137 10 3494 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/704ca3ba69b3bec8457f69b557766b51.docx 3484aa206bba7b651aa1153f39097f99 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/3325a3fddb4249357512335307937451.pdf 450091d9887090ee84c77ed670213398 PDF Text Text How to Express Politeness in Swedish? Alexandra Sasha Utrzén Göteborg University / Gothenburg, Sweden Key words: politeness, youth, swedish, urban settings ABSTRACT There are several disciplines studying linguistic politeness but there is no consensus among scientists which definition best describes the phenomenon. Notions of politeness such as politic behavior (Watts, 1992.2003), report management (Spencer-Oatey2002,2008) appropriate behavior (Meier, 1995), or relational (Arundale) are some examples which define politeness by linguistic expressions. Politeness norms are not static in all socio-groups in a society, and my ambition has been to shed light on the sociocultural structure that defines the phenomenon and identify the categories which define politeness. Results show that the informants conceptualisation of politeness involve not only verbal but also non-verbal behavior. In some situations acts, such as giving up one’s seat or helping with the stroller are considered even more important and are valued more highly than the verbal politeness expressions. (ACTION). To ”ask nicely” (fråga snällt); to adjust one’s language, and / or explain a request can be a sign of polite behavior acootding to informants. (ORDERLY LANGUAGE).Good behavior is related to "etiquette" i.e socially acceptable behavior which can be described as a set of socio-cultural norms. According to informants, a person is considered well-mannered when he or she knows how to behave in certain social contexts.(BEHAVIOR) Polite linguistic expressions have to be complemented with proper body language and corresponding prosody in order to express politeness. The prosody is considered very important in successful polite expressions. (PROSODY and BODY LANGUAGE). How to express politeness in Swedish relates directly to the categories that constitute the phenomenon. Results show that young people in urban settings value ”artighet” (politeness) depending on the basis of an "it depends" parameter. Social variables such as R (relationship / feelings), K(context / situation) and A (appearance / age) motivate and justify politeness between speakers. Preliminary results show that categories that constitute politeness in Swedish are: respect (respekt), consideration (hänsyn) and tact (takt). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1702 Title A name given to the resource How to Express Politeness in Swedish? Author Author SASHA UTRZEN, Alexandra Abstract A summary of the resource. Key words: politeness, youth, swedish, urban settings ABSTRACT There are several disciplines studying linguistic politeness but there is no consensus among scientists which definition best describes the phenomenon. Notions of politeness such as politic behavior (Watts, 1992.2003), report management (Spencer-Oatey2002,2008) appropriate behavior (Meier, 1995), or relational (Arundale) are some examples which define politeness by linguistic expressions. Politeness norms are not static in all socio-groups in a society, and my ambition has been to shed light on the socio-cultural structure that defines the phenomenon and identify the categories which define politeness. Results show that the informants conceptualisation of politeness involve not only verbal but also non-verbal behavior. In some situations acts, such as giving up one’s seat or helping with the stroller are considered even more important and are valued more highly than the verbal politeness expressions. (ACTION). To ”ask nicely” (fråga snällt); to adjust one’s language, and / or explain a request can be a sign of polite behavior acootding to informants. (ORDERLY LANGUAGE).Good behavior is related to "etiquette" i.e socially acceptable behavior which can be described as a set of socio-cultural norms. According to informants, a person is considered well-mannered when he or she knows how to behave in certain social contexts.(BEHAVIOR) Polite linguistic expressions have to be complemented with proper body language and corresponding prosody in order to express politeness. The prosody is considered very important in successful polite expressions. (PROSODY and BODY LANGUAGE). How to express politeness in Swedish relates directly to the categories that constitute the phenomenon. Results show that young people in urban settings value ”artighet” (politeness) depending on the basis of an "it depends" parameter. Social variables such as R (relationship / feelings), K(context / situation) and A (appearance / age) motivate and justify politeness between speakers. Preliminary results show that categories that constitute politeness in Swedish are: respect (respekt), consideration (hänsyn) and tact (takt). Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBU Publishing Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013-05-03 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/98ef3ef63e155fe19c5288629463fa32.pdf badb97ff9e20a17c32c6b42f328ff83f PDF Text Text 2nd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, June 8-9, 2010 Sarajevo How to Improve Effectiveness in Public Schools Hasan Arslan Canakkale Onsekiz Mart University Turkey arslan.phd@gmail.com Abstract: The aim of this study is to search effectiveness level of the primary schools, to examine the relationships between the levels of effectiveness and to study whether there is a meaningful relationship between independent factors and level of effectiveness or not. Inputs, climate, teaching, conditions and outputs are taken into consideration as the factors of the effectiveness. While the level of the effectiveness in the primary schools is found in medium level in the sample of 25 primary schools but mean levels are different. Meaningful differences are observed in some of the independent factors. The relationships between some factors are determined as strong positive in coefficient Pearson Correlation. Introduction The researches on the school effectiveness started to find out an answer to the question of “how can we use the facilities of schools to increase the success of students?” at the beginning. How the schools could be more productive and increase their success by using their facilities was discussed. The studies focused on the effectiveness of schools because of the failures of schools and the failures of preparing the students to the society. The indirect pressures held by the politicians, local governors and parents on the schools led to an increase in the numbers of school effectiveness researches (Bergin and Solman, 1995). Today’s schools are very beyond the classical view. The function of today’s school can be described as humanistic, social, cultural and educational (Cheng, 1996; Şişman, 2002). By the global developments, international competitiveness, economic relationships and the rapid changes in the information fostered changes in the structure and running of schools. The schools are affected from these external improvements. That is why, the schools must not deny the global goals of international relationships. Educational reformists, politicians and the school management specialists always have always been interested in the successes of the schools and constructing them better as much as possible. (Balcı, 2002). The researches on the effectiveness of schools are closely related with the educational system in both developed and developing countries. The evaluations on the effectiveness of the schools between the locally and centrally governed are expected to be different (Schiefelbein, 2000). The self improvements and managements of the schools are affected negatively in the countries having strong central governments, since the schools are expected to overcome the standards of central governments. It is inevitable that there are different school effectiveness evaluations between the locally governed schools and school based ones. The schools strictly dependent on central government are resembled to a plaything from a 301 �2nd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, June 8-9, 2010 Sarajevo distance. The successful results of school effectiveness are seen on school based systems (Gamage, Sipple and Partridge, 2002). The schools can represent their authentic characteristics and carry out best management styles and effective works in school based approach (MacBeath and Mortimore, 2001). Private schools like public ones can be regarded as more lucky in the implementation of effectiveness. Besides, being independent in private schools with more competitiveness and market oriented schools are in the competition of offering best service to the students and consequently to their parents. Having autonomous structures in the management of schools increase their effectiveness (MacBeath and MacCall 2001, Bedi and Garg, 2000). Thus, the effectiveness of private schools are higher than the publics. Factors of Determining School Effectiveness In this research 18 key factors are used to evaluate the effectiveness of the schools. Factors are divided into five categories related to each other. School inputs come into system influenced by the educational, cultural, economic and politic factors. This study was implemented to evaluate the effectiveness of public primary schools in Turkey which is a developing country with a very strong central government and not willing to transfer the power to the