168 10 3494 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/186831be8e1cb0b34e1be41a2462c77b.pdf 3c0c1c4c723a5af6ffb421922e8395f7 PDF Text Text     Journal of Economic and Social Studies Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies Valerija Botrić The Institute of Economics, Zagreb vbotric@eizg.hr Abstract: The recent economic crisis has had an adverse effect on the labour markets of European economies and certain population groups   have been disproportionally affected by it. Increased migration flows Keywords: immigrant-native gap, labour market transitions, European cross-country differences, crisis. may very well have created further pressures on the labour markets of host countries. The focus of the analysis here is on differences in transitions from unemployment to employment and vice versa between native and immigrant populations in European economies during the 1998-2015 period. The analysis reveals different outcomes to transitions from unemployment to employment, where in certain countries and years, the unemployed natives find JEL Classification: F22, J15 Article History Submitted: 24.5.2017 Resubmitted: 26.2.2018 Accepted:1.6.2018 http://dx.doi.org/10.14706/JE COSS17723 proportionally more jobs, while in other countries and years, it is the immigrants. In most of the countries, however, employed immigrants are more likely to lose a job than natives. In addition to identifying the immigrant-native gap, the characteristics of individuals as potential contributing factors to the gap have also been assessed. The results of this analysis show that similar individual characteristics exert a different influence on the immigrant-native gap in labour market outcomes in different countries. Thus, similar individual characteristics are rewarded differently in different countries, i.e., their labour markets. Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 22 �Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies   Introduction Recent migration flows have overwhelmed European economies and raised numerous political, economic, social and practical questions. Regardless of the origin of immigrants and their reasons for moving to a host country, a key measure of the relative success of the migration process addressed in economic discussions is based on the integration of immigrants into the local labour market (OECD/European Union, 2015). In view of the above, interactions between immigrants and the domicile workforce gain public attention. Although competition between natives and immigrants can be perceived as an important aspect in terms of access to welfare services and education (Senik et al., 2009), the fear of competing for jobs frequently becomes the dominate topic in public discussions. Hence, natives as incumbent workers on local labour market are more likely to oppose increased immigration for fear of losing their jobs or less opportunities for wage growth (Scheve and Slaughter, 2001; Ortega and Polavieja, 2012). Even before the recent migration wave, similar issues have led to heated public discussions on EU enlargement, regardless of the fact that the underlying economic idea of the European Union project is the free movement of all resources (including human). Some studies advocate the macroeconomic benefits of increased mobility, such as an increase in the GDP per capita, increase in the employment/unemployment rate and decrease in inflationary pressures (Blanchflower and Shadforth, 2009; Kahanec et al, 2013; Del Boca and Venturini 2016; Elsner and Zimmermann 2016). Some studies argue that the welfare systems of host countries are not additionally burdened by the arrival of immigrants (Giulietti et al. 2013), predominately due to the fact that the migrant population is usually younger than the average host population and is of working age, and consequently are net contributors to social security systems if integrated successfully in the host country’s labour market. The recent recession has placed additional emphasis on the issue of labour market outcomes of immigrants. An important finding is that immigrants have been more affected by the economic crisis (Barrett and Kelly, 2012 for Ireland; RodríguezPlanas and Nollenberger, 2016 for Spain; Bratsberg, Raaum and Røed, 2018 for Norway). Although relevant literature has identified this problem in individual countries, a comparative cross-country perspective has not as yet been fully explored. The present paper explores differences between transitions from unemployment to employment and vice versa between natives and immigrants in the European Union Old member states during the recent crisis. The emphasis is on transitions, since changes in labour market status reveal whether immigrants face relatively more adverse conditions than native populations. Even though the topic has been Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 23 �Valerija Botric   addressed in the literature before, the main contribution of the paper is that it provides a comparative approach for European economies. Thus, the analysis reveals the immigrant-native gap and examines the contribution of different personal traits to the gap across analysed countries. Due to self-selection of immigrants into different countries, immigrants with different personal traits prevail in different European economies. An interesting investigation is the manner in which the personal characteristics of immigrants explain the immigrant-native gap across Europe. The main contribution of the paper is to provide a comparative analysis of labour market transitions between immigrant and native population during the latest economic crisis. Additionally, in acknowledging the self-selection of immigrants into different economies, the paper seeks to compare the personal traits that contribute to the immigrant-native gap in different European economies. The paper adopts the following structure. The first section briefly reviews the most relevant findings from the literature. The next section discusses the methodology of the empirical analysis in the paper. Section 3 presents the results and provides a discussion, while the last section offers conclusions. Literature Review The population of immigrants in a country at any given point in time depends on a number of very different factors. Hatton and Williamson (2005) examine world migration in a historical perspective and propose that these include a variety of economic and demographic factors. Some of these factors relate to characteristics of home and host countries, such as distance, colonial relationship, trade relationship, differences in economic performance and language similarities. Extant studies focus on the contribution of migration to the receiving country’s economy. On the macroeconomic level, Ortega and Peri (2014) document long-run income per capita growth, driven by total factor productivity, reflecting increased diversity in productive skills and innovation. In that framework, migrants are depicted as workers desirable to local employers, enabling them to combine diversities of native and immigrant labour to increase production. Still, there is no consensus in the literature whether increased immigration will have a relatively small (Grossman, 1982) or diverse and non-negligible effect (Orrenius and Zavodny, 2007) on the natives’ labour market outcomes. The final results may depend on the ability of migrants to adjust to host country conditions. Chiswick (1978) suggested that migrants sometimes lack specific skills, which leads to migrant (self-)selection into low-skilled jobs and cohort effects. 24 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies   Additionally, both migrants (Chiswick, Rebhun and Beider, 2016) and their families (Föbker and Imani, 2017) face language barriers in host countries. Another type of barrier relates to the national orientation of the educational systems, leading to the question of transferability of qualifications (Chapman and Iredale, 1993).These obstacles imply higher financial costs of integration, which mostly lead to an increased burden for the host country welfare system. On the other hand, welfare systems in host countries may influence the skill composition of immigrants. Borjas (1999) suggested that welfare services may attract immigrants who otherwise would not have migrated, and then discourage them from leaving their country of destination, by acting as a safety net. In this model, the host country will receive positively self-selected migrants as long as the correlation between the return to skills in the two countries is high and the dispersion in the wage distribution is higher in the host country than in the source country. The argument is additionally explained by Peri and Sparber (2009), who suggest that immigrants and natives specialize in different tasks. Consequently, they do not compete for the same job, but their work is considered complementary. However, the question remains whether immigrants voluntarily self-select themselves into manually intensive and relatively unskilled jobs or whether they are forced to seek employment below their qualifications level. The fact that relatively inexpensive labour is available could be desirable to employers, but not so welcomed by incumbent employees. Some authors argue that in the classic insider-outsider labour market framework, immigrants are considered as outsiders, experiencing more difficulties in access to the market than the native population (Marino et al. 2015). For example, Krings (2009) documents that unions frequently campaign against immigration, because in their view this increased supply-side competition increases the bargaining power of employers and undermines incumbent employee rights. This leads to the incumbent worker’s loss of market power and reduces the probability of negotiating a wage increase. Accordingly, some authors argue that anti-immigration campaigns originate for fear of social dumping (Meardi 2012). The question remains whether such actions are additionally aggravated in times of economic downturn and relaxed during phases of economic boom. Aiyar et al. (2016) argue that gaps in activity, employment, unemployment rates and wages between immigrants and natives can be related to the relatively slow integration of immigrants into host country labour markets. The slow integration process is not only due to inadequate or underdeveloped policies in the host Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 25 �Valerija Botric   countries, but also due to the heterogeneity of immigrants. For example, those who arrive on account of family reunification might not have job placement as their primary goal, while those arriving for humanitarian reasons might be prohibited from seeking work for the initial period due to host country regulations. Studies on European economies corroborate findings that immigrants have lower labour force participation, higher rates of unemployment, and are frequently clustered in lower-paid jobs (Heath et al. 2008). Empirical studies investigating the differences in labour market outcomes between immigrants and natives are relatively abundant, but frequently focus on a single country (for example, Corluy and Verbist, 2014; Langevin et al, 2013), although there are estimates that cover employment probability differences across European economies (Dustmann and Frattini, 2011). Some authors argue that the relative outcomes of immigrants change during the different stages of business cycle (Dustmann, Glitz and Vogel, 2010). There is some evidence that the latest crisis exhibited previously undocumented features (de la Rica and Polonyankina, 2013). However, most of the studies emphasize that, regardless of the similarity in characteristics of the immigrant and native population, the differences in their labour market outcomes persist, even in the case of high-skilled immigrants (Grigoleti-Richter, 2017). Since the heterogeneity of immigrants may be partly the answer, the present study focuses on the labour market transitions. The underlying reason is that this approach identifies those individuals who are employed and have documented attachment to a labour market. In similar way, those who are unemployed (the ILO definition assumes that they are actively seeking work) decide to participate in the host country labour market and the reason for the differences in labour market outcomes is not due to self-selection into participation. Some studies show a strong impact of business cycles on immigrant labour market outcomes, due to the differences in sectoral composition of employment in comparison to the native population (Dustmann, Glitz and Vogel, 2010). Also, migrants arriving during a recession encounter difficulties upon arrival, which then persist, even when labour market conditions improve (Åslund and Rooth, 2007, McDonald and Worswick, 1998).In that respect, the literature also notes that immigrants are more likely than natives to end up not just in non-employment, but also in self-employment (for example, Blume, et al (2009) in Denmark). Recently, Garda (2016) analysed labour market transitions in OECD economies using European Community Household Panel data. Significant differences between countries have been found for the analysed period 2005-2012. For example, there are high-transition countries where workers move from employment to joblessness 26 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies   (Austria, Finland, Portugal, Spain and Sweden) and low-frequency transition countries (Belgium, the Czech Republic, France, Luxembourg, Poland, the Slovak Republic and Slovenia). The rest of the paper is devoted to exploring the crosscountry differences of labour market transitions across European economies in more detail. Research Methodology The analysis relies on the EU Labour Force Survey data for the period 1998-2015. This data source provides comparable data for analysed countries. The aim of the analysis was to include all the European economies for which the data was available. However, since the dataset contains individual answers to the Survey1, in accordance with the confidentiality threshold, each case that has up to three answers to a specific question is considered as missing observations. Thus, the rest of the paper presents only the data for which sufficient observations were achievable. To distinguish between natives and immigrants, a simple indicator has been utilized – if a person is citizen of a resident country, she is considered a native2. Otherwise, she is considered immigrant. This approach yields different treatment of individuals across countries, since each EU country has a separate regulation for acquiring citizenship (Ritzen and Kahanec, 20017). As Dustmann and Frattini (2011) clarify, there are in general two approaches regarding citizenship. The first refers to AngloSaxon countries which consider immigrants as those born outside their country of residence. The other concept is related to citizenship, when people are born in the country of residence, but are not entitled to citizenship based on the relevant legislation. Regardless of the definition used in a country, the analysis in the paper retains the same definition across the countries in order to maintain comparability. To get additional insight, a different concept has also been applied. A person is considered a native if (s)he was born in the country, while immigrants have been divided into two categories – those born in other EU countries and other                                                                                                                         1 According to the European Commission (2016, p. 6) in the case of LFS data available for scientific purposes “In any reports, including all publications and unpublished papers, three cell size thresholds will be distinguished for LFS results: confidentiality threshold: up to 3 observations (unweighted sample), results must not be published”. 2 This definition is data-specific, since LFS does not contain data on a person’s immigration history. The countries differ in their citizen acquisition policies, EU countries might have different policies towards intra-EU migrants and some changes occurred in the process during the Great Recession (Alarian, 2017). This should be kept in mind when interpreting the results in the present study. Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 27 �Valerija Botric   immigrants3. According to the data, a person arriving from EU countries in the period until 2004 relates to individuals from EU-15 countries, in the period 20052006 refers to individuals from EU-25 countries, in the period 2007- 2013 from EU-27 countries, and after 2013 individual from EU-28 countries. Since this paper focuses on labour market transitions, the sample is restricted to persons aged 15-64. Two labour market transitions are analysed – (i) from unemployment to employment and (ii) from employment to unemployment. In each case the current labour market status is compared to the labour market status of the same individual a year ago. Specifically, LFS contains a question on the current labour market status and the status an individual had a year ago. A transition variable is formed as a comparison between those two statuses. Due to the data source used, other important questions concerning labour market outcomes (such as duration of unemployment once the person losses a job or the frequency of unemployment spells) are not covered in the present research. The descriptive analysis focuses on the last available year (2015) and the evolution of transitions in the period 1998-2015. In addition to the descriptive analysis, an empirical analysis of contributions to the existing gap is performed based on data for the year 2015. The empirical analysis focuses on countries where the descriptive analysis has established that immigrants are in the most disadvantageous position. The case of transitions from employment to unemployment involves those countries exhibiting greatest evidence that immigrants lose disproportionally more jobs than natives. The empirical analysis rests on the well-established Fairlie (1999) methodology. The methodology identifies and decomposes the overall gap between the two subgroups into the contribution of each specific factor considered relevant. It is applied in cases when the outcome is binary, such as in our case when observing whether a person has made a transition or not. The significance of a specific factor for the outcome is estimated in the underlying probit model (Fairlie, 2005). Once the significant variables are identified, the methodology determines the degree to which the gap between the outcomes can be explained by that specific variable. Given that we want to explore transitions between labour market states, many of the traditional variables used in analysing predictions of labour market outcomes are perfectly correlated with changing the labour market status. For example, occupation perfectly explains the transition from unemployment to employment. The same                                                                                                                         3 Due to the previously mentioned confidentiality threshold, the data could not be disclosed for a larger number of country-years. 28 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies   argument applies for the economic activity a person worked in/starts working in. The choice of explanatory variables is governed by the data used, but their inclusion is justified by the existing literature. Motivation for the choice of explanatory variables is offered below: • Sex of a person. Studies show that – even though on average women migrate as frequently as men - family reunification is the main cause of female migration to Australia, Canada, Europe, New Zealand, and the United States (Ghosh 2009). Additionally, push factors, such as escaping home country (formal and informal) discriminatory institutions can play an important role in a female’s decision to move (Ferrant, et al 2014). The probability that females will be immediately integrated into the host country labour market is lower, even though gender equality in the workplace in the host country can be a strong pulling factor (Baudassé and Bazillier 2014). Even when participating in the labour market, women face difficulties. Studies have found that migrant women may face double discrimination – as migrants and as women (Ghosh, 2009). To address these issues, we included a dummy variable that equals one if a person is male. Even though studies show that migrant women are more vulnerable on the labour market, the recent crisis had adverse effects on male workers. Studies reveal that women were less affected (Farris, 2015) so our initial assumption is that they will be less likely to lose a job, but we cannot assume that they will be also more likely to gain employment. To the extent that the effect of the crisis had a greater impact on male-related jobs (and in particular in industries where the immigrant workforce is more strongly represented), we expect that the sex of a person will be significant positive factor in explaining the gap in immigrant-native transitions from employment to unemployment. To the extent that the crisis brought about an additional shift towards increased demand for traditional female occupations and thus contributed to the activation of the female labour force, we expect that the sex of a person will be significant negative factor contributing to the gap in immigrant-native transitions from unemployment to employment. • Age of a person. This is a standard predictor for labour market outcomes. Literature provides evidence that European youth have been hit more by the recent economic crisis (Bruno, Marelli, Signorelli, 2014). Even in boom periods, youths frequently change careers (in some countries more frequently than others), meaning that they may have been “in-between jobs” at the time of Survey more so than the mature working-age population. At the same time, older population groups might begin to consider retirement options and in turn employers may be more willing to part with older employees given that they consider them to be less a productive option for future business endeavours. Thus, both population subgroups are at a Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 29 �Valerija Botric   greater risk of losing their jobs, while older persons are also less likely to find a job upon becoming unemployed. Although the same is true for both the immigrant and native population, the question is whether their age structure of immigrant and native can contribute to the explanation of the gap. Given that young persons are more likely to migrate (as recently discussed by Bernard, Bell and Charles-Edwards, 2016) and immigrants from some countries are more likely to have larger families than the host country population, the case may very well be that the immigrant population is disproportionally young. We operationalize this by including dummy variables for each cohort starting from 15-24 to 55-64, with the most working active age cohort 35-44 serving as a reference. Youth have been more adversely affected by the crisis (O’Higgins, 2012). Therefore, the expectation is that migrant youth will face twice as many difficulties – the probability of losing a job will be higher for the migrant youth while the probability of finding a job will be lower. To the extent that the immigrant population belongs disproportionally to the age cohort most adversely affected by the crisis in the host labour market, we assume that this variable will have a significantly positive contribution in explaining the immigrant-native gap in transitions from employment to unemployment and a significantly negative contribution in explaining the gap in transitions from unemployment to employment. • Degree of urbanisation of the area in which a person lives. The labour market is more vibrant in densely populated areas and provides more job opportunities, which in turn is more likely to affect the successful economic integration of immigrants into a host country (Pischke and Velling, 1997; Borjas 2001, Jaeger 2008). Recently, Verdugo (2016) also emphasized the role of public housing (in densely populated areas) as an important factor for immigrants choosing a location within a host country. Hence, the assumption is that immigrants are more likely to choose densely populated areas and are more likely to live in immigration hubs (regardless of whether it is their own choice or by necessity). This may also create additional job prospects, for example, through social network effect and thus ease the transition from unemployment to employment. Similarly, it may also create low job areas with vicious circles of unemployment and poverty, contributing to job loss transitions. We operationalize this situation by including three dummy variables – sparsely, densely and intermediately populated areas, where the dense area is the reference in probit equations. To the extent that immigrants are more concentrated than the native population in densely populated areas, we expect that our explanatory variables will have a significant negative contribution to explaining the gap in the transition from unemployment to employment (due to lower overall labour market demand in less densely populated areas) and a significantly positive contribution in explaining the gap formation in transitions from employment to unemployment 30 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies   (due to relatively more adverse labour market conditions for immigrant workers in less densely populated areas). • A person’s education is an important predictor of labour market outcome. Immigrants frequently face obstacles in obtaining recognition of their qualifications in host countries and subsequently end-up taking jobs that are below comparable levels of the native population. This, however, implies that the immigrant population may have lower reservation wages than the native population. Employers may exploit this situation by acquiring more productive workers for lower wages. However, the relationship is not straightforward. The educational attainment may not be easily transferred to work activities in host countries due to numerous obstacles (including language or cultural barriers). Studies have also found that there are important educational attainment differences with respect to second-generation immigrants (Borjas 1992). Hence, the expected role of education is crucial, but the direction of this variable’s contribution remains unclear at first. We included educational attainment using 3 dummy variables – low, medium and high levels of education, where medium is the reference value. To the extent that a country is able to attract immigrants with higher levels of education than the native population and with relatively good labour market integration policies, we expect that the higher education variable is a significant negative contributor of the gap in transitions from unemployment to employment. To the extent that a country is attracting immigrants with lower levels of education than the native population, and immigrants are faced with additional adverse conditions on the local labour market, we expect that the lower education variable is a significant positive predictor of the gap in transitions from employment to unemployment. Results and Discussion Transitions from Unemployment to Employment First, focus is placed on the differences in transitions from unemployment to employment. Specifically, these transitions include persons who were unemployed a year ago but are employed at the time of the Survey. To make comparisons across countries, the data show transitions as percentage of those who are unemployed during the current year in the respective population. The differences between immigrants and the native population for all European Union countries with a sufficient number of observations in the year 2015 are presented in Figure 1, panel A. The transitions are also illustrated for the same countries following country of birth as a distinction between immigrant and native population, with those born in Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 31 �Valerija Botric   the country described as “home”, and the other labels are self-explanatory (Figure 1, panel B). Figure 1: Transition from Unemployment to Employment, 2015 panel A 60 50 40 30 20 Latvia Malta Poland Portugal Sweden Slovenia UK Malta Poland Portugal Sweden Slovenia UK Litva Latvia Immigrants Italy Hungary Greece France Finland Spain Estonia Denmark Czech R. Germany Cyprus Belgium 0 Austria 10 Natives Home EU Litva Italy Hungary Greece France Finland Spain Estonia Denmark Czech R. Germany Cyprus Belgium 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Austria panel B non-EU Source: author’s calculations based on EU-LFS data. 32 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies   The data clearly reveal differences among European countries. Regardless of the overall transition rate (which also depends on the characteristics of the local labour market), there are: • Countries where transitions from unemployment to employment are similar for the native and immigrant population: Austria, Belgium, Germany, Spain, Greece; • Countries where unemployed immigrants were more likely to find a job than natives: Cyprus, Czech Republic, Italy, Malta, Poland and UK; • Countries where unemployed natives were more likely to find a job than immigrants: Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Hungary, Latvia, Sweden. These differences might not be the same over time, since countries can adopt different policies and/or experience additional immigration flows influencing the ability of local labour market to absorb them. To explore this further, we turn our focus on the evolution of the transition rates from unemployment to employment in the 1998-2015 period. The data presented below refer to the initial definition of immigrants and natives based on citizenship4. Initial analysis captured all European countries, but the data presented in Figure 2 are only for the countries that had enough observations throughout the analysed period. Figure 2 contains separate panels for Belgium, the Czech Republic, Germany, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Greece, Portugal and the United Kingdom.                                                                                                                         4 The data based on country of birth can be obtained from the author upon request. It has to be emphasized that the evolution of “native” and “country-born” population is virtually the same, since the correlation for the two datasets (for all the countries and all available years) in the case of transition from unemployment to employment is 0.997788. The same comparison for the “immigrant” population is not appropriate, because disaggregating the overall immigrant into EU-born and non-EUborn leads to a larger number of cases where the data cannot be disclosed due to publication threshold restrictions imposed by Eurostat. Additionally, in a number of countries at the beginning of the sample, there was a large proportion of cases with “no-answer” for the country of birth variable. Indeed, as can be noticed from the comparison presented in Figure 1, this “no-answer” issue was carried out throughout the analysed period in the case of Germany. Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 33 �Valerija Botric   Figure 2: Transition from Unemployment to Employment, 1998-2015 34 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies   Source: author’s calculations based on EU-LFS data. The data reveal different patterns of transitions from unemployment to employment, clearly connected with overall labour market developments. For example, what is noticeable are the deteriorating conditions in the Greek economy which exerted a negative effect on transitions to employment for both immigrant and natives, while the decline for the immigrants was particularly steep at the beginning of analysed period and again in the 2009-2011 period. In some economies – Finland and the Czech Republic - the crisis period (around the year 2008) was associated with increased transitions of immigrant population towards employment, while no similar patterns were recorded for native population. The data presented in the figure also show countries with (almost) continuously different transitions of immigrants and natives. On one side of the spectrum is Denmark, where natives were more likely to make the transition from unemployment to employment throughout the analysed period. On the other side are Portugal and United Kingdom, where since the early 2000s, immigrant transitions from unemployment to employment are higher than for natives. Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 35 �Valerija Botric   For the countries with the largest identified gap, we explore whether the differences in characteristics of native and immigrant population can explain the existing hap. The results of the estimates based on the Fairile methodology are presented in Table 1. Table 1: Contributions to the Gap in Transition from Unemployment to Employment, 2015 Native Denmark Estonia Finland France Hungary Latvia Sweden Slovenia 0.42 0.53 0.25 0.28 0.41 0.46 0.48 0.24 Immigrant 0.28 0.38 0.21 0.22 0.28 0.32 0.37 0.21 Gap 0.14 0.14 0.04 0.05 0.13 0.14 0.12 0.03 % gap explained -3.61 17.11 -45.16 56.34 -15.10 43.74 12.98 63.25 -1.87 0.07 -1.16 29.05* Contributions to the gap (as percentage of the estimated gap) 0.54 0.53 -4.41 1.38* Male Age 15-24 2.70 24.22* -6.33 8.05* 1.27 16.07* 3.88* -2.91 Age 25-34 -3.70 6.51* -24.99* -0.75* 0.14 10.93* -4.02* 1.89 Age 45-54 -1.03 -1.30 Age 55-64 -7.34* 4.76 Inter-urban 0.00 -0.14 Sparse-urb 3.84* Edu-low -3.30* -1.22 Edu-high -1.51 3.21* 4.51 N 2580 751 1135 -1.02 0.91* -2.73* -75.38* -10.59* 17.28* -4.88 1.69 -0.08 -16.97* 8.20* -19.69* -0.05* -0.81* 8.66* 3.53* -0.02 -8.89 5.56* -26.59* 1.64 0.01* 30.71* 43.35* 46.80* -6.69* -0.11 0.49* 41.82* 5.87* -4.27* 1.44* -3.50* 39.55* 33154 13332 2452 6136 4037 -19.31* 25.23* Source: author’s estimates based on EU-LFS data. The important point to notice is that, although the size of the gap differs, in all analysed countries the natives are more likely to make a transition from unemployment to employment than the immigrant population. The transition was most frequent in the case of Sweden, and least frequent for Slovenia – indeed, most countries had higher transition rates for the immigrant population than Slovenia had 36 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies   for the native population. This suggests that labour market in Slovenia was rather sluggish5. The analysis reveals that the explanatory variables have various contributions in explaining the existing gap in transitions from unemployment to employment between native and immigrants across countries. The variables jointly provide an explanation for most of the gap in transition from unemployment to employment in Slovenia (63 percent of the gap), France (56 percent of the gap) and Latvia (43 percent). However, the results imply that had the immigrants and natives the same characteristics based on analysed variables, the gap in transitions from unemployment to employment would be even larger in three analysed countries – Finland, Hungary and Denmark. Based on these results the probable assumption is that in these three countries the immigrant population fulfils in specific section of labour market demand. Not a single personal characteristic has been found significant in all of the analysed countries. This implies that each country attracts different types of immigrants and depending on specific labour market integration policies, immigrants with similar characteristics have different outcomes in comparison to native populations. This finding is in line with previous literature, but the results enable us to explore these differences. Even when significant, the same variable does not have the same sign of contribution to the gap. For example, low education contributes to the explanation of the gap for France, Finland and Slovenia. It seems that in these countries, immigrants are on average relatively less educated (or their qualifications are not recognized by the home country education system), thus decreasing their chances of finding a job. However, in case of Slovenia, higher education among immigrants also contributes to a relatively unfavourable outcome for immigrants. Thus, the argument may very well be that, at least in Slovenia, there are important differences in the structure of educational attainment (formal or not) between immigrants and natives that influence respective labour market transitions. Another important example in some countries is age. In the case of Finland, had immigrants been represented in the age cohort 55-64 as much as natives, the gap in the average transition from unemployment to employment would be even larger. Similar results are also valid for Sweden, France and Denmark. However, the differences in this age cohort between immigrants and natives provide an explanation of the existing gap in Hungary, Latvia and Estonia. This also shows that the age                                                                                                                         5 For an overview of labour market indicators in EU economies in 2015 please consult European Union (2016). Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 37 �Valerija Botric   structure of immigrants in comparison to the native population differs among the analysed countries. The overall conclusion is that not only does the gap in transitions differs, but the path of the gap also differs, and the contributions of the variables in explaining the gap differ across European economies. Transitions seem to be idiosyncratic to host country labour markets. To illustrate this, we analyse in which economic activities immigrants and natives found a job. The data in Table 2 are presented as percentages of the respective population that has made the transition from employment to unemployment. Table 2: Percentage of Previously Unemployed Natives in Immigrants According to the Economic Activity of Their Employment, 2015 Denmark NACE I A N 3.4 0.5 14.4 14.0 Estonia France I I N N Hungary Latvia I I N 4.8 4.3 1.8 29.6 20.6 5.7 10.7 16.3 B C 6.9 N 5.2 11.7 16.4 17.0 0.1 29.5 Sweden Slovenia I I N N 1.1 0.8 2.5 0.2 4.0 7.4 D 0.5 0.4 0.4 0.3 1.1 0.4 E 0.7 0.5 0.6 2.5 0.4 0.4 49.1 23.1 0.8 F 3.4 5.7 23.0 15.1 12.2 7.4 7.2 25.9 12.4 4.0 5.0 G 9.6 17.3 6.6 19.0 10.1 12.8 7.0 15.5 15.4 11.2 12.2 12.2 H 7.5 4.6 8.2 4.2 4.2 4.8 3.4 11.2 7.1 7.2 5.0 4.7 I 15.8 5.0 6.6 6.4 7.6 6.5 4.3 0.0 4.4 11.6 5.9 8.0 J 6.2 2.2 1.9 1.3 2.0 0.6 0.0 1.8 3.2 2.8 2.1 1.0 1.5 0.5 0.0 1.1 1.6 0.8 1.7 1.5 0.9 0.3 7.8 2.4 4.0 1.1 3.5 2.6 4.4 0.7 1.7 10.8 5.9 3.9 9.7 6.5 5.1 5.2 2.0 11.1 6.3 2.6 2.3 6.4 33.8 3.9 14.8 4.4 3.9 8.0 5.5 8.0 3.1 5.6 18.8 11.9 8.1 K 1.4 L 1.4 M 3.4 2.9 N 10.3 4.8 O 3.3 4.9 40.7 6.9 P 4.8 10.3 Q 12.3 16.6 3.5 12.7 13.4 3.2 3.6 R 2.1 3.0 1.6 1.1 2.5 1.5 1.9 S 2.7 2.2 2.9 3.2 4.1 1.1 7.2 2.0 0.2 T 8.2 3.4 1.7 15.4 2.4 15.1 9.1 5.9 11.3 7.5 3.1 5.8 4.1 3.6 3.1 3.0 0.6 Source: author’s calculations based on EU-LFS data. 38 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies   Note: NACE activities are: A – Agriculture, forestry and fishing; B- Mining and Quarrying; C – Manufacturing; D – Electricity; Gas, Steam, and Air Conditioning Supply; E – Water Supply, Sewerage, Waste Management and Remediation Activities; F – Construction; G – Wholesale and Retail Trade, Repair of Motor Vehicles and Motorcycles; H – Transportation and Storage; I – Accommodation and Food Service Activities; J – Information and Communication; K – Financial and Insurance Activities; L – Real Estate Activities; M – Professional, Scientific and Technical Activities; N –Administrative and Support Services; O – Public Administration and Defence, Compulsory Social Security; P – Education; Q – Human Health and Social Work Activities; R – Arts, Entertainment and Recreation; S – Other Service Activities; T – Activities of Households as Employers; U – Activities of Extraterritorial Organisations and Bodies. Based on the data in Table 2, we notice that in Denmark immigrants are most likely to find a job in accommodation and support services. This is also the activity where the difference between immigrant and native transition to employment is the highest. Sweden is another example where immigrants are more likely to find work in this activity than natives. However, for Sweden, it seems that in 2015 most immigrants found employment in education. This is not the case in other economies. Indeed, in most countries education activity employed the native population. The dominant sector for immigrants in Slovenia was manufacturing and public administration in Hungary. In both these countries the number of immigrants that made a transition was rather low. France, a country with a high share of immigrant transition, mostly employed them in construction, and human health and social work. The data in Table 3 explore differences in working conditions between immigrant and native population for the case where they made the transition from unemployment to employment. The questions were related to the quality of job. The data in Table 3 show: percentage of the respective population employed on a permanent contract, percentage of the respective population that declared that their jobs do not involve working in shifts, working during the evening, working during nights, Saturday or Sunday work. Table 3: Working Conditions of Immigrants and Natives Who Made the Transition from Unemployment to Employment, 2015 Country Denmark Permanency No Shift No Evening No Night No Saturday No Sunday I 20.5 87.7 62.3 90.4 67.8 100.0 N 26.1 93.4 65.4 91.9 69.1 74.9 Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 39 �Valerija Botric   Table 3 (Continued) Estonia Finland France Hungary Latvia Sweden Slovenia I 27.9 72.1 60.7 88.5 67.2 73.8 N 13.5 75.6 61.4 93.2 64.6 76.8 I 50.0 71.4 78.6 92.9 92.9 85.7 N 51.3 77.7 68.7 93.2 78.5 80.8 I 66.2 73.9 32.8 36.2 26.5 32.0 N 65.1 76.3 28.7 33.0 22.5 29.3 I 77.8 96.3 88.9 92.6 74.1 77.8 N 63.4 81.4 78.2 87.7 71.4 85.2 I 20.7 71.6 66.4 92.2 62.9 75.9 N 13.2 68.1 69.1 89.2 64.5 74.1 I 66.8 76.8 70.0 88.0 67.6 68.8 N 60.3 74.0 66.8 85.5 65.0 68.1 I 62.3 49.1 58.5 71.7 43.4 64.2 N 71.7 56.3 58.4 84.0 43.3 71.1 Source: author’s calculations based on EU-LFS data. Contrary to initial expectations, the immigrant population on average does not always end up in jobs associated with more adverse working conditions. For example, a higher percentage of immigrants made the transition to permanent jobs in Sweden, Latvia, Hungary and Estonia. A higher percentage of immigrants found employment not involving shift work in Hungary, Latvia and Sweden. Moreover, a higher percentage of immigrants found employment not involving Sunday work in Denmark, Finland, France and Latvia. Transitions from Employment to Unemployment Next we turn our attention to analysing differences in transitions from employment to unemployment. We define the transition as occurring if a person who has been employed a year ago is currently unemployed. The differences between immigrants and the native population for all European Union countries with a sufficient number of observations for the year 2015 are presented in Figure 3, panel A. The Figure 3 in panel B also contains information on the transition from employment to unemployment by country of birth – home country, EU country and non-EU country. 40 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies   Figure 3: Transition from Employment to Unemployment, 2015 Source: author’s calculations based on EU-LFS data When comparing these results with those presented in Figure 1, it becomes evident that transition rates from employment to unemployment are lower than those from unemployment to employment. This is as expected. The most obvious explanation is Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 41 �Valerija Botric   that the number of employed is always larger than the number of unemployed, hence the base of the second transition rate is larger, yielding a smaller percentage. A more substantial explanation is that rigidity of labour market institutions influence both hiring and firing procedures. Thus, the more rigid is the labour market, the costlier it will be for employers to fire employees, and thus they are more likely to sustain an above-optimal employment level even during times of crisis. Bassanini and Garnero (2013) found that the more restrictive the regulation, the smaller is the rate of within-industry job-to-job transitions, in particular towards permanent jobs. However, regulations are not the only explanation. Employers may want to retain for workers an above-optimal employment level during the bust phase given that human capital is scarce and employers are generally aware of the cyclical nature of an economy. In that case, relative attitudes towards immigrant workforce might become more evident. The data clearly suggest that in almost all the countries (with exception of the Czech Republic) transition rates from employment to unemployment in 2015 were higher for immigrants than for natives. This indicates that immigrants are more likely to lose their job and the relative likelihood is highest in France, Spain and Portugal. Other countries also have significant differences – for example, Austria, and Denmark. Again, we explored this issue within a dynamic perspective, to reveal whether these patterns persist in countries. The data presented below refer to the initial definition of immigrant and natives based on citizenship6. The data are again presented only for those countries for which transitions were observable throughout the 1998-2015 period (Figure 4). Figure 4 contains separate panels for Belgium, the Czech Republic, Germany, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Greece, Portugal and the United Kingdom.                                                                                                                         6 The data based on country of birth can be obtained from the author upon request. It has to be emphasized that the pathway for “native” and “country-born” population is virtually the same, since the correlation for the two datasets (for all the countries and all available years) in the case of transition from employment to unemployment is 0.995794. Given that the number of transitions in this case is lower, there are more cases when the data cannot be publicly disclosed due to the threshold imposed by Eurostat. 42 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies   Figure no. 4: Transition from Employment to Unemployment, 1998-2015 Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 43 �Valerija Botric   Source: author’s calculations based on EU-LFS data. Evidence shows that for most of the countries (again with the exception of the Czech Republic), immigrants are more likely to lose employment than natives during the analysed period. It may be that immigrants are more likely to be employed in the economic sectors more adversely affected by economic crises (Kogan, 2004). For some countries, – for example, Greece – there is additional effect of the crisis adverse impact on immigrants. For other countries – for example, United Kingdom – the crisis had the effect of the narrowing the gap between immigrants and natives losing their jobs, hence the assumption may be that it had a more adverse effect on the native population. Both transitions reveal that the pathway for the immigrant population is more erratic than for natives. The pathways for transitions of native populations are generally smoother, usually exhibiting spikes during the steepest economic downturns. Thus, it seems that while natives are more likely to lose their jobs in times of crises, the 44 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies   immigrant population has more difficulties in predicting their chances of retaining jobs even during favourable economic times. To analyse contributions to the gap, our focus is directed to countries where immigrants have the highest probabilities of losing jobs in comparison to the native population. The analysis again relies on the Fairlie methodology including the same set of initial predictors (Table 4). Table 4: Contributions to the Gap in Transition from Employment to Unemployment, 2015 Austria Denmark France Italy Portugal Sweden Native 0.02 0.02 0.03 0.02 0.03 0.02 Immigrant 0.04 0.05 0.08 0.05 0.06 0.05 Gap -0.03 -0.03 -0.05 -0.03 -0.03 -0.03 % gap explained 22.10 4.07 17.87 26.84 12.40 3.89 Contributions to the gap (as percentage of the estimated gap) Male 0.08 0.31* 0.74* 0.20* 0.31 0.79* Age 15-24 0.87* 1.34* -3.11* 2.96* 5.03* -0.61* Age 25-34 2.65* 2.58 1.55* 7.16* 4.20* 2.65* Age 45-54 1.95* -0.71 2.61* 3.84* 2.38* -0.14 Age 55-64 2.47* 0.82 2.35* 5.65* 3.17* -3.42* Inter-urban 0.00* 0.89* -0.17* 0.90* -0.06 0.59 Sparse-urb 10.44* 3.06* 4.27* 0.89* 2.04* 1.17* Edu-low 1.80* -1.14* 7.68* 3.46* -4.81* 5.51* Edu-high -2.40* -3.10* 1.97* 1.78* 0.15 -2.68* N 79223 49864 193469 192701 63242 76236 Source: author’s estimations based on EU-LFS data. The data in Table 4 show that in all analysed countries, immigrants had higher transition rates from employment to unemployment than the native population. The chosen variables explain the relatively small percentage of the gap in transition from employment to unemployment between the immigrant and native population – the Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 45 �Valerija Botric   highest in Italy (26 percent of the gap), Austria (22 percent) and France (17 percent). For the case of transitions in the opposite direction, the level of significance and the sign of specific predictors differ across the analysed countries. Regardless of the fact that there are no common features, individual analysis at the country level is noteworthy. It is interesting to note that in sparsely populated areas of Austria, immigrants are more likely to lose jobs. Another interesting fact is that in Italy, younger age cohorts of immigrants (25-34) are more likely than natives to lose jobs. In the case of France, a low education is an important predictor for the disproportional job loss among immigrants. Specifically for this country, a comparative analysis of both transitions indicates that educational attainment plays an important role in relative labour market integration of immigrants. A large segment of the gap remains unexplained due to the differences in characteristics between natives and immigrants. This suggests that there are many other factors as to why the immigrants are more likely to lose jobs than natives, more factors than we were able to analyse with the existing dataset. To contribute to a discussion on the potential factors, Table 5 presents the structure of immigrants and natives in the analysed countries based on the economic activity they previously worked in. The data consider only of those individuals who made the transition from employment to unemployment. Table 5: The Structure of Immigrants and Natives Based on the Economic Activity of Their Previous Job, 2015 Austria I A Denmark France I N I N I N 0.8 5.2 1.5 1.9 1.9 4.9 3.2 0.2 16.2 Portugal N B C Italy 18.2 11.1 13.8 8.3 13.2 I Sweden N I N 2.9 4.0 1.1 14.3 7.2 8.4 0.5 13.0 16.5 D 0.7 0.4 0.8 0.5 E 0.5 0.5 1.6 0.9 0.6 1.1 5.4 0.5 0.3 0.5 0.5 F 17.4 12.0 5.2 7.9 21.8 10.1 17.6 14.4 15.2 10.9 7.2 7.9 G 13.4 18.2 13.3 15.2 10.1 14.9 5.8 17.7 9.8 18.6 11.2 11.1 H 4.2 4.8 4.4 5.6 4.5 4.2 2.3 5.1 5.4 3.5 3.2 4.9 I 16.4 11.2 22.2 5.2 8.3 6.7 11.3 12.0 30.4 12.3 16.0 6.2 J 1.2 2.7 3.7 3.6 1.8 2.6 1.6 2.7 4.6 K 1.0 2.1 2.0 1.8 1.0 1.4 1.3 1.2 1.4 0.5 1.1 0.5 0.6 1.2 4.1 3.4 3.9 4.2 3.4 L M 46 3.7 4.1 3.7 1.0 4.0 7.8 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies   Table 5 (Continued) N 9.7 