations have been found
between education level of the respondents and their age group as demographics in one side,
and work, study, tourism, doing business, and conducting research as reasons for visiting EU
after the visa liberalization regime is granted to Kosovo. By conducting such analysis, the
authors of this study expect to give an overview of the current situation in terms of economic
and socio-political implications regarding the visa liberalization, and the motives of Kosovo’s
in utilizing the visa liberalization regime based on the responses received from the
questionnaires.
Keywords: Demographics, Visa Liberalization, Mobility, Networking, people-to-people
contact, Motives for travel, Correlation analysis, reforms

46

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                <text>ASLLANI, Alban
MISINI, Shkumbin
BYTYQI, Kujtim</text>
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                <text>This study intends to identify the main motives for travel of citizens from Kosovo to the EU Member States once the visa liberalization takes place. The authors of this paper take into account demographic information from the surveys handed out to citizens of Kosovo, and try to correlate them with their motives for travel to the EU Member states. The study argues that visa liberalization for Kosovo is of imperative importance in preparing Kosovo for EU membership. The study also argues that citizens of Kosovo benefit substantially by creating networks with professionals in the areas of research, technology, and education. These networks could potentially lead to local businesses gaining from outsourcing, which would overtime increase economic development of the country. However, the study’s focal point is the analysis of the survey of Kosovo’s on how they would utilize the EU visa liberalization regime, using descriptive, correlation, and regression analysis. The descriptive statistics and simple correlation analysis show a strong negative correlation between employment status, and work and study as a reason for visiting the EU member states after visa liberalization, while there is strong positive correlation between employment status and business, tourism and research as reasons for visiting the EU. Similarly, strong correlations have been found between education level of the respondents and their age group as demographics in one side, and work, study, tourism, doing business, and conducting research as reasons for visiting EU after the visa liberalization regime is granted to Kosovo. By conducting such analysis, the authors of this study expect to give an overview of the current situation in terms of economic and socio-political implications regarding the visa liberalization, and the motives of Kosovo’s in utilizing the visa liberalization regime based on the responses received from the questionnaires.  Keywords: Demographics, Visa Liberalization, Mobility, Networking, people-to-people contact, Motives for travel, Correlation analysis, reforms</text>
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                    <text>1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo

Perceived lexical similarities between L2 Italian and L3 English in the
reading comprehension of Croatian-Italian bilingual EFL learners
Ana BradiĦiĤ
Italian High School – Rijeka, Croatia
Teacher of English and German Language and Literature
ana.bradicic1@ri.t-com.hr
Abstract: Recent studies investigating transfer in language acquisition have shown
that not only the knowledge of a first language, but also all other languages known to
a person may facilitate the acquisition of a new language. This is also the case with
languages belonging to different language families such as English and Italian,
which, nonetheless, have many conspicuous lexical similarities. Whereas studies
have concentrated on language production and error analysis, it is necessary to
acknowledge the importance of investigating third language comprehension as well.
The present study examines the perception of lexical similarities in written text
comprehension by Croatian-Italian bilinguals who are at two distinct levels of
English proficiency. A form involving similarity judgments for lexical items varying
in the degree of formal and semantic similarity has been designed drawing on real
language use as provided by corpora. The results obtained are compared to objective
formal similarity as provided by a string matching algorithm, the normalized
Levenshtein distance. Results suggest that the ratings of lexical similarity perceived
by the learners are related to formal and semantic word similarity. They also indicate
that in the case of semantically similar words older students rely more on previously
acquired lexical knowledge, whereas younger learners tend to give more uniform
ratings relying more on formal similarity. We suggest that an explicit approach to
raising the learners‘ awareness of language similarity and to promoting transfer as a
learning strategy would improve the third language learning process and its outcome.
Key Words: Lexicon, crosslinguistic influence, similarity perception

Introduction
For a number of years studies of crosslinguistic influence24 (CLI) focused on the role of the first
language in the acquisition of the second language, and the analysis of errors in the learners‘ second language
production had the main role in establishing the predictive force of transfer (Larsen-Freeman and Long, 1991).
The results of more recent studies have shown that all languages acquired after the first language might be the
source of CLI when learning a new language (Cenoz, 2001; Dewaele, 1998; Ringbom, 1987; Selinker and
Baumgartner-Cohen, 1995; Williams and Hammarberg, 1998). Several factors have been identified as relevant in
this process, among which crosslinguistic similarity25, language proficiency, context of communication, age,
recency of language use and the ―foreign language effect‖ or the L2 status. In the case of the second language, its
ability to function as a source language for CLI is not determined as much by the order of acquisition as by other
factors such as proficiency in the source language, frequency and recency of use, and the degree of similarity to
the recipient language. Since the majority of studies deal with language production, it is necessary to investigate
CLI effects in perception and comprehension in order to gain a deeper understanding of the process of third