schools. Despite the lack of political pressures on school effectiveness, parents have some complaints about the schools for preparing the students insufficiently to the society. The government has been struggling to solve the problems about the quantity before the quality. Because the number of the students in the classrooms is more than 40’s and binary education is very common. The business of the schools can be seen as a very important barrier in school effectiveness studies. Designing a continuous improvement is significant to change the structure of today’s schools for effectiveness (Zamuda, Kuklis, Kine, 1996). The partial implementations and changes do not achieve the desirable outcomes. There is a strong relation with the existing culture and school effectiveness (Cheng and Wong, 1996). So the existing culture must have the characteristics of self renovation and development. The aim of this study is to determine the effectiveness level in primary schools and to research the intensity of the relation between the dimensions and to find out if there is a relation between the independent factors and the dimensions of effectiveness. Method This is a descriptive research and the survey of effectiveness was used as a survey instrument. The instrument was applied on 25 public primary schools and 20 teachers participated voluntarily in each school to the scope of the research. Firstly, the teachers were trained for the aim of the instrument and how to handle it. These teachers applied the questionnaire questions to the 20 voluntary teachers in their schools. They gave the questionnaires to the voluntary teachers by explaining the rules for the application. 302 Later, they collected the �2nd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, June 8-9, 2010 Sarajevo questionnaire by giving academic support in case of necessity. 468 questionnaires of the total 500 were collected back available. Questionnaire form including 50 items was applied to the voluntary teachers. Questionnaire form contains five sections except demographic information part: inputs, climate, teaching-learning process, conditions and outputs. The answers to the questionnaire were examined generally and later analyzed as for dimensions, means, frequencies and the percentages. The correlation among the dimensions was analyzed by determining their effectiveness levels after T-Tests and Anova Tests about gender and similar factors. Result Kocaeli City is the targeted population of the research. 500 of the 2000 total primary school teachers in the city participated randomly as a sample. The differences in the rates of teachers according to the gender are close to the each other. % 50.4 of the sample is female and % 49.4 is male (Table I). The range in age group is between 28-33 with the frequency of % 35.5. 22-27 age interval followed this group with frequency of % 25. As it seen on the table I, the teachers participated in the research are relatively young. As to the occupational experience, the rate of 1-5 year interval is % 36.8. The experienced teachers with 6-10 years are in the rate of % 31. According to this data, the teachers participated in the research have the experience of more than 1-10 years in % 60. Variables Gender Female Male Age 22-27 28-33 34-39 40-45 46-above Branch Pr Science and Math Branch Social Sciences Fine Arts Other Job Experience 1-5 6-10 11-15 16-above F % 236 232 50.4 49.6 117 166 85 51 49 25.0 35.5 18.2 10.9 10.5 179 85 138 30 36 38.2 18.2 29.5 6.4 7.7 172 145 56 95 36.8 31.0 12.0 20.3 Tablo I. Frekance and Percentage of Independent Variables by Gender, Age, Branch, 303 �2nd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, June 8-9, 2010 Sarajevo Experience The studies about school effectiveness were held on five dimensions. These dimensions: school inputs, school climate, conditions, outputs of learning-teaching process and the outputs of this process. The three of the five dimensions were divided into sub-dimensions among each other. School inputs were examined in the subtitles of “support of parents and environment”, “support of educational system”, and “sufficient material support”. The dimensions of school climate were examined in the sub-titles of “the expectation from the students”, “positive teacher behaviors”, “order and discipline”, “schedules”, and “rewards and reinforcements”. Finally, conditions were examined in the sub-titles of “effective leadership”, “qualified teacher power”, “flexibility”, and “autonomy”. Learning-teaching process and process outputs were taken up as a single dimension. The highest effectiveness level is in “conditions” with the mean of 3.29 on 5 (Table II). Following the mean of conditions, learning-teaching process is the second highest one with the mean of 3.22, school climate mean is 