5.9 O 1.2 3.2 P 1.7 3.0 Q 5.2 5.6 R 3.5 S 2.2 14.8 5.2 9.2 4.7 3.6 1.7 4.7 1.4 5.9 7.8 4.3 5.6 3.1 6.7 15.5 7.0 10.2 3.4 3.6 2.2 2.1 1.7 2.6 0.6 2.0 2.8 2.3 1.6 3.3 2.5 2.4 1.4 0.5 31.6 2.3 T U 4.1 5.4 4.3 4.5 12.0 9.4 4.9 3.2 4.9 4.3 6.7 12.8 9.8 5.4 6.1 9.6 9.9 6.5 1.6 3.3 2.5 3.2 2.3 0.1 Source: author’s calculations based on EU-LFS data. Note: NACE activities are: A – Agriculture, forestry and fishing; B- Mining and Quarrying; C – Manufacturing; D – Electricity; Gas, Steam, and Air Conditioning Supply; E – Water Supply, Sewerage, Waste Management and Remediation Activities; F – Construction; G – Wholesale and Retail Trade, Repair of Motor Vehicles and Motorcycles; H – Transportation and Storage; I – Accommodation and Food Service Activities; J – Information and Communication; K – Financial and Insurance Activities; L – Real Estate Activities; M – Professional, Scientific and Technical Activities; N – Administrative and Support Services; O – Public Administration and Defence, Compulsory Social Security; P – Education; Q – Human Health and Social Work Activities; R – Arts, Entertainment and Recreation; S – Other Service Activities; T – Activities of Households as Employers; U – Activities of Extraterritorial Organisations and Bodies. The data in Table 5 show that in Austria most immigrants had previously worked in construction, followed by accommodation and food services and manufacturing. For natives, manufacturing is also an economic activity that sheds a large labour force. This clearly indicates that manufacturing is undergoing restructuring and immigrants are not the ones who are particularly vulnerable in this economic activity. Construction is another segment heavily affected by the latest economic crisis and it is evident that in most of the analysed economies this has had a more severe impact on the immigrant population (Austria, France, Portugal and Italy). Accommodation and food services is one of the activities where immigrants also experienced higher percentage job losses in Portugal, Sweden and Denmark. It is interesting to note that in Italy the highest percentage of immigrants who lost jobs come from activities of households as employers. These findings once again confirm that immigrants frequently find jobs in economic sectors that are more prone to labour shedding during economic downturns. Once losing their jobs, immigrants may find it more difficult to find a new job, which is reflected in the different durations of job searching. Table 6 presents the structure of the immigrant and native population based on the duration of search, and only for those who have made the transition from employment to unemployment. Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 47 �Valerija Botric   Table 6: The Percentage of Immigrants and Natives Who Made the Transition from Employment to Unemployment According to the Duration of Unemployment, 2015 Country less than 6 months 6-11 months 1 year and longer I 68.2 29.4 2.5 Austria N 68.0 27.3 4.7 I 63.7 27.4 8.9 Denmark N 69.4 25.0 5.6 I 45.1 25.3 26.4 France N 46.5 29.4 18.4 I 51.3 36.0 12.7 Italy N 53.4 29.8 15.6 I 58.7 25.0 16.3 Portugal N 54.5 31.8 13.7 I 57.6 27.2 5.6 Sweden N 64.1 25.3 3.8 Source: author’s calculations based on EU-LFS data. The data in Table 6 reveal that natives are more likely to have shorter unemployment spells (Denmark, France, Italy and Sweden). France has the largest share of immigrants with long spells of unemployment, but the indicator for the native population is also the highest. Hence, although immigrants do encounter adverse labour market conditions, they do so along with the native population. Conclusions The recent economic crisis has had an adverse effect on the labour markets of European economies. Additionally, Europe has recently faced increased immigration flows. Both immigration and the crisis have exerted additional pressures on labour markets. The studies frequently indicate that, even without such pressures, immigrants fare worse on the labour markets of host countries than natives. This study re-examines this question for the period covering the most recent European history. The analysis in this paper focuses on differences in transitions from unemployment to employment, and employment to unemployment between native and immigrant populations in European economies during the 1998-2015 period. Transitions, 48 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies   rather than outcomes, have been chosen for the analysis to avoid a discussion on different labour market participation motivation for subgroups of immigrant populations. Thus, the focus of the analysis is both on immigrants and natives who were participating in the labour market – either through employment or actively seeking employment. The analysis reveals that outcomes differ when it comes to transitions from unemployment to employment – in some countries/years the natives find proportionally more employment, while in others it is the immigrants. In most of the countries, however, immigrants are more likely to lose a job than natives. Similarly, in most countries, a connection can be made between crisis and increased job loss for natives. Immigrants are also more likely to experience adverse effects of the crisis, but the probability that they will lose a job is also higher in other periods. In addition to identifying the immigrant-native gap, the characteristics of individuals as potential contributors to the gap have been assessed. The results of this segment of the analysis show that similar characteristics exert a different influence on the differences in immigrant-native labour market transitions in the analysed countries. This finding supports previous claims in the literature that there is certain selfselection of immigrants into different host countries, according to different socioeconomic factors. While this has been previously established, we address this issue here in regard to the labour market. Since the heterogeneity of immigrants has been documented once more, this time focusing on a narrow segment of labour market transitions, it seems that calls for a unified approach to policy discussions that have been heard during the recent migrant wave in Europe might be displaced. The policies should also consider path dependency and adjust measures so as to be best suited for the population on their particular territory. The results do not claim that this is important for all segments of migration integration policies, but they do suggest that it is important for labour market integration, even for cases where migrants are already active on the host country labour market. The paper has documented the increased vulnerability of immigrants on the host markets of European countries. Yet, due to the period analysed, it has not fully captured the effect of the most recent increased immigration flows arriving into territories of the European economies. 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The substitutability of natives and immigrants in production. Review of Economics and Statistics, 64(4), 596-603. Hatton, T.J., & Williamson, J.G. (2005). What fundamentals drive world migration?. In G. Borjas & J.Crips(Eds.),Poverty, International Migration and Asylum (pp. 15-38).UK: Palgrave-Macmillian for WIDER. Heath, A. F., Rothon, C., & Kilpi, E. (2008). The second generation in Western Europe: education, unemployment, and occupational attainment. Annual Review of Sociology, 34, 211-235. Jaeger, D.A. (2008). Green Cards and the Location Choices of Immigrants in the United States, 1971-2000. Research in Labor Economics, 27(1), 131-183. Kahanec, M., & Zaiceva, A. (2008). Labour Market Outcomes of Immigrants and Non-Citizens in the EU: An East-West comparison, IZA Discussion Paper No. 3420. Kahanec, M., Zimmermann, K. F., Kurekova, L., & Biavaschi, C. (2013). Labour migration from EaP countries to the EU – Assessment of costs and benefits and proposals for better labour market matching. IZA research report no. 56. Krings, T. (2009).A race to the bottom? Trade unions, EU enlargement and the free movement of labour. European Journal of Industrial Relations, 15(1), 49-69. Kogan, I. (2004).Last hired, first fired? The unemployment dynamics of male immigrants in Germany. European Sociological Review, 20(5), 445-461. Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 53 �Valerija Botric   Langevin, G., Masclet, D., Moizeau, F., & Peterle, E. (2013).Educational Attainment, Wages and Employment of Second-Generation Immigrants in France. Center for Research in Economics and Management, Working Paper 2013-27, Retrieved from http://perso.univrennes1.fr/david.masclet/Educational%20attainment%20.pdf . Marino, S., Penninx, R., & Roosblad, J. (2015). Trade unions, immigration and immigrants in Europe revisited: union’s attitudes and actions under new conditions. Comparative Migration Studies, 3(1), 1-16. McDonald, J.T., & Worswick, C. (1998). The earnings of immigrant men in Canada: job tenure, cohort, and macroeconomic conditions. Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 51(3), 465-482. Meardi, G. (2012). Union immobility? Trade unions and the freedoms of movement in the enlarged EU. British Journal of Industrial Relations, 50(1), 99-120. Peri, G., & Sparber, C. (2009).Task Specialization, Immigration, and Wages. American Economic Journal: Applied Economics, 1(3), 135-169. OECD/EuropeanUnion. (2015). Indicators of Immigrant Integration 2015: Settling In. Paris: OECD Publishing. O’Higgins, N. (2012). This Time It’s Different? Youth Labour Markets during ‘The Great Recession’. Comparative Economic Studies, 54(2), 395-412. Orrenius, P.M., & Zavodny, M. (2007). Does immigration affect wages? A look at occupation level evidence. Labour Economics, 14(5), 757-773. Ortega, F., & Peri, G. (2014). Openness and income: The roles of trade and migration. Journal of International Economics, 92(2), 231-251. Ortega, F., & Polavieja, J. G. (2012).Labour-Market Exposure as a Determinant of Attitudes toward Immigration. Labour Economics, 19(3), 298-311. Pischke, J.S., & Velling, J. (1997). Employment effects of immigration to Germany: An analysis based on local labor markets. The Review of Economics and Statistics, 79(4), 594-604. 54 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies   Ritzen, J., & Kahanec, M. (2017).A Sustainable Immigration Policy for the EU.IZA Policy Paper No. 126. Rodríguez-Planas, N., & Nollenberger, N. (2016). Labor market integration of new immigrants in Spain, IZA Journal of Labor Policy, 5: 4.Retreived from https://doi.org/10.1186/s40173-016-0062-0. Senik, C., Stichnoth, H., & van der Straten, K. (2009). Immigration and Native’s Attitudes towards the Welfare State: Evidence from the European Social Survey. Social Indicators Research, 91(3), 345-370. Scheve, K., & Slaughter, M. (2001). Labor Market Competition and Individual Preferences over Immigration Policy. The Review of Economics and Statistics, 83(1), 133-145. Verdugo, G. (2016). Public housing magnets: public housing supply and immigrants’ location choices. Journal of Economic Geography, 16(1), 237-265. Volume 7 | Issue 2 | 55 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 3745 Title A name given to the resource Labour Market Transition Differences between Natives and Immigrants in EU Economies Author Author Botrić, Valerija Abstract A summary of the resource. Abstract: The recent economic crisis has had an adverse effect on the labour markets of European economies and certain population groups have been disproportionally affected by it. Increased migration flows may very well have created further pressures on the labour markets of host countries. The focus of the analysis here is on differences in transitions from unemployment to employment and vice versa between native and immigrant populations in European economies during the 1998-2015 period. The analysis reveals different outcomes to transitions from unemployment to employment, where in certain countries and years, the unemployed natives find proportionally more jobs, while in other countries and years, it is the immigrants. In most of the countries, however, employed immigrants are more likely to lose a job than natives. In addition to identifying the immigrant-native gap, the characteristics of individuals as potential contributing factors to the gap have also been assessed. The results of this analysis show that similar individual characteristics exert a different influence on the immigrant-native gap in labour market outcomes in different countries. Thus, similar individual characteristics are rewarded differently in different countries, i.e., their labour markets. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed DOI Digital object identifier doi: "10.14706/JECOSS17723 " Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 1986-8499, H Social Sciences (General),HD Industries. Land use. Labor Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 3494 Title A name given to the resource LACK OF ORAL PROFICIENCY IN ENGLISH AMONG SECONDARY STUDENTS IN MISURATA: REASONS AND REMEDIES Author Author Elsaghayer, Mohammed Abstract A summary of the resource. The study was conducted to investigate why the secondary students in Misurata were unable to communicate in English orally, fluently, in spite of studying it as a general subject during their school education.The traditional teacher-fronted method of teaching, insufficient allocation of time for oral skills training, and teachers themselves, not taking any interest in developing oral skills, are the major reasons for the students’ poor speaking skills. The data for the study, among other things, were mainly based on the classroom observations of the lessons presented by twelve secondary teachers, stretching for over two months, involving five schools. The data analysis was carried out using tables in percentage to obtain accurate results. The findings clearly proved that the points stated in the hypothesis for the poor oral production of speech by the secondary students in Misurata were correct. Based on the conclusions drawn, recommendations which can positively help in developing the oral skills among the students of secondary schools were presented. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed PE English Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2820 Title A name given to the resource Lack of Oral Proficiency in English among Secondary Students in Misurata: Reasons and Remedies Author Author Elsaghayer, Mohammed Abstract A summary of the resource. The study was conducted to investigate why the secondary students in Misurata were unable to orallycommunicate in Englishfluently, even though they had studied it as a general subject during their school education. Themain reasons for the students’ poor speaking skills are the traditional teacher-fronted method of teaching, insufficient allocation of time for oral-skills training, and theteachers themselves not taking any interest in developing oral skills. The data for the study, among other things, were mainly based on the classroom observations of the lessons presented by 12 secondary teachers at five schools over a period of more than two months. The data analysis was carried out using tables in percentageto obtain accurate results. The findings clearly proved that the points stated in the hypothesis for the poor oral production of speech by the secondary students in Misurata were correct. Based on the conclusions drawn, recommendations that can positively help to develop oral skills among the students of secondary schools were presented. Keyowrds: secondary school students, Misurata, English language, fluency Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-04-21 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed P Philology. Linguistics,PE English,PI Oriental languages and literatures,PR English literature Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2749 Title A name given to the resource Landfill Gas to Energy in Turkey: Current and Future Author Author YUCEKAYA, Ahmet Abstract A summary of the resource. The municipal solid waste processing, landfilling and utilization of the gas to generate electric power and lower the emissions have been used in developed countries for decades, however it is relatively new in Turkey. The new regulations force municipalities in the country to build landfills to safely store the waste and secure the emission gases. The landfill gas can be utilized to produce energy and heat or if the quality is high it can be transported to a natural gas pipeline. In this paper, an overview of landfill gas to energy plants in the world is presented, and the situation in Turkey is analyzed. Keywords: landfill gas to energy, municipal solid waste, methane, emissions, simulation, landfill. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014-06 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2233 - 0054 T Technology (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/92b37e0a3c9edf0768bfef9516f32696.docx 2238eae4f650930b58fff97f8e76939b https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/767aafe2b4c7ee5ec17d706c98250319.pdf 6769e1f88406f4b5876384ad73491b50 PDF Text Text LANDFILL GAS TO ENERGY IN TURKEY: CURRENT AND FUTURE Ahmet Yücekaya Kadir Has University, Istanbul, Turkey Keywords:Landfill gas to energy, municipal solid waste, methane, emissions, simulation, landfill ABSTRACT The municipal solid waste processing, landfilling and utilization of the gas to generate electric power and lower the emissions have been used in developed countries for decades, however it is relatively new in Turkey. The new regulations force municipalities in the country to build landfills to safely store the waste and secure the emission gases. The landfill gas can be utilized to produce energy and heat or if the quality is high it can be transported to a natural gas pipeline. In this paper, an overview of landfill gas to energy plants in the world is presented, and the situation in Turkey is analyzed. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2075 Title A name given to the resource LANDFILL GAS TO ENERGY IN TURKEY: CURRENT AND FUTURE Author Author YUCEKAYA, Ahmet Abstract A summary of the resource. Keywords:Landfill gas to energy, municipal solid waste, methane, emissions, simulation, landfill ABSTRACT The municipal solid waste processing, landfilling and utilization of the gas to generate electric power and lower the emissions have been used in developed countries for decades, however it is relatively new in Turkey. The new regulations force municipalities in the country to build landfills to safely store the waste and secure the emission gases. The landfill gas can be utilized to produce energy and heat or if the quality is high it can be transported to a natural gas pipeline. In this paper, an overview of landfill gas to energy plants in the world is presented, and the situation in Turkey is analyzed. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013-05-24 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2233-1565 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 924 Title A name given to the resource Language acqisition: Psycholinguistical ans Sociological Aspects Author Author Mirela , Fazlic Abstract A summary of the resource. People teaching and learning a foreign language know it is a long and difficult process, yet it is amazing how easily children acquire any language.The crucial question is whether children are born as „tabula rasa“ as far as language is concerned, or whether humans are „programmed“ with an outline knowledge of the structure of language in general. This is so called nature-nurture contraversy. Psycholinguistics is trying to find out about the structures and processes which underlie a human's ability to speak and understand language. This paper deals with still unresolved questions; Do humans acquire language because they are born equipped with some special linguistic ability? Or are they able to learn language because they are highly intelligent animals who are skilled at solving problems of various types? Or could it be mixture of these two posibilities? Chomsky said that humans have an innate knowledge of language structure and it is part of „the child's biological endowment, part of the structure of the language faculty.“ Human infants know in advance what languages are like, they are imprinted with knowledge about languages (innatenes hypothesis).Chomsky also claimed that humans have the ability to understand and produce novel utterances, he called this ability creativity. The second explanation for language ability is that no special knowledge is needed, because children are highly efficient puzzle solvers in all areas of human behaviour. In recent years linguists claim that children not merely acquire the structural patterns of their language, but also learn to use them appropriately within various social settings. Therefore, psycholinguists should pay as much attention to social context as to language structure itself, particulary as children in the early stages of speech are heavily dependent on their surroundings. Impoverished linguistic environment is likely to retard language acquisition, and children living in such environment may be language deprived, while the children living in enriched verbal environment mostly become highly competent speakes. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2012-05 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed P Philology. Linguistics Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 992 Title A name given to the resource Language Acquisition as a Cultural Fact and a Translation Process: Is a New Perspective Possible In the Context of Interdisciplinarity Author Author Turhan, Serdar Abstract A summary of the resource. Second language acquisition or foreign language learning is usually associated with various elements including intelligence, motivation, learner beliefs, learning strategies, and some other issues related to teachers or educational associates. These elements have been proven to be essential in second or foreign language acquisition. However; foreign language acquisition is not solely the process which includes learning of grammar, words, or syntax of a specific language. Second language acquisition is -to some extent- sure to be associated with cultural acquisition of a target language. When the culture of a specific language is the subject of interest, it is probable to assume second language acquisition as a cultural translation process. In this paper, it will be argued that theories of Translation Studies may put forward some fruitful ideas related to second language acquisition in the context of interdisciplinarity. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2012 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed P Philology. Linguistics https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/bafb902129ab2f8f2ab2a1e95308f29c.doc 55c20feff822670610f603b03802bc29 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/71fd6fcf967ab55fa393f4a3dc2debe4.pdf 7d4db8fe2e685aa82b7f72a13ccdc9bc PDF Text Text BOOK OF ABSTRACTS Language acquisition at different ages Mahir Kevric International Burch University / Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina ABSTRACT Amongst the various properties in which humans differs from any other species, it is perhaps the ability to convert thoughts, feelings and wishes into soundwaves, to transmit those to the others and thus to influence their thoughts, feelings and wishes, and eventually their behaviour, which is most fundamental. It is language which allows human beings an orientation in their environment different from that of a monad in a world defined by the laws of restabilised harmony, different from that of an ant in a world ruled by the rigid interaction principles of the anthem. The verbal transmission of all sorts of theoretical and practical knowledge handed down from one generation to the next, on the one hand, and of rapidly changing, situation-bound information, on the other, sets the stage for that particular type of behaviour which we consider to be human. It is language which makes possible all higher forms of cognition as well as that particular kind of interaction between members of a species which is characteristic of human beings. We can imagine a "mind" without language, but surely not a human mind without language. We are not born with a language in our head. No new-born child knows English, Chinese, or French. At birth, the child is literally an "infans"someone who does not speak. But every new-born is able to learn English, Chinese, French, or any other language spoken in the social environment in which he (or she) grows up. We all learn one language in the first years of our life - our mother tongue. But the capacity to acquire a language does not disappear with childhood. In this paper we will research language acquisition at different ages, difference between first and second language acquisition as well as whether second language acquisition stops somewhere during our lives. | 25 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1423 Title A name given to the resource Language acquisition at different ages Author Author KEVRIC, Mahir Abstract A summary of the resource. Amongst the various properties in which humans differs from any other species, it is perhaps the ability to convert thoughts, feelings and wishes into soundwaves, to transmit those to the others and thus to influence their thoughts, feelings and wishes, and eventually their behaviour, which is most fundamental. It is language which allows human beings an orientation in their environment different from that of a monad in a world defined by the laws of restabilised harmony, different from that of an ant in a world ruled by the rigid interaction principles of the anthem. The verbal transmission of all sorts of theoretical and practical knowledge handed down from one generation to the next, on the one hand, and of rapidly changing, situation-bound information, on the other, sets the stage for that particular type of behaviour which we consider to be human. It is language which makes possible all higher forms of cognition as well as that particular kind of interaction between members of a species which is characteristic of human beings. We can imagine a "mind" without language, but surely not a human mind without language. We are not born with a language in our head. No new-born child knows English, Chinese, or French. At birth, the child is literally an "infans"- someone who does not speak. But every new-born is able to learn English, Chinese, French, or any other language spoken in the social environment in which he (or she) grows up. We all learn one language in the first years of our life - our mother tongue. But the capacity to acquire a language does not disappear with childhood. In this paper we will research language acquisition at different ages, difference between first and second language acquisition as well as whether second language acquisition stops somewhere during our lives. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed P Philology. Linguistics,PR English literature https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/6dc4015d721288e5352bf6ce9be6b1eb.pdf 2826293dd8b793ef7009448868f81261 PDF Text Text LANGUAGE AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN THE NON-DIVERSE CLASSROOM Lindita Skenderi & Carly Terese Jerome State University of Tetovo Article History: Submitted: 05.06.2015 Accepted: 10.07.2015 Abstract: The aim of the paper is to propose some simple ways of promoting linguistic and cultural diversity in a homogenous classroom made of students brought up in a bi-lingual environment and country. The ideas and suggestions come from the experiences of the authors in different environments and workplaces. The comparing groups are of different ages from compulsory school to a university/college level. The paper will be divided in two parts: on one hand there are suggestions which would be useful in a classroom with a teacher coming from the same place as the students, and on the other hand how would those and other ways work out in promoting a linguistic and cultural diversity in a classroom where the teacher/lecturer comes from another cultural and linguistic background. What has been the meeting point, how this type of cultural and language diversity would affect the critical thinking of the students; why would students benefit from diversity-promoting classes are some of the questions answered in the paper. This is a cross-sectional study which tries to put together some possible forms of promoting diversity in the aspect of a language and culture in the classroom which does not mean that is based on a longitudinal type of research but on personal experiences and views of the authors. Moreover it is based on a questionnaire and displays its results Keywords: classroom, culture, language, diversity, teacher, students �INTRODUCTION The armed conflict which occurred during 2001 brought the Republic of Macedonia to the brink of civil war. The end of the conflict was marked by the signing the Ohrid Framework Agreement (further on: OFA), under which certain constitutional and legal changes were adopted to reform the organization and functioning of the state. On the surface, at least, the accord put relations between the Macedonian and Albanian communities on a new footing, especially those reforms which boosted Albanian representation in state institutions and local government1. Still a lot of work has to be done in Macedonia's quest for a peaceful and democratic society. As one of the changes as a result of the OFA refers to the use of the language of ethnicities, this research would try by exploring the foreign language classroom to promote the culture as a tool to promote diversity in a not very diverse classroom thus becoming a vehicle to a peaceful coexistence in the country. The area of Tetovo, the schools and the State University of Tetovo could be considered as a micro society out of which lessons could be learned to be implemented into the wider society of Republic of Macedonia and in a foreign language classroom. The objects of the empirical research are individuals/ teenagers/ students/teachers of ethnic Albanian and ethnic Macedonian origins who are mutually involved in co-education in the Republic of Macedonia. The research subject is the promotion of diversity in the classroom. The assumptions have been that not much culture elements are brought into the classroom and there is a need to further raise the awareness among the teachers and the students about the role of the culture in the classroom for getting to know and understand the other better. Although multicultural country, the state schools of the Republic of Macedonia regardless if Albanian or Macedonian have been languages of instruction, do not always provide enough space among the classroom activities for culture to be promoted as a tool to cherish the diversity in the classroom. The belief is that the foreign language classroom could be used as a way to accomplish it. Hence, the representatives of the two or the more cultures would be brought closer. Moreover, by getting to know to each other better they would understand better. That would be a step forward to a better coexistence. Based on these assumptions a questionnaire has been developed. Students (teenagers and college level) both Macedonian and Albanian and teachers also of both nationalities have been interviewed. Limitations of the research: The number of interviewees is not high enough to give more reliable results. However, I do hope that this research could generate ideas for further studies in the area of the foreign language teaching in my country and would raise the awareness about the role of culture in the foreign language classroom. Further more about it being a vehicle for promoting diversity in the classroom which by itself is not very diverse. 1 OFA – Framework agreement,13.08.2001. �1. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK The purpose of this section is to offer a theoretical framework to provide concepts to be applied to the specific case of Macedonia or just to establish the grounds based on which the specific case of Macedonia provided in the research component of the paper has been established. It starts with the issues emerging in the post conflict systems and through the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages establishes the idea to promote the culture as a vehicle to promote diversity in a non diverse environment. One of the particularly problematic issues for post-conflict school systems in multiethnic and multilingual societies is determining which languages will be used to instruct schoolchildren. Although it is important for children of a multilingual country to learn the language (and, by extension, culture) of other main groups of citizens in addition to their own mother tongue, having too many official languages in the schools can promote semi literacy, poor performance, high repetition, and high dropout rates (as seen in many African countries). At the same time, the rising importance of English as a useful language in the global marketplace is increasingly influencing language policies.2 Here comes in the role foreign language teaching could play. How might a culturally responsive educator push against human nature's natural aversion to the unknown and help students become more respectful of cultures with different ideas? The best way to combat this tendency is to provide students with ample evidence that people that don't look like them are, at the core, people just like them. Such a viewpoint can be taught by promoting a culture of learning from one another rather than a culture of passing judgment on differences in values and beliefs.3 In addition, all too often, students are exposed to ethnic stereotypes on television and in movies. Providing diverse students with role models who demonstrate exceptional leadership qualities and make social contributions in a non-stereotypical way helps students recognize the limitless ways in which they can have a positive impact on society. 4 Moreover, if students are taught about the contributions that people of various ethnicities, genders, and creeds have made to a variety of different artistic, scientific, and political fields then they're more likely to respect and value diverse cultural backgrounds as a whole. Such touches will help promote an environment in which students from diverse backgrounds feel more comfortable being themselves and will help insulate students from the cultural and ethnic stereotypes that pervade television and other mass media outlets. 