24

Crosslinguistic influence, the term proposed by Kellerman and Sharwood Smith in 1986, is used in the
literature as the equivalent of the term transfer or interference, and it includes the wide range of
psycholinguistic phenomena which result from the contact of two languages, including preference, positive and
negative transfer, avoidance and borrowing (Jarvis and Pavlenko, 2008).
25
The phenomenon called linguistic distance, typological similarity, psychotypology and crosslinguistic
similarity refers to the degree of similarity between the source language and the recipient language. It
determines the possibility of the appearance of transfer (Kellerman, 1977; Ringbom, 1978; Wode, 1976; Cenoz,
2001; Ringbom, 2001, 2007).

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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
language acquisition26. While in language production the speaker starts from the preverbal intention and assigns
it a linguistic form, comprehension has its starting point in the lexical form the reader or listener gives meaning
to by linking the language form to the semantic knowledge he possess (Ringbom, 2001). Therefore learners try
to find similarities between the languages they know in order to establish a relationship of equivalence between
them, and in this process formal similarities have a greater importance in comprehension than in language
production (Ringbom, 2007). However, it is important to distinguish between objective and subjective similarity,
but also between objective and subjective difference. Objective similarities are often not the same as subjective
similarities since it is the subjective perception of the speaker to determine the degree of transferability of certain
language features from the source language to the recipient language (Kellerman, 1978). The subjective
crosslinguistic similarity influences the degree to which the learner relies on the source language in learning and
using the target language, whereas objective similarity affects the likelihood that transfer will be positive or
negative (Odlin, 1989). However, objective similarities and differences and subjective differences don't lead to
transfer, but it is the crosslinguistic similarities that the learners perceive or assume to exist, that form the basis
of interlingual identifications that generate most types of transfer (Jarvis and Pavlenko, 2008). Perceived
language distance is therefore considered the main factor influencing crosslinguistic similarity, and formal
similarity between all language systems known to the learner a constant factor of crosslinguistic influence (De
Angelis and Selinker, 2001).
The importance of perceived crosslinguistic similarity has been attested in all areas of language
knowledge, from phonology, morphosyntax to the discourse, but it is mostly evident in the field of the lexicon.
Crosslinguistic similarity is most obviously perceived on the basis of formally similar or identical individual
items or words. The similarities may also be functional or semantic. Formal similarity is perceived first, in that
getting the word form precedes getting the word meaning, and most cases involving the transfer of formal
properties seem to reflect perceived similarities, while many cases of semantic transfer seem to occur merely on
the basis of assumed similarities and often despite observable differences. Moreover, in the case of formal
transfer the source language tends to be a closely related language, that is a source language that the learner
perceives as being closely related to the recipient language, whereas semantic transfer strongly tends to come
from a language in which the learner is highly proficient, most commonly the L1 but also an L2 in cases where
the learner is highly advanced in the L2 (Ringbom, 1987, 2001; Cenoz, 2001).
Although perceived similarity mainly facilitates learning, especially when cognate languages are
concerned, it can also lead to errors in production and comprehension, as in the case of false friends, i.e. lexemes
that belong to different languages, but because of their formal similarity lead to wrong conclusions about their
meaning (Gabryś-Barker, 2006, Ringbom, 2007). The first encounter with cognates often leads to an
approximate understanding and it doesn't require much cognitive effort on the part of the learners since they
easily connect the core meaning of words with the same or similar form. However, on more advanced levels of
language learning, it is necessary to invest a greater cognitive effort to acquire the full meaning of lexical units,
their stylistic and contextual components (N. Ellis, 1994, 1997; Nemser, 1998; Singleton, 1999).
Despite the fact that the research of lexical transfer has received much attention, due to the complexity
of this phenomenon that includes several dimensions of lexical knowledge, it is necessary to investigate the
implications of this process in multilingual speakers where lateral transfer is manifested, i.e. the transfer from the
L2 to the L3 (Jarvis and Pavlenko, 2008).