2.87, school inputs mean is 2.86 and school outputs mean is 2.81. The average mean was found as 3.01 (Table II). The effectiveness level of schools is seen as average from the obtained data. Especially, learningteaching process, school climate and the process outputs are found below the average. The lowness in the school inputs can be explained with the lack of sufficient support from the parents and environment, the problems in the relations between school, parents and environment, unsuitable educative conditions of educational system and insufficient support of material for educative purposes. The lowness of effectiveness level in school climate can be explained as the lack of qualitative schedules for the teachers and students needs, the communication problems between teachers and students, discipline problems in class and school level, old schedules, insufficient rewards and reinforcements for students and teachers. The lowness in educative conditions can be stem from ineffective leadership, inflexibility of working conditions and compulsion. The lowness in the learning-teaching and process outputs can be result from the poor commitment of teachers to the school, methods and techniques of poor quality, overcrowded classes, binary education, the lack of enough effort for students’ success and perfection. f X ss alfa I.School Inputs 466 2.86 .63 .87 The Support from Parents and Environment 466 2.94 .67 .80 The support of Educational System 468 2.84 .83 .82 The Support of Sufficient Material 468 2.79 .77 .85 II.School Climate 462 2.87 .55 .93 The Expectations from the Students 468 2.84 1.07 .53 Positive Teacher’s Behaviors 467 3.17 .78 .79 Order and Discipline 466 2.63 .50 .75 Dimensions 304 �2nd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, June 8-9, 2010 Sarajevo Schedules 467 2.82 .76 .74 Rewards and Reinforcements 467 2.90 .85 .74 III.Conditions 463 3.29 .63 .83 Effective Leadership 466 3.23 .89 .78 Qualitative Teacher Power 466 3.60 .70 .77 Flexibility and Autonomy 467 3.06 .76 .84 IV.Learning-Teaching Process 467 3.22 .58 .85 V.The Outputs of Process 465 2.81 .58 .65 General Mean 457 3.01 .49 .99 Tablo II. Dimensions of School Effectiveness by School Inputs, School Climate Conditions, Learning-Teaching Process, School Outputs (frekans,means,ss, alfa) As the analysis of Table III, the differences between the effectiveness of the dimension can be realized better. The outputs of the process are the lowest mean of 2.81 while the inputs of schools are the second lowest mean of 2.86. The school climate as the process between input and output is the mean of 2.87, conditions; 3.29 and learning-teaching process; 3.22. As it seen in this table III, the effectiveness level of conditions and learning-teaching process are seen relatively higher. Maybe, this data can be result from the effective communication between the teachers, certain culture and climate of school, sufficient device and equipment for the lessons, appropriate methods and techniques. Besides, it is significant that the effectiveness means are relatively higher than the outputs in the reflection. School Climate (X= School Inputs Providing Conditions (X= 3.39) Outputs of ProcessX=2.8 Teach.-Learning (X= 3.22) Tablo III. Comparisons of Means by Dimensions of School Effectiveness The differences can be seen according to the dimensions of the effectiveness and gender in Table III. There is a significant difference in the five dimensions of effectiveness, learning-teaching process, output, input and climate according to the results of t-tests. P value is found as .024 in conditions dimension between males and females. This results shows that there is a significant difference in this dimension. There is a significant 305 �2nd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, June 8-9, 2010 Sarajevo difference between the male and female effectiveness levels in conditions, which shows that the performances of the females are higher in this dimension. Gender N Input Đklim Learning-Teaching Conditions Output X Ss F P Female 234 2.85 .61 .96 ..326 Male 232 2.86 .64 Female 232 2.88 .52 2.74 .098 Male 230 2.86 .58 Female 235 3.25 .58 Male 232 3.18 .59 Female 232 3.35 .58 Male 231 3.24 .67 Female 233 2.77 .58 Male 232 2.86 .58 .18 .743 5.14 .024 .31 .574 Tablo IV. T-test of Dimensions of School Effectiveness by Gender Table V shows whether or not there is a relation between the teachers’ job experiences and effectiveness dimensions. There is not a significant difference between conditions and job experience in the five effectiveness dimensions. However, a significant relation is found between the other effectiveness dimensions and job experience. P value in the process of experience and learning-teaching process is .047, in output process P: .000, in input process P: .012, in climate process P: .003. The reasons for the differences result from the variations of 16 and above age group as to the others. In other words, the effectiveness levels of 16 and above experienced teachers are higher than the others. N X Ss F P 1-5 171 2.85 .62 3.67 .012 6-10 144 2.75 .58 11-15 56 2.85 .68 16-+ 95 3.03 .64 169 2.84 .56 4.66 .003 6-10 142 2.79 .48 11-15 56 2.83 .62 16-+ 95 3.05 .54 171 3.21 .59 2.67 .047 145 3.14 .53 Experience Input Đklim 1-5 Learn-teach 1-5 6-10 306 �2nd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, June 8-9, 2010 Sarajevo Cond. Output 11-15 56 3.22 .59 16-+ 95 3.36 .63 1-5 168 3.31 .63 6-10 145 3.25 .57 11-15 56 3.22 .64 16-+ 94 3.37 .70 1-5 170 2.79 .57 6-10 144 2.71 .55 11-15 56 2.77 .65 16-+ 95 3.05 .54 .99 .394 7.39 .000 Tablo V. Anova Test of School Effectiveness by Experience Pearson Correlation analysis aiming at measuring the relations between effectiveness of the dimensions generally indicates that there is a strong and average relation in the level of P 0.01 in all dimensions. A higher strong relation determined between input and climate (0.750), climate and conditions (0.750), teaching and climate (0.720). There is a relation in the direction of positive at normal level between the dimensions. As seen in Pearson Correlation analysis, a positive relation expected between the effectiveness levels (Table. VII). Correlations CONDITIO TEACHING OUTPUT CLIMATE OK.ıNPUT Pearson Correlation Sig. (2-tailed) N Pearson Correlation Sig. (2-tailed) N Pearson Correlation Sig. (2-tailed) N Pearson Correlation Sig. (2-tailed) N Pearson Correlation Sig. (2-tailed) N CONDITIO TEACHING OUTPUT CLIMATE OK.ıNPUT 1 ,693** ,383** ,758** ,624** , ,000 ,000 ,000 ,000 463 463 461 459 461 ,693** 1 ,509** ,720** ,596** ,000 , ,000 ,000 ,000 463 467 464 463 465 ,383** ,509** 1 ,448** ,442** ,000 ,000 , ,000 ,000 461 464 465 461 465 ,758** ,720** ,448** 1 ,750** ,000 ,000 ,000 , ,000 459 463 461 464 462 ,624** ,596** ,442** ,750** 1 ,000 ,000 ,000 ,000 , 461 465 465 462 466 **. Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed). Tablo VII. Pearson Correlation of Dimensions of School Effectiveness Conclusion The studies related with school effectiveness must gradually increase to meet the requirements of society, to provide and implement more functional educational policies and to run the positive dynamic within 307 �2nd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, June 8-9, 2010 Sarajevo the schools. The studies up to now supplied knowledge and culture accumulation. The national and international studies in developing and developed countries obtained better self-recognizing for schools and revealed that the reality of authentic identity for each school. Every new research contributes to this subject about the accumulation of knowledge and culture. This research shows that the relations between the effectiveness dimensions and demographic indicators are perceived different. The findings of the research differentiate on the contrary with the literature about the positive correlation of “experience and age” and “organizational commitment and performance”. The effectiveness of the primary schools is held on five dimensions. These dimensions are; school inputs, school climate, conditions, learning-teaching process and student outputs. As in the means of dimensions, the highest mean is 3.29 on 5 in conditions dimension. Following the condition dimension, the second highest mean 3.22 is in teaching-learning process. Following these conditions, the mean of school climate is 2.87 and the mean of student outputs is 2.86. The lowest mean is 2.81 of student outputs with the cumulative effect of the other dimensions. These means show us the effectiveness levels in primary schools group between lower of medium and top of the medium limits. In other words, the effectiveness levels of primary schools are definitely insufficient. As to the relations between the independent variables and effectiveness dimensions, significant relations are found between some variables. The relation between conditions and gender is significant in respect of the gender variable. The effectiveness of the females is significantly higher in the conditions dimension. Besides that, significant differences are not found between the gender and the dimension of inputs, school climate, school outputs, teaching-learning process. ANOVA test shows that there is a significant relation between the age of independent variables and effectiveness dimensions in the level of P 0.05. The level of effectiveness of 46 and above age group is significantly higher in all dimensions found by Tukey test showing the effecting factor of age and effectiveness dimensions. A similar result in the relations between the age groups and the dimensions