5 Native American educator Cornel Pewewardy (1993) asserts that one of the reasons Indian children experience difficulty in schools is that educators traditionally have attempted to insert culture into the education, instead of inserting education into the culture. However, culturally relevant 2 Unite or Divide, The challenges of teaching history in societies emerging from violent conflicts, Special USIP Report, Elizabeth A. Cole and Judy Barsalou 3 Promoting Respect for Cultural Diversity in the Classroom, Matthew Lynch, Ed.D, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/matthew-lynch-edd/promoting-respect-for-cul_b_1187683.html? (accessed on 25.03.2015) 4 5 Ibid. Ibid. �teachers utilize students' culture as a vehicle for learning.6 Despite the recommendations of the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages (2001) and the national curricula for language teaching in many countries, the focus of language learning and teacher education is still, to a large extent, the development of grammatical and lexical competence. A good knowledge of grammar rules, a rich vocabulary, a few memorized speech acts and cultural facts will not sufficiently help non-native speakers of a foreign language to socialize, negotiate or make friends in the foreign language. Furthermore, native or near native fluency alone will not necessarily help native or non-native speakers of a language to successfully communicate with people from other cultures either. Unfortunately, there is still very little emphasis placed on the cultural dimension of language learning because very few teacher training institutions include intercultural communication training in their curriculum, and intercultural competence usually does not feature among their graduation criteria. Moreover, when language teachers are asked about what culture means to them, they most frequently answer by listing subjects such as literature, geography and arts. Although these subjects are all extremely important ingredients, it seems that there are other equally significant components of culture that should find their way into second and foreign language classrooms.7 In line with the above said the author of the paper conducted a survey. Presented below are the findings of the research which make the case of Macedonia. 2. THE RESEARCH The first idea has been to conduct the survey with various groups of students starting from a rather lower classroom age up to the highest being at the university. However, as the questionnaire has been developed based on the assumptions that there is a low level of awareness about having culture as part of the language classroom instruction at such a young age and for the purpose of this research it has been realized that it would be more appropriate to target the survey at the higher school level of students, the teenagers who are still “pure” and open to new things. Hence, it has been conducted with two categories of students or more specifically high school students with language of classroom instruction being Albanian, but also with students whose native language is Macedonian. Thus, the Macedonian and the Albanian students would make the two subcategories. The school whose students are interviewed is a High School in Tetovo ( a town and area with predominantly Albanian population). The same goes for the College level students. Interviewed students are from the State University of Tetovo (later in the text: SUT) which is a university with teaching instruction in Albanian language but also with 6 Ladson-Billings, But That’s Just Good Teaching!, THEORY lNTO PRACTICE, Volume 34, Number 3, Summer 1995 Copyright 1995 College of Education, The Ohio State University 0040-5841/95$1.25 7 Developing and assessing intercultural communicative competence, A guide for language teachers and teacher educators, Ildikó Lázár, Martina Huber-Kriegler, Denise Lussier, Gabriela S. Matei and Christiane Peck, http://www.ecml.at. �students whose native language is Macedonian. The common ground for them in a foreign language classroom is the foreign language, in this case the English. On the other hand, the teachers have been classified based on the working experience and not the age. This would mean that among the high school English teachers there would be more experienced teachers and more samples could be obtained regarding the level of awareness about the role of the culture as a tool for promoting diversity in a not very diverse environment in this case being the language classroom. The questionnaire had nine (9) questions. Six (6) of them were statements and a number from 1 to 5 was to be circled (1 being “agree at least”, 5 “agree the most”). The assumptions have been that these would display respondents’ attitude and feelings, thus providing how homogeneous or various their feeling are upon the issue being asked. The other three were of open type necessitating some narration hoping that the answers the respondents would provide would display their opinions and understanding of the concepts i.e. ideas. The questionnaire was given to 12 respondents of each category and the expectations were that at least 10 of each category of respondents would respond. As the media of conduct was an electronic communication (the stake of today’s world) the number of respondents varies. However, it is still enough the make some conclusions. For the purpose of this paper the results are given in tables. Tables 1 - 6 are the results of the teenagers followed by interpretation. Tables 7- 12 are the results of the SUT students followed by interpretation. Tables 13 – 18 are the samples obtained from the teachers followed by interpretation. Although one of the variables is the work experience based on the obtained samples the tables have been sub categorized as Albanian and Macedonian teachers. Reasoning behind Questions 7-9 has been to see how the interviewed samples define and understand the culture. The obtained samples from the teenagers and students do not show high level of awareness about the culture and for them it is mostly the life in general. Consequently for the purpose of the paper the answers of the teachers are provided in the tables related to the Questions 7-9) as they are those that could initiate and implement the changes in the classroom. Teenagers’ samples (Tables 1-6) Q;1.Many teachers have little or on training in working with children from diverse cultural and linguistic background Teenagers Macedonian Responses by people 1 1 2 3 2 3 4 Albanian 5 1 2 3 4 5 �4 5 6 7 8 TOTAL / 1 1 2 2 2 / 0 / 0 / 4 / 1 2 Q;2.Cultural differences have little effect on the way students learn Teenagers Albanian Macedonian Responses by people 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 1 2 3 4 5 / TOTAL 1 0 5 1 1 / / / / 1 0 1 2 3 Q3. Young children don’t really notice differences, so why make a big deal of multicultural education. Teenagers Albanian Macedonian Responses by people 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 �7 8 / TOTAL 3 0 2 0 / 3 / 1 / 3 2 Q4. Schools in which there are no minority groups don’t need a multicultural perspective Teenagers Albanian Macedonian Responses by people 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 / / / / / TOTAL 2 4 0 1 1 2 3 0 1 1 Q5. Multicultural education is a total curricular and instructional approach Teenagers Albanian Macedonian Responses by people 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 TOTAL 1 / 0 0 4 1 3 2 / 2 3 / 0 4 / 1 5 / 0 4 / 0 1 �Q6. Children from minority groups are considered to be weaker students than the majority group students Teenagers Albanian Macedonian Responses by people 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 / / / / / TOTAL 2 1 2 0 3 2 2 3 0 0 According to the responses provided by the teenagers it seems that Albanians are more convinced that many teachers have little or on training in working with children from diverse cultural and linguistic background. Macedonian ones feelings seem to vary and they are not sure about it. About the question whether cultural differences have little effect on the way students learn both Macedonians and Albanians feel concentrate something in between presumably meaning they are not very sure or they have not thought about it a lot. As for the statement that Young children don’t really notice differences, so why make a big deal of multicultural education Macedonian students mostly least agree while the Albanian feelings are divided. There is almost equal number of those who strongly agree and disagree. Both Albanians and Macedonians have the same opinion about the statement that Schools in which there are no minority groups don’t need a multicultural perspective. They least agree about this issue. It seems that for the both of groups multicultural education is a total curricular and instructional approach. An interpretation of this might mean that if it is by the book then it should be part of the class if not they would not feel that they have missed a lot in the class. Children from minority groups are considered to be weaker students than the majority group students like a question could be interpreted in various ways depending who is considered to be the minority group whether the Macedonians in the predominant Albanian �environment or vice versa so the responses could be a subject of a further interpretation or a research. Regardless of this the provided answers display that Albanian teenagers have various feelings about this. Macedonians are mostly of a same opinion of the issue and their feelings concentrate along 1-3 on a scale from 1-5 where one is least agree and 5 being the most agree. Students’ responses (Tables 7-12) Q1. Many teachers have little or no training in working with children from diverse cultural and linguistic background Students Albanian Macedonian Responses by people 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 / / / / / 11 / / / / / 12 / / / / / TOTAL Q2 Cultural differences have little effect on the way students learn Students Albanian Macedonian Responses by people 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 / / / / / 5 �11 / 12 / TOTAL / / 0 / / 1 / / 4 / / 1 3 1 0 6 2 3 Q3. Young children don’t really notice differences, so why make a big deal of multicultural education Students Albanian Macedonian Responses by people 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 / / / / / 11 / / / / / 12 / / / / / TOTAL 2 0 4 1 2 2 3 3 1 3 Q4. Schools in which there are no minority groups don’t need a multicultural perspective Students Albanian Responses by people 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 / 11 / 12 / 2 / / / 3 / / / Macedonian 4 / / / 5 / / / 1 2 3 4 5 �TOTAL 5 2 0 1 1 5 4 2 1 1 Q5.Multicultural education is a total curricular and instructional approach Students Albanian Macedonian Responses by people 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 / 11 / 12 / TOTAL 2 / / / 1 3 / / / 2 4 / / / 0 5 1 2 3 4 5 4 0 0 2 6 4 / / / 2 Q6. Children from minority groups are considered to be weaker students than the majority group students Students Albanian Macedonian Responses by people 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 / 11 / 12 / TOTAL 2 / / / 4 3 / / / 1 4 / / / 2 5 1 2 3 4 5 2 6 3 1 1 1 / / / 0 �The second category of respondents the students related to the statement that many teachers have little or no training in working with children from diverse cultural and linguistic background feel similar. Since the answers of both categories vary on the scale it implies they are not sure if this is true or not, As or the statement that Young children don’t really notice differences, so why make a big deal of multicultural education with both groups the feelings vary but are mostly concentrated on the medium level like they are not very sure. Both groups strongly disagree that schools in which there are no minority groups don’t need a multicultural perspective. They seem to be getting aware for the need of a multicultural perspective. Macedonian students mostly feel that multicultural education is a total curricular and instructional approach, while Albanians feelings vary upon this issue. However, their feelings about children from minority groups being considered to be weaker students than the majority group students are similar on the line that most of the both groups and mostly disagree. Teachers’ samples (Tables 13-18) Q1. Many teachers have little or no training in working with children from diverse cultural and linguistic background Teachers Albanian Macedonian Responses by people OTAL 1 2 3 4 5 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 2 3 4 2 3 2 / 0 0 3 2 3 0 Q4.Schools in which there are no minority groups don’t need a multicultural perspective Teachers Albanian Macedonian Responses by people 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 1 �2 3 4 5 6 7 8 TOTAL ponses by people TAL 5 0 2 1 0 4 2 1 0 Q5. Multicultural education is a total curricular and instructional approach Teachers Albanian 1 2 3 4 5 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 0 0 4 3 1 0 1 Macedonian 2 3 4 2 1 4 Q6. Children from minority groups are considered to be weaker students than the majority group students Teachers Albanian Macedonian Responses by people 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 TOTAL 4 1 2 0 1 1 3 3 1 5 0 �Teachers both Albanian and Macedonian are more inclined to feel that many teachers have little or no training in working with children from diverse cultural and linguistic background. Both groups are not certain whether cultural differences have effect on the way students learn. However, both groups think even if there are no minority groups in the schools they need a multicultural perspective. As their feelings are in the middle as far as the statement about multicultural education being a total curricular approach it seems that in the real class they would adhere to the curriculum and if it is out of it they would avoid. Both groups seem to feel inclined to disagree that children from minority groups are considered to be weaker students than the majority group students, although Albanians are much stronger in this respect. Questions 7 – 9 have been summarized in the tables below: Nationality QUESTION 7. What culture means to you? Try to explain .....Culture is a collection of beliefs and values shared by a particular group of people. Albanian answers Culture embraces the system of knowledge, beliefs, religion, art, law, social habits, attitudes, and values ... possessions acquired by of a group of people through generations. Culture is the characteristics and knowledge of a particular group of people, defined by everything from language, religion, social habits, music and arts. Culture means realizing that you belong somewhere, being part of something and sharing your differences with someone. Culture for me is the unique characteristic that makes each community different, special. It is what an individual grows up with, how an individual is “carved” in life. It is tradition, religion, it is food, it is clothes, speech, attitude etc. �Macedonian answers Nationality Albanian Way of living and behaving. Each culture has its own specifics and it is very important if we learn those specifics for the cultures that are surrounding us. In addition, it is said that if you learn a new language, you have learnt a new culture. For me culture is way of life, how we learn, eat, behave, feel, think... Culture is the way of living, eating, talking, celebrating, cooking ,. Culture for me as a teacher is what the students bring with him/her to school, beliefs, values, meanings, religion etc. The beliefs, traditions, attitudes, customs of a particular country or society Culture can be seen in different ways. Someone sees it as language, someone as way of living, someone as religion. Culture is way of expressing, living, speaking and collection of little things that make us complete Culture is the student identity, teaching culture is alpha omega in order to have an good education and society. Culture is the background, the history and the present of a person. Culture for me means a way of life and a way of behaving. Culture is a wide term in which different aspects of life are included. QUESTION 8. Are enough teaching materials being used in your classes which include different cultures? .....I try to include lesson materials from various ethnic and religious backgrounds in my classes, such as studying literature written by minority authors or literature that has subject matter relating to minorities’ life experiences Not really, because I have a non-diversity class of students. Yes I try to use different materials teaching culture through music, art, movies �I must admit that I am lucky enough to work at a private teaching institution, where I possess all the necessary tools and equipment. I feel sorry for my colleagues working within state owned schools. Not really. We tend to actually use American culture more than culture in which we life in. Not really. We are learning only about one culture, and that is Technology. Not enough! No there aren’t. I would like to use these kind of teaching materials during my classes. Magazines, articles, stories, songs, videos, literature No, we use only books for grammar or vocabulary Macedonian We try to use some magazines or internet sources Yes, I