Method of the Study
The main goal of this study is to gain an insight into the perception of lexical similarities between L2
Italian and L3 English in the reading comprehension of Croatian-Italian bilingual speakers. With regard to
objective and subjective similarity, the aim is to establish if the subjects perceive crosslinguistic lexical
similarity in reading comprehension, and if so, to which degree they rely on semantic, i.e. formal similarity.
Furthermore, the aim is to establish the existence of a relationship between the perception of lexical similarities
of L2 Italian and L3 English with the subjects‘ characteristics (first language, Italian language learning
experience, context and frequency of use of L2 Italian, length of studying and language proficiency in L3
26

For the purpose of this paper, it is important to underline the difference between the second (L2) and the third language
(L3), since when acquiring the L2 the learner has at his disposal only the knowledge of his L1, whereas when acquiring the
third language (L3), he already possesses the knowledge of the previously learnt languages (Hammarberg; 2001). Therefore,
an adult learner who starts learning an L3 or an L4, possesses metalinguistic knowledge and learning strategies that a learner
of the L2 doesn't have (Hufeisen, 1998).

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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
English, self-rated language knowledge of English and Italian and formal evaluation in L2 and L3 at the end of
the school year) and the features of the lexical items included with reference to word class membership,
historical relatedness and semantic and formal similarity. The study of the perception of lexical similarity
between L2 English and L3 Swedish (Utgof, 2008) represents the methodological starting point and the basis of
this work.

Sampling
The present study includes 69 subjects, students of a high school in Croatia where the language of
instruction is Italian. 35 of them are students of the first class and have been studying English for 7 years and 34
of them are students of the fourth class and have been studying English for 10 years. All informants are bilingual
speakers whose L1 is mostly Croatian and the L2 is Italian, which is mainly used only as the language of
instruction. The subjects differ also on the following points: Italian language learning experience, context and
frequency of use of the Italian language, self-rated proficiency in L2 and L3 and the formal mark they have in
the subjects Italian language and literature and English language at the end of the school year 2009/2010.

Materials and Analysis Processes
The questionnaire used to gather the data consists of a first part involving similarity judgements for 28
word pairs varying in the degree of formal and semantic similarity. Formal similarity was computed by means of
the normalized Levenshtein distance, which is a string edit distance for measuring the amount of difference
between two strings of characters taking into consideration their length. Since similarity and difference are
expressed by a reciprocal measure, the measure of formal similarity is given precedence in consonance with the
theoretical assumption that learners tend to rely more on similarities than on differences (Ringbom, 2007). The
measure of semantic similarity is given by the similarity ratings of five experienced Croatian-Italian bilingual
teachers of English. The included lexical items differ also in their grammatical category, etymological origin,
and out of 28 word pairs, there are 23 word pairs that belong to the category of deceptive cognates. Although
English belongs to the Germanic language family, a significant number of lexemes has its origin in Latin, so in
terms of its lexicon it can plausibly be regarded as a Romance language (Singleton, 2006), which has important
implications for the psychotypological effect. It is therefore obvious that a learner who has a knowledge of
Italian will encounter a whole array of English words whose meaning he can associate with a previously
acquired language. However, deceptive cognates can lead to wrong conclusions since their meaning in English
doesn't match the meaning of a similar word in Italian. The importance of context lies in the possibility of lexical
and conceptual processing of ambiguous lexemes and in aiding comprehension (Gianico and Altarriba, 2008).
All test items have therefore been contextualized and included into sentences provided by the British National
Corpus for the English sentences and by Corpora e lessici dell‘italiano parlato e scritto and Corpus dell‘italiano
scritto contemporaneo for the Italian sentences. The British National Corpus is an exemplary representative
corpus, used in many previous studies, while the corpora of Italian have been chosen for ease of access and their
content including spoken and written language as well as literary texts. The sentences were skimmed and chosen
at random, and some were edited for length to fit in the form. The included items were checked against the
vocabulary list included in the student‘s book used in grade 1 and 4 (Soars, L. and J., 2005, 2009) and chosen
according to the researcher‘s judgment. To exemplify the mode of analysis, it has to be mentioned that the
similarity ratings have been given on a scale ranging from 10 (totally different) to 100 (completely the same) as
in the study of lexical similarity perception between Swedish and English by Utgof (2008). The usage of ciphers
was abandoned in hope that the students would place a mark after their intuition rather than concentrate on
mechanically choosing a number. The respondents were asked to place a cross on the line to reflect how similar
they considered the word pairs to be.
Language biography is the second part of the questionnaire supplying information about the
biographical characteristics of the informants, context of acquisition and use of L2 Italian and L3 English.