is found like the relation between the experience and the dimensions. Contrary of the literature about the negative correlation between age and performance or effectiveness, in this research a significant relation is found between forward ages and effectiveness as to the other age intervals. A positive relation is seen between all of the dimensions. There is a strong relation between “climate and conditions”, “climate and teaching”, and “climate and outputs”. The relation among the other dimensions is found positively in medium level. According to the research findings, school climate can be admitted more effective than the other dimensions. It is beyond doubt the studies related to the school effectiveness going from general to the particular in knowledge and culture accumulation will increase the students’ success by activating the internal dynamics of the schools. Furthermore, the studies assist to meet the demands of the society and contribute to the adaptation of the educational policies into the school systems functionally. References Arslan, H. (2004). School Effectiveness in Primary Schools. Unpublished Research. 308 �2nd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, June 8-9, 2010 Sarajevo Balcı, A. (2002). Efective Schools: school improvement. Ankara: PegemA Yayıncılık. Bedi, A, and Garg, A. (2000). The Effectiveness of Private versus Public Schools: the case of Indonesia. Journal of Development Economics,61, 463-494. Bergin, M. and Solman, R. (1995). Coping with Restructuring: a study of senior educational administrators. Journal of Educational Administration, 33,2, 52-68. Bernharth, V. (2002). The School Portfolio Toolkit: A Planning, Implementation, and Evaluation Guide for Continuous School Improvement. CA: Eye On Education. Cheng, K, and Wong, K. (1996). School Effectiveness in East Asia. Journal of Educational Administration, vol.34, 5, 32-49. Cheng, Y.C. (1996). A School-based Management Mechanism for School Effectiveness and Development, School Effectiveness and School Improvement, 7,1, 35-61. Cohen, M. (1982). Effective Schools: Accumulating Research Findings. American Education, Jan-Feb., 13-16. Coleman, J.S. (1966). Equality of Educational Opportunity. Washington:D.C.: Government Printing House. Cooley,W.W. ( 1983). Improving the Performance of an educational system. Educational Researcher, 12,6, 412. Creemes, B.P. (1996). School Level Conditions affecting the Effectiveness of Instruction. School Effectiveness and School Improvement, 7,3, 197-228. Cuban, L, (1993). Schools Make a Difference: Lessons Learned from 10-year Study of School Effectiveness. In Teddie, C. and Stringfield, S. (Eds). Preface, New York. Teachers College Press. Davies, B. (1997). Teachers’ Perceptions of School Quality and Effectiveness: improving schools using staff attitude surveys. Educational Management, 11/5, 222-228. Davis, G.A., Thomas, M.D. (1989). Effective Schools and Effective Teachers, Boston: MA: Allyn and Bacon. Fitz-Gibbon , C.T. (1996). Monitoring Education: Indicators, Quality and Effectiveness. London: New York:Casse. Gamage, Sipple, and Partridge (2002). Research on School-based Management in Victoria. Journal of Educational Administration. 34,1, 24,52. Henevelt, W. and Craig, H. (1996). Schools Count: World Bank Project Designsand the Quality of Primary Education in Sub-Saharan Africa. World Bank Technical Paper. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank. Holdaway, E. and Johnson, N. (1993). School Effectiveness and Effectiveness Indicators. School Effectiveness and School Improvement. 4,3, 165-188. Hopkins, D., Ain, M. and West, M. (1994). School Improvement in an Era of Change. London: Cassel. Hopkins,D. (2003). School Improvement for Real. Journal of Education Change, 4, 195-208. Kreft, G.G. (1991). Model-based Ranking of Schools. International Journal of Educational Research, 15,45-61. MacBeath , J. and Mortimore, P. (2001).Improving School Effectiveness.In by J. Macbeath and P. Mortimore (Eds.), School Effectiveness and Improvement: the story so far. Buckingham: Open University Press. MacBeath, J. and MacCall , J. (2001). Improving School Effectiveness.In by J. Macbeath and P. Mortimore (Eds.), The Policy Context. Buckingham: Open University Press. MacBeath, J. Mortimore, P. (2001). Improving School Effectiveness. Buckingham:Open University Press. 