mostly make my own materials (combined with textbooks) depending on my group of students. There are no enough teaching materials that include different cultures. There is not enough materials. It should be invested in materials, programs, hours and tools and training for professionals. Nationality QUESTION 9.Do you organize/attend school events to celebrate various religious holidays? No. Not really, just some of them like Easter, Eid, New Year...! Albanian �Not really unfortunately Occasionally we receive various invitations from other institutions to participate in different religious festivals, which we gladly accept and join them. However, since we live in a multicultural society where we have various religious festivals with regards different religions, we are being extremely careful to respect all of our students’ diversity by organizing some celebrations of behalf of the major religious festivals considered as national holidays in R. Macedonia. Since I work at university level, I do not usually organize such events. I think they are more appropriate for younger students. At our university, we really don’t celebrate religious holidays, we mostly celebrate national holidays. Religious holidays are celebrated home with families. Unfortunately, I haven’t attended at various religious holidays! I have attended only at our religion holidays! Our school never organizes or celebrates various religious holidays. “We” enjoy having a day off without knowing the reason. The pleasure that there is no school is higher than the curiosity or respect. Events such as Halloween, Mother’s Day We only celebrate national holidays. No never Yes, again it depends on the groups of students: Christmas, Easter, Eid, New Year etc. Yes, our school organizes celebrations for Bajram and Easter. Macedonian No. CONCLUSIONS The survey shows that there is some awareness and a need for a multicultural perspective in a foreign language classroom. The feelings of all the interviewed categories seem to be mixed. �In some cases their answers could be misinterpreted. Still, Republic of Macedonia being a multicultural country needs to take care of this issue and the multicultural perspective especially in a non diverse classroom environment regardless if it is dominant Albanian or Macedonian should be promoted. Foreign language teaching (FLT) seems to be the most suitable for it. Having in mind the large number of classroom instruction allocated to FLT not only the English language instruction but other foreign languages classes can be used to introduce cultural element. FL curriculum is mostly topic based and the abundance of topics and the large number of classroom instruction provide many opportunities to cover plenty of cultural elements related not only to the culture of the target language be it English, German or other FL but to the states’ one of the Macedonians, Albanians and the languages of the other ethnicities of the country not necessarily present in the given class. By doing so, and getting each other better the ties among the communities would strengthen and this would lead to the real multicultural environment as the State constitutionally is. �References 1. OFA – Framework agreement, 13.08.2001 2. Unite or Divide, The challenges of teaching history in societies emerging from violent conflicts, Special USIP Report, Elizabeth A. Cole and Judy Barsalou 3. Promoting Respect for Cultural Diversity in the Classroom, Matthew Lynch, Ed.D, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/matthew-lynch-edd/promoting-respect-for-cul_b_1187683.html? (accessed on 25.03.2015). 4. Ladson-Billings, But That’s Just Good Teaching!, THEORY lNTO PRACTICE, Volume 34, Number 3, Summer 1995 Copyright 1995 College of Education, The Ohio State University 0040-5841/95$1.25. 5. Developing and assessing intercultural communicative competence, A guide for language teachers and teacher educators, Ildikó Lázár, Martina Huber-Kriegler, Denise Lussier, Gabriela S. Matei and Christiane Peck, http://www.ecml.at. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2955 Title A name given to the resource LANGUAGE AND CULTURAL DIVERSITY IN THE NON-DIVERSE CLASSROOM Author Author Skenderi, Lindita Jerome, Carly Terese Abstract A summary of the resource. The aim of the paper is to propose some simple ways of promoting linguistic and cultural diversity in a homogenous classroom made of students brought up in a bi-lingual environment and country. The ideas and suggestions come from the experiences of the authors in different environments and workplaces. The comparing groups are of different ages from compulsory school to a university/college level. The paper will be divided in two parts: on one hand there are suggestions which would be useful in a classroom with a teacher coming from the same place as the students, and on the other hand how would those and other ways work out in promoting a linguistic and cultural diversity in a classroom where the teacher/lecturer comes from another cultural and linguistic background. What has been the meeting point, how this type of cultural and language diversity would affect the critical thinking of the students; why would students benefit from diversity-promoting classes are some of the questions answered in the paper. This is a cross-sectional study which tries to put together some possible forms of promoting diversity in the aspect of a language and culture in the classroom which does not mean that is based on a longitudinal type of research but on personal experiences and views of the authors. Moreover it is based on a questionnaire and displays its results Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed L Education (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/37139a6489fe5a4d8e25c328b36549f4.pdf 0ef4af87a0479e201535e1509b720863 PDF Text Text LANGUAGE AND GENDER DIFFERENCE IN DISCOURSE Lendita Kryeziu University of Gjakova & University of Prishtina, Kosovo Article History: Submitted: 12.06.2015 Accepted: 30.06.2015 Abstract Many empirical researches on Gender and language have been conducted by numerous sociolinguists in order of finding out the relationship between them. These differences between women’s and men’s language consisted in terms of phonology, lexis, syntax, dominance and difference in discourse analysis. Some other studies have investigated the influence of female male language differences on maintaining the imbalance power between the two genders. This paper will aim at finding out the relationship between gender and language in political debates in Albanian and English while trying to identify the impact of gender based language in displaying the difference and dominance in conversational interaction. Political debates in English and Albanian will be analyzed in order to distinguish cross gender and cross language differences through the use of linguistic and discourse features such as: turn taking, dominance, minimal response, overlaps, hedges, interruptions etc. Key words: language, gender difference, discourse, dominance, interruptions. �1. Introduction Throughout history in different cultures, religions, and nations existed stereotypical belief that women speak more than men as well as sayings that women should not speak in public, but leave that to men, in other words: ‘women are words and men are actions’. Even today in the Kosovo’s institution such as the parliament of Kosovo, in which women are presented in percentage of 30% have been distributed some folders to its members which included some proverbs dedicated to women, some of them being very discriminating and prejudicial towards women’s character such as:”Silence is the only gold that women posses” and “Silence and modesty are the women’s most beautiful jewelry” Very controversial sayings for women who are supposed to represent people’s interest by discussing in the parliament’s podium. Moreover the women’s network of Kosova on the other side reacted at the declaration of the vice prime minister of Kosova, Hajredin Kuçi in the last session of the assembly who stated that:” he does not want to deal with women, but with men” (Tahiri.L: 2013) That woman are talkative and speak more than men, there are many sayings in English and Albanian that support this belief: “There are two types of women, those that speak always, and those that never remain silent” (O. Wild), and “Women have become talkative because of the man’s power that deprived them of everything except of the tongue” (J.Xoxa) Do women speak more than men in political debates? On whose side is dominance? Who gets the floor in Albanian and English political debates? Does language that women use differ from the language that men use in Albanian and English? “What are the cross gender differences? What are the differences between Albanian and English debates? Whose language variety is more prestigious, the women’s or the men’s? These are the questions that will be addressed in this research and the answers to these research questions will be sought through ought the research. 2. Literature Review about Language and Gender There are some early recordings on the difference between women’s and men’s language variety in Albanian according to the foreign Albanologist Maximilian Lambertz, who succeeded in introducing us the spoken variant of the Maliza Arbresh, while penetrating in their social ‘tissue’. �He is the first of the dialectologists who studied the mixture of the Arbresh language with that of Italian, while distinguishing women’s language. He stated that:”Language of every Arberesh individual is traversed by Italian elements the more he moves out of his village, and has to deal with Italians. Because of this reason, women’s language is purer for some degrees than that of men’s” (M.Lambertz, 1923) cited in (Gj.Shkurtaj , 2009 ;365) Similarly Albanian men of Mandrica (Bulgaria) because of their business dealings and encounters with Greeks, Bulgarians, and Turks were polyglots in contrast to women who were not able to speak different languages. Thus, according to Bojka Sokolova(1967) cited in GJ. Shkurtaj ; Albanian women of Mandrica, and elsewhere in Albanian and Arbresh Diaspora, have always shown an emphasized spirit in preserving native language and other ethno cultural features of their mother land . We have to deal here with the phenomenon which can be exemplified with the conditions which these women were subjugated to in the past by not attending school, not leaving their place for a long time, and having nothing to do with Bulgarians or other nationalities. For these reasons, nowadays you can find in Mandrica older women that are not able to speak Bulgarian but they speak a pure Albanian instead. While, in relation to language perseverance and conservativism ,Jespersen states that women are more conservative than men, they keep the traditional language that they learnt from their parents and they hand on to their children, while innovations are due to the initiative of men (Cameron, D 1998:229). Mainly because of the differences that existed between men and women, regarding tradition, labor division, temperament and character in Albanian region, cities and villages, these differences existed in speaking varieties as well, such as; terminology, lexical choices that women used in their daily life, housework, cooking, cleaning, baby talk towards their children etc. �On the other hand, with the improvement of social conditions for women, education, employment, gender equality, the development of internet and technology, these differences became smaller, while women gaining a new status in all social spheres of life. 2.1 Language cross gender differences influenced by powerlessness awareness. That women are less powerful than men in life, public sphere and politics and that they are expected to be polite, obedient, indirect, talk less and assertive, Robin Lakoff tells a story about the seven swans:” A girl’s seven brothers are changed into swans. She can transform them back into men only by sitting in a tree for seven years sewing them shirts out of daisies. If she utters one word during this period, she will fail. She succeeds, despite terrible obstacles. The moral: silence and obedience are the path to success for a women” (Lakoff.R, 2003: 162) Similarly, in the terms of men’s power Ronald Wardhaugh gives an example:” There is also a very interesting example from English of a woman being advised to speak more like a man in order to fill a position previously filled only by men. Margaret Thatcher was told that her voice did not match her position as British Prime Minister: she sounded too ‘shrill.’ She was advised to lower the pitch of her voice, diminish its range, and speak more slowly, and thereby adopt an authoritative, almost monotonous delivery to make herself heard.” (Wardhaugh,R. 2011; 337) On the other hand, sociological studies have made known that women are more prone to use linguistic forms thought to be ‘better’ or more ‘correct’ than those used by men. Trudgill provides two reasons for this. Firstly, women in our society are generally more status-conscious than men, and therefore more sensitive to linguistic norms- an idea known as hyper-correction. Secondly, “working-class speech…has connotations of or associations with masculinity, which may lead men to be more favorably disposed to non-standard linguistic forms than women.” ( Trudgill: 1983: 162) Women also tend to hypercorrect more than men, especially in the lower middle class. The definition of hypercorrection is:” the erroneous use of a word form or pronunciation based on a false analogy with a correct or prestigious form, such as between you and I for the standard between you and me”. Thus, the women tended to hypercorrect more than men because they tried to use prestigious variety of language for the reason of having been felt deprived from privileged social status. �Moreover, women may be using linguistic resources as a way to achieve status which they were deprived from. Since women have long been denied equality with men as far as educational and employment opportunities are concerned, these are not reliable indicators of a woman's status or the status she aspires to. Although the marketplace establishes the value of men in economic terms, the only kind of capital a woman can accumulate is symbolic. She can be a "perfect" housewife, a "perfect" mother, a "loyal" wife, a “reliable” friend, a “devoted” believer, a “dedicated” citizen and so on, with respect to the community's norms and stereotypes for appropriate female behavior. In this logic, the use of the standard might be seen as yet another reflection of women’s powerlessness in the public sphere. This interpretation accorded well with one of the assumptions made by early gender scholar such as Lakoff (1975), who saw women’s language as the “language of powerlessness” In Albanian culture and tradition, in pre-war time, men were considered as the main and the only means for providing for their families. Women were less employed, less educated and discriminated. They were occupied with housework, raising children, preparing food for the visitors who were welcomed in separate rooms for men guests known as “oda e burrave”, according to Albanian society norms and traditions. Thus being separated from men in general and mail guests in particular, unemployed and uneducated, spending their free time doing handicrafts for their daughters’ dowry surrounded by other women, they developed a quite different language variety from that of men’s. 3. Cross gender Phonological differences in English and Albanian Numerous studies and researches have been conducted by Trudgill, Labov, Millroy and Martin while investigating linguistic features such as phonological variability of male and female differences. The aim, on the one hand, was to identify the stratification of these variables and, on the other hand, to find support for the means of synchronic change. Women were found to be closer to a prestige norm (Received Pronunciation) than men. Therefore, from a large number of now classic findings emerging repeatedly, it is verified that there are also strong correlations between patterns of social stratification and gender. One of these sociolinguistic patterns is that women, regardless of other social characteristics such as class, age, etc., tended to use more standard forms than men (Trudgill, 1974) study in Norwich of �the variable (-ing), that is alternation between alveolar /n/ and a velar-nasal /-ng/ in words withing endings such as reading, singing, In relation to the variables of social class, style, and gender. Similarly Labov found out that there are some phonological variations between sexes in pronunciation of /əeh/ and /oh/. Accordingly:” …a close examination will show that women show more concentration in the extreme values, especially for /oh/. The progressions of the number informants in each category show that men and women follow the same stylistic variation, but that the total shift of the women speakers is much greater. The tendency of women to follow an extreme pattern of stylistic variation which we may call hypercorrection is an important aspect of the structure of New York City English.” (W.Labov, 2006; 196) Whereas according to Gj. Shkurtaj regarding phonological and pronunciation differences between men and women in Albanian language it states that: “From our research even though not elaborated enough, we can say that there is a kind of difference between men and women’s discourse in the field of pronunciation. It appears that from the previous observations in the city of Tirana and in many southern countries, the pronunciation of the phoneme /rr/ as a mono vibrant /r/ is a more occurring feature in female gender than in male gender. Likewise, the forms with /r/ are more frequent in standard language, and maybe in a way, indicators of being from the capital or other southern cities of Albania, whereas vibrant /rr/, draws upward towards northern parts “ (Gj.Shkurtaj, 2009 ; 372) Additionally;” Women, it seems, are considerably more disposed than men to upgrade themselves into the middle-class and less likely to allocate themselves to the working-class - a finding which confirms the common observation that status consciousness is more pronounced among women”. (Martin 1954:58) According to Labov, ”women in the lower middle class, lead in the introduction of the new standard forms, of many of the phonological variables studied in the United states, The UK, and other industrialized countries such as Sweden, while men tend to lead in instances of change from below” (Labov, W. 1990) 4. Cross gender lexical differences in English and Albanian �Nevertheless women raising children use ‘baby talk’ language variety which is not common for Albanian mail mentality, they curse more than men and do not swear or use taboo words. Accordingly: “From the currently available research, even though not explored enough, it turns out, however, that women speak in a different manner from men. Often they possess a different lexis of their own especially for intimate parts or phenomena of feminine life and in everyday speech in general which is distinguished from men’s language, even from their spouses or adult sons.”