Findings and Discussion
In order to establish and differentiate the effects of formal and semantic similarity on the crosslinguistic
similarity ratings and verify the effects of the grade the subjects attend, i.e. the level of L3 proficiency, a threeway ANOVA with repeated measurements on 2 factors was performed followed by post hoc Scheffé tests where
appropriate (i.e. if the F score was statistically significant) (Table 1.). The word pairs have been divided into two
categories according to the degree of their formal and semantic similarity with values ranging from 0 – 0.50 for

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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
low similarity and 0.51 – 1 for high similarity. The alpha for achieving statistical significance was set at .05.
Additionally, effect sizes were calculated to examine the strength of the relationship between the variables.
Table 1. Effects of formal similarity, semantic similarity, grade and their interaction on English-Italian word
pair similarity judgements
η

Factor

F1,67

formal similarity

19.23**

.22

semantic similarity

25.51**

.28

Grade

0.70

.01

formal similarity * semantic similarity

0.01

.00

formal similarity * grade

2.56

.04

semantic similarity * grade

4.46*

.06

formal similarity. * semantic similarity * grade

0.19

.00

*p&lt;.05; ** p&lt;.01
As can be seen from Table 1., in analyzing the role of formal similarity and the role of English
proficiency level, i.e. grade, and their interaction on English-Italian word pairs similarity judgments, the only
statistically significant effect is that of formal similarity. What is interesting is that there is a negative
relationship between formal similarity and similarity judgments, i.e. formally more similar word pairs are
perceived as less similar. Based on the size of the effect, 28% of the answers‘ variance can be explained on the
basis of semantic similarity and 22% on the basis of formal similarity. As to the effects of formal similarity,
English language proficiency level, i.e. grade, and their interaction on English-Italian word pairs similarity
judgments, there is a statistically significant effect of semantic similarity. In other words, highly similar lexical
items have received higher similarity ratings. Grade hasn‘t been found statistically significant, whereas there is a
statistically significant interaction of semantic similarity and grade on word pairs similarity judgments although
the effect size is relatively small. While the ratings of the grade 1 subjects tend to be more uniform, grade 4
students rely more on semantic similarity when expressing their similarity judgments. Although the strength of
the effect of the interaction between semantic similarity and age on similarity ratings is relatively small, it is
interesting to note that the effects of semantic similarity on similarity ratings are different with age. As shown in
Picture 1., the range of semantic similarity ratings is larger in the ratings of older students (grade 4) than of the
younger ones (grade 1), which is in accordance with the finding that crosslinguistic similarity perception on
more advanced levels is based on previously acquired lexical knowledge. The first grade students‘ ratings, whose
lexical knowledge is on a lower level compared to that of the fourth grade students, are similar to those of the
older students, since they have given low similarity ratings for semantically different words and higher ratings
for semantically more similar words, but their ratings are in a smaller range, around the middle values on the
rating scale, probably due to their fear of giving the ―wrong‖ rating.

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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo

0.70

Similarity rating

0.65

Grade

0.60

first

0.55

fourth

0.50
0.45
0.40
low

high

Semantic similarity

Picture 1. Effects of the interaction of semantic similarity and grade on word pairs similarity judgements
In order to test the correlation between similarity ratings and the subjects' first language, a one-way
ANOVA was performed, whereby no significant effect of the first language on the overall similarity rating was
found (Table 2.). The subjects gave uniform ratings of crosslinguistic similarity regardless of their L1 since the
majority of them have Croatian as their L1 and use Italian as an L2 in the schooling context. However, even
when they speak Italian in their family, they use Croatian in everyday communication in the broader community.
In view of the language specificity of our subjects, this finding is in line with the results of previous studies
indicating semantic transfer taking place from the first language or, in the case of high proficiency, from the
second language.
Table 2. ANOVA results for the effects of L1 on lexical pairs similarity ratings.
Factor
first language

F1,67

η2

1.11

.02

In the analysis of variance of the crosslinguistic similarity ratings and the experience of the learning of
the Italian language, no significant effect of the L2 learning experience on the ratings of the similarity of lexical
pairs was found (Table 3.). All informants evaluated their experience of learning Italian as very positive or
neutral, and no one expressed any negative experiences connected to the acquisition of their L2. Out of 69
students, 29 of them rated the experience of learning Italian as very positive, 20 positive and 20 neutral.

Table 3. ANOVA results for the effects of L2 learning experience on lexical pairs similarity ratings.
Factor
Italian language learning experience

F2,66
0.46

η2
.01

The correlation between the ratings of crosslinguistic similarity and the use of the Italian language in
the formal (school, church) and informal (family, friends) context has been analysed using the linear regression
analysis. As can be seen from Table 4., the model can't be regarded as statistically significant. The formal
context is generally irrelevant with respect to the similarity ratings, while the use of L2 Italian in the informal

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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
context is a negative predictor, although on the limit of statistical significance, of similarity ratings. In other
words, the subjects rate lexical pairs as less similar the more they use Italian in informal situations. This could be
explained by the fact that those speakers that use Italian with family and friends have Italian as their dominant
language, whereby there is no effect of the second language which has been recognised as one of the most
influential factors of crosslinguistic influence, and a high language proficiency implies a greater attention given
to semantic, and not to formal features of a word.
Table 4. Regression analysis results for the crosslinguistic similarity ratings and the context of use of L2
Italian (formal and informal context).
Predictor
Formal
Informal



p

.18

.18

-.26

.05

R2*.0.6; F2,66=2.12, p&gt;.05
As shown in Table 5., no statistically significant correlation between lexical pairs similarity rating and
self-rated knowledge of Italian was found. However, it is significantly connected to the mark at the end of the
school year in that subject. In fact, L2 proficiency has been recognised as one of the relevant factors in
crosslinguistic influence.
Table 5. Connection between similarity ratings, self-rated knowledge in Italian and the mark in the subject
Italian language and literature at the end of the school year.
1
1.

similarity rating

2.

self-rated knowledge of Italian

3.

formal evaluation in Italian

2
.15

3
.28*
.33**

*p&lt;.05; ** p&lt;.01
Similarity ratings don't show a correlation neither with the self-rated knowledge of English nor with the
mark at the end of the school year in that subject (Table 6.). However, it is interesting to note that the correlation
between self-rated knowledge and the mark at the end of the school year is bigger in the case of L3 English than
L2 Italian. This can be explained by the fact that Italian is regarded as the students‘ first language, so the
teachers set higher expectations and the students themselves are more self-critical with respect to their
knowledge of Italian and rate it lower than is the case with English.
Table 6. Correlation between similarity ratings, self-rated knowledge in English and the mark in the subject
English language at the end of the school year.
1
4.

similarity rating

5.

self-rated knowledge of English

6.

formal evaluation in English

2
-.08

3
.01
.70**

** p&lt;.01

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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
In order to test the effects of word class similarity, etymological similarity and formal and semantic
similarity on English-Italian word pairs‘ similarity judgments, a series of one-way ANOVAs with repeated
measurements on one factor was performed. Word pairs have been divided into two groups according to
grammatical category (the same – different), genetic relatedness (the same – different), and membership of the
category of deceptive cognates. Effects of all the mentioned variables have been found statistically significant.
Words belonging to the same word class are rated as more similar than words belonging to different grammatical
categories. Likewise, a statistically significant effect of etymological similarity has been established and in this
case the effect size is the largest. True cognates are perceived as more similar than words having a different
etymological origin. The effect of the deceptive cognates is also statistically significant. Words of high formal
similarity but semantically completely or partially different are rated as less similar (Table.7.). This finding can
be brought into relationship with the first finding (Table 1.) regarding low similarity ratings for formally similar
items indicating that the subjects rely more on semantic than formal similarity which is in line with the results of
the study we took as our starting point (Utgof, 2008).
Table 7. Effects of word class similarity, etymological similarity and formal-semantic similarity on
English- Italian word pairs similarity judgements
η2