(Gj.Shkurtaj, 2009; 365) Moreover Linguistic means used by women to express their thoughts, beliefs, feelings and ideas, unveil the truth about their social status and interaction that through many years have placed them in marginal position, and forced on them rules and regulations. This is clearly reflected even nowadays in women’s language that can be unquestionably described in forms of hesitations and euphemisms. There is also a difference in cross gender language in the use of euphemisms in Albanian and according to Eqrem Ҫabej: ” Women in their language, even for the phrase ‘to kill someone’ they say: ‘e nxiruan, e shkretuan, e përmbisnë’ .For the ‘deceased’, women use the words: ‘i ziu, i nxiri’ whereas men mainly use the words’ i shkreti, in Skrapar; ‘i shuari’, in North ; ‘i mjeri’. Such expressions are the features of the ‘women’s language’ (language des femmes) (E.Ҫabej,1978; 23) “Similar sorts of disparities exist elsewhere in the vocabulary. There is, for instance, a group of adjectives which have, besides their specific and literal meanings, another use, that of indicating the speaker's approbation or admiration for something. Some of these adjectives are neutral as to sex of speaker: either men or women may use them. But another set seems, in its figurative use, to be largely confined to women's speech. Representative lists of women only adjectives are: adorable charming, sweet, lovely, divine and intensifiers such as: “awfully”, “pretty”, “terribly”, “quite” (Lakoff,1973; 51) Further on, Lakoff states that there is also a difference in the use of lexical items such as the case of color names: “Women, then, make far more precise discriminations in naming colors than do men; words like beige, ecru, aquamarine, lavender, and so on, are unremarkable in a women's active vocabulary, but absent from that of most men. I have seen a man helpless with suppressed �laughter at a discussion between two other people as to whether a book-jacket was to be described as 'lavender' or 'mauve'. Men find such discussion amusing because they consider such a question trivial, irrelevant to the real world”. (Lakoff, 1973; 49) Whereas in Albanian language, women, in their speech are prone to using diminutive suffixes, mostly in a liking way for example:, çikirush, bukuloshe, zemerushe, dali im, picirruki im etc.; they tend to use a lot of the superlative forms of adjectives like: shumë e zonja, jashtëzakonisht e bukur, shumë e pavyer, tepër elegante, shumë shtirëse, etc Albanian women’s gender specified language can be illustrated by the use of some linguistic structures such as wishes, curses, euphemistic expressions, etc, because women are predisposed in believing in paranormal phenomena such as, bad augur, bad luck and redemption. This can be presented with the frequent use of expressions such as: pika i raftë! , dreqi në bark i hiftë, syri i keq mos e paftë, t’shtifsha n’dhe! t’plaçin syt, t’u thafshin durtë, t’daltë e dala, etc. 5. Cross gender syntactic differences Apart from phonological and lexical differences between women’s and men’s language some syntactic differences may be identified as well and according to Robin Lakoff:” When we leave the lexicon and venture into syntax, we find that syntactically too women's speech is peculiar. To my knowledge, there is no syntactic rule in English that only women may use. But there is at least one rule that a woman will use in more conversational situations than a man. (This fact indicates, of course, that the applicability of syntactic rules is governed partly by social context the positions in society of the speaker and addressee, with respect to each other, and the impression one seeks to make on the other.) This is the rule of tag-question formation.” (Lakoff, 1973; 53) Therefore, using tag questions or declarative statements with rising final intonations when the speaker lacks confidence and wants confirmation from the addressee or in the cases when the speaker is certain about the information but in order to facilitate conversation requires yes or no questions from the addressee are features of women speech. Naturally, men also use tag questions but their intention mainly is asking for exact answers not because they lack confidence in declaring the statement. Such features are probably part of the general fact that women's �speech sounds much more 'polite' than men's. Aspect of politeness is as we have just described: leaving a decision open, not imposing your mind, or views, or claims, on anyone else. It is considered that women’s language is more standard and polite than that of a men’s language, but nowadays you can find women who swear, especially teens maybe for the reason of fitting in into the modernity’s norms. Accordingly: “Often we listen to the swearing from the mouths of children, teens, adults, even from women itself. From the examples presented in the dictionary, we can conclude that men swear more than women, but women also swear more than it was expected from them traditionally, and especially when they accompanied by the same sex.”(Ibrahimi, M. 2009; 32) 6. Dominance and difference in mixed gender discourse Obviously, men and women differ in their beliefs, perceptions and mainly in their use of language and according to Haas:” Male speech and female speech have been observed to differ in their form, topic, content and use. Early writers were largely introspective in their analyses; more recent work has begun to provide empirical evidence. Men may be more loquacious and directive; they use more nonstandard forms, talk more about sports, money and business, and frequently refer to time, space, quantity, and objects. Women are often more supportive, polite, and expressive, talk more about home and family, use more words implying feeling, evaluation, interpretation, and psychological state” (Haas, 1979). On the other hand, popular works by Deborah Tannen show that that while men view conversations as a way to establish and maintain status and dominance in relationships, women see the purpose of conversation to create and foster an intimate bond with the other party by talking about topical problems and issues they are communally facing (Tannen, 1990). One way of maintaining dominance in conversation in mix gendered group is through interruption as cited in West and Zimmerman (1983) that men dominate women by interrupting them in conversation. Whereas, other academic research argues that women use less powerful speech: they tend to swear less, speak more politely, and use more tag questions and intensifiers (Lakoff, 1975). Women also are inclined to interrupt less than men do; researchers have hypothesized that this is possibly because of their apparent lower status to men and due to community norms that impose this gender status hierarchy. Tannen continues to summarize the differences between men and �women at the basic level, such as:” If women speak and hear a language of connection and intimacy, while men speak and hear a language of status and independence, then communication between men and women can be like cross-cultural communication, prey to a clash of conversational styles. Instead of different dialects, it has been said they speak different genderlects. (Tannen, 1990 ; 18) Therefore, conversational patterns in cross gender studies offer evidence for the essential difference between men's and women's linguistic performance by the means of question tags and interruptions. Other linguistic tools which display the difference between women’s and men’s language use is the amount of speech and control of topic. Interruptions are manifested through the violations of the rules of conversation. According to Sacks/Schegloff/Jefferson's (1974) model of the structure of conversation, turns of speech are assigned such that the current speaker has the largest options. Overlaps are done at the end of the first speaker's turn and the beginning of the next speaker's turn. Moreover, overlaps in interaction are generally considered as facilitating conversational tools. Finally, another facilitating strategy is the use of minimal responses such as: aha, uhm, ehe etc . During the turn of the first speaker the addressee will provide agreement or encouragement through these interjections 7. Methodology used for the research With the goal of answering hypothetical questions presented in the introduction such as: Do women speak more than men in political debates? On whose side is dominance? Who gets the floor in Albanian and English political debates? Does language that women use differ from the language that men use in Albanian and English? “What are the cross gender differences? What are the differences between Albanian and English debates? Whose language variety is more prestigious, the women’s or the men’s? The research will be done while observing and analyzing three political TV debates of mixed gender in Albanian and three of those in English. These debates were chosen because there is one to one discourse interaction; therefore it is easier to measure the duration of speech, the longest speech turn, dominance, interruptions and differences in the spoken discourse. 8. Differences in language use in three debates in Albanian �In three political debates male discourse consisted of informal speech, using hedges like “ o burrë” (o man) - 2x, addressed female speaker, cynical laughter -3X, “haj zoti na rujt”, “a jini bre n’veti?” “po shkoni po ju mani ders”. Folk proverbial sayings like:”Punen e sotit mos e le per neser” and “ Katuni që shihet nuk do kallauz” Whereas, female discourse was more standard avoiding informal speech. The female speakers reminded male speakers that they had been talking for half an hour with: Lem te perfundoj , se une fillova ,” qasje e këtillë, arrogance e këtillë”. Other non-standard forms and expressions having many errors were found in male discourse such as: ”erov”, ‘ ket’, ‘qy qy’ ‘m’fal bre’ ‘do te perkrahmi’, ‘per Shqiprije’, ‘i ter kostoja’, ‘pruar’, ‘10 ditev’, ‘kam nje mbeshtetje te fuqishem’ Female discourse was more standard by even using some foreign phrases such as ‘facilituar’ hektike, ‘abstrahim’ ‘ekselent’ ect. There were many interruptions conducted by male counterpart and some of the interruptions were done through cynical laughter. 9. Differences in language use in three debates in English The differences in language use between female and male candidates consisted in the use of some informal expressions such as: ‘What the heck’, ‘that’s baloney’, ‘that’s absolute baloney’ and idiomatic expressions such as: “you let the chips lay where they may” and “we can’t bury our heads in the sands” by the male candidate. There was also cynical laughter by the male side. On the other side, female discourse contains richer terminology; their speech is more standard avoiding informal expressions and there were citations from famous personalities such as Benjamin Franklin’s quote:”If we sacrifice liberty for the sake of security, we will wind up losing both”. Female language is full of adjectives and intensifiers such as:”remarkable’ remarkably X 3, incredible, dreadful, and great’. The differences in the language use between two speakers in the second debate consists in the use of some idiomatic expressions by the male side: “With one hand you give it, with the other you take it”, “glass half empty, glass half full”, “they are getting the short end of the stick”, “you get knocked down, you get up and start again”. Whereas the female candidate uses the citations such as mr. Reagan’s quote:” Freedom is always one generation away from extinction, �we don’t pass it to our children in their blood stream. We have to fight for it, and protect it and hand it to them” Female discourse on the other side tends to be more polite whereas male discourse consists of some other informal expressions such as: “heck a lot better” “my goodness” “blla blla blla” towards female speakers 10. Conclusion The findings of the debates analyses clearly show that there are significantly differences between women’s and men’s language in Albanian and in English in particular, as well as the differences that exist between debates in Albanian and English in general. The differences mainly consist in the use of standard speech by the side of women both in Albanian and English. Men are mostly found in using informal expressions in Albanian and English in general. Some of the women according to debate analyses have used far more adjectives and intensifiers than men did. From the results it can be concluded that in Albanian debates longest speech duration was on the men’s side as well as the longest speaking turns. As far as interruptions are concerned in Albanian debates, women are found in making more interruptions than men. Regarding debates in English, the longest speech duration was on the women’s side, in three debate samples, whereas, the longest speaking turns are found to be on the men’s side. Women in both cases, in English and Albanian tried to be more polite, whereas men are found to perform a cynical laughter in most cases as a response to women’s statements. The most significant difference between debates in English and Albanian is respecting the coo speaker in the debate by not interrupting them, but using time reasonably in rebuttals for answers �References Cameron,D. (1998). “Gender and Language Ideologies” published in “The Handbook of language and gender” (2003) Blackwell publishing Ltd Coulmas,F. (1998) .”The Handbook of Sociolinguistics” Blackwell publishing Ltd. Ҫabej, E. (1978) .”Studime gjuhësore IV”.Prishtinë Eckert,P. and McConnell, -Ginet ,S. 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(2009). Sociolinguistika e shqipes; Nga dialektologjia te etnografia e te folurit. Tirana: Shtepia botuese Moravia. Tahiri.L. (2013) Gjuha dhe lufta e ideve. Shtepia botuese Naimi Tannen, D.(1990). “You just don’t understand” New York Tannen, D.(1993).”Gender and conversational interaction” Oxford University Press Trudgill, P.( 1983). “Sociolinguistics. An Introduction to Language and Society”. Revised Edition. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Wardhaugh , R.(2010) “An Introduction to Sociolinguistics”. Wiley- Blackwell UK � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2915 Title A name given to the resource LANGUAGE AND GENDER DIFFERENCE IN DISCOURSE Author Author Kryeziu, Lendita Abstract A summary of the resource. Many empirical researches on Gender and language have been conducted by numerous sociolinguists in order of finding out the relationship between them. These differences between women’s and men’s language consisted in terms of phonology, lexis, syntax, dominance and difference in discourse analysis. Some other studies have investigated the influence of female - male language differences on maintaining the imbalance power between the two genders. This paper will aim at finding out the relationship between gender and language in political debates in Albanian and English while trying to identify the impact of gender based language in displaying the difference and dominance in conversational interaction. Political debates in English and Albanian will be analyzed in order to distinguish cross gender and cross language differences through the use of linguistic and discourse features such as: turn taking, dominance, minimal response, overlaps, hedges, interruptions etc. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-09 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed P Philology. Linguistics