Factor

F1,68

word class similarity

14.97**

.18

etymological similarity

61.54**

.48

deceptive cognates

13.84**

.17

** p&lt;.01
The results of this study indicate a statistically significant correlation between crosslinguistic similarity
and the experience of learning the Italian language, the context and frequency of use of the Italian language, the
length of learning and proficiency in English, self-rated language proficiency in L2 and L3 and formal
evaluation. Words belonging to the same word class and of the same etymological origin have been rated as
more similar. Whereas in the case of word class membership results can be brought into connection with the
lexemes being contextualized and thus facilitating comprehension, explicit knowledge of the etymological origin
isn‘t available to high school students since at this level the learning and teaching of both English and Italian is
approached from a synchronic view, and the mechanism of forming interlingual associations doesn‘t depend on
the origin of a lexical item but on the perception of lexemes as analogous in the mind of the language user
(OlujiĤ and Bońnjak Botica, 2007). However, what should be remembered is that transfer is an internal
phenomenon that exists in the minds of individual language users and springs from the interaction of languages
stored and processed within the same mind. Perceived crosslinguistic similarity also depends on individual
learning styles and the characteristics of each individual learner (Jarvis and Pavlenko, 2008).

Conclusions
Based on the findings of this study, the conclusion is that Croatian-Italian bilingual speakers perceive
crosslinguistic similarities between the English and the Italian language, and that their perception is related to
both formal and semantic crosslinguistic similarity. As to the words which coincide in both meaning and form,
the first grade students rate these words as less similar than fourth grade students since it is necessary to acquire
a certain level of language proficiency for transfer to occur and crosslinguistic influence is manifested on more
advanced levels of language learning when the learner has acquired additional competences and recognizes
similarities between the source language and the recipient language (Wode, 1976; in Jarvis and Pavlenko, 2008).
In the case of deceptive cognates the students on the more advanced level of language proficiency rely more on
their lexical knowledge and rate deceptive cognates as more different although they are words of high formal
similarity, as opposed to first grade students who rely more on formal similarity.
In order to facilitate L3 acquisition, an explicit approach to raising the learners‘ awareness of language
similarity should be adopted so that the knowledge of all previously acquired languages might get activated with
the purpose of promoting positive transfer, enhancing learners‘ receptive strategies for inferring word meanings
and developing metalinguistic awareness. On the other hand, in the case of deceptive cognates and partial

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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
translation equivalents there is the need to emphasize semantic and conceptual crosslinguistic differences and to
use interlingual comparisons so as to make the students aware of negative transfer. Therefore, CLI implicitly as a
reciprocal, multi-directional influence of all the language systems possessed by an individual, and explicitly as a
learning strategy, facilitates the process of learning not only the English language, but also for those bilingual
speakers whose dominant language is Croatian, the learning of Italian vocabulary by means of lexical similarities
with English.
Since this study has included a limited sample it is clear that the findings have a limited generalizability
and there is a need for replication that would address a wider range of contexts and include appropriate
monolingual controls, especially monolingual speakers whose L1 is Croatian and who study both Italian and
English in a formal context as foreign languages and are similar to the subjects of this study on a range of
sociodemographic variables.

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�</text>
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                <text>Perceived lexical similarities between L2 Italian and L3 English in the  reading comprehension of Croatian-Italian bilingual EFL learners</text>
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                <text>Recent studies investigating transfer in language acquisition have shown  that not only the knowledge of a first language, but also all other languages known to  a person may facilitate the acquisition of a new language. This is also the case with  languages belonging to different language families such as English and Italian,  which, nonetheless, have many conspicuous lexical similarities. Whereas studies  have concentrated on language production and error analysis, it is necessary to  acknowledge the importance of investigating third language comprehension as well.  The present study examines the perception of lexical similarities in written text  comprehension by Croatian-Italian bilinguals who are at two distinct levels of  English proficiency. A form involving similarity judgments for lexical items varying  in the degree of formal and semantic similarity has been designed drawing on real  language use as provided by corpora. The results obtained are compared to objective  formal similarity as provided by a string matching algorithm, the normalized  Levenshtein distance. Results suggest that the ratings of lexical similarity perceived  by the learners are related to formal and semantic word similarity. They also indicate  that in the case of semantically similar words older students rely more on previously  acquired lexical knowledge, whereas younger learners tend to give more uniform  ratings relying more on formal similarity. We suggest that an explicit approach to  raising the learners‘ awareness of language similarity and to promoting transfer as a  learning strategy would improve the third language learning process and its outcome</text>
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