309 �2nd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, June 8-9, 2010 Sarajevo McBeath, J., and Stoll, L. (2001). A Profile of Change. Edited by J. Macbeath and P. Mortimore in Improving School Effectiveness. Buckingham: Open University Press. Murphy , J.and others. (1985). Supervising and Evaluating Principals: Lessons from Effective School Districts. Educational Leadership, 43, 2, 78-82. Reeves, J., MacCall, J. and MacGilchrist, B. (2001). Improving School Effectiveness.In by J. Macbeath and P. Mortimore (Eds.),Change Leadership: planning, conceptualization and perception. Reynold, D., Creemers, B.P. and Stoll, L. (1990). Making Good Schools. London: Routledge. Reynolds, D. Teddlie, C. 8 (2000). The Processes of School Effevtiveness. Edited by C.Teddlie and D. Reynolds. London: Falmer Press. Reynolds, D. and Muijs, D. (2000). Effective Teaching: international research. Cambridge: Pearson Publishing. Reynolds, D., Creemers, B.P.M. and Peters, T. (1989a). School Effectiveness and Improvement: Procedings of the First International Congress, London 1988, Cardiff, University of Wales College of Cardiff and Groningen, RION. Rowen, B. (1984). Shamanistic Rituals in Effective Schools, Issues in Education, 2, pp.76-87. Rutter, M. and Maughan, B. ( 2002). School Effectiveness Findings 1979-2002. Journal of School Psychology , 40, 6, 451-475. Scheerens, J. (1999). School Effectiveness in Developed and Developing Countries. Unpublished Report for the World Bank. Scheerens, J. and Bosker, R.J.(1997). The Foundations of School Effectiveness. Oxford: Elsevier Science Publication. Schiefelbein, P. (2000). The Effectiveness of Private versus Public Schools: the case of Indonesia. Journal of Development Economics, 61, 463-494. 310 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 711 Title A name given to the resource How to Improve Effectiveness in Public Schools Author Author Arslan, Hasan Abstract A summary of the resource. The aim of this study is to search effectiveness level of the primary schools, to examine the relationships between the levels of effectiveness and to study whether there is a meaningful relationship between independent factors and level of effectiveness or not. Inputs, climate, teaching, conditions and outputs are taken into consideration as the factors of the effectiveness. While the level of the effectiveness in the primary schools is found in medium level in the sample of 25 primary schools but mean levels are different. Meaningful differences are observed in some of the independent factors. The relationships between some factors are determined as strong positive in coefficient Pearson Correlation. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010-06 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed H Social Sciences (General) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1045 Title A name given to the resource How to Make the Test for the Exam of the Foreign Language Author Author Karavdic, Zenaida Abstract A summary of the resource. Modern teaching methods for foreign language insist mostly on communicative skills and this is what the teacher pays the most attention to. Also, the faculties’ rules insist on written form of the exams. The problem is: how to exam the communicative skills by written tests, especially if you don’t wont, or you can’t use the mother tongue of students? The problem can be solved in several ways: Text with questions about its meaning, pictures of some situation to be describe, the dialog with the gaps to fill… And then, there is one more problem: how much the spell checking is important for the beginners? Which stage of learning some language is the best for insisting on correct spelling? Is it beginning, or later? How much it depend of the type of language? Every answer open more and more questions, but this paper will try to answer at least some of them, including one example of test at the end. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2012-05-04 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed P Philology. Linguistics Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1017 Title A name given to the resource How to Meet the 21st century Teaching Demands Author Author Glušac, Tatjana Abstract A summary of the resource. The 21st-century classroom is an increasingly changeable environment in which teachers are required to update their knowledge and skills constantly. However, professional development opportunities that are available to teachers are more often than not inadequate with respect to the content presented, the format of the presentation, venue or price. Moreover, existing professional development activities are one-shot events and, as such, they cannot meet different teachers’ needs or aid them in their professional pursuits. The 21st-century education calls for the introduction of continuous professional development (CPD) for teachers. As introduction of CPD entails numerous amendments to the entire educational system, it goes without saying that it requires a long time to be implemented. In such a situation, teachers are left on their own to bridge the gap. The paper is based on the results of a yearlong research project in which 10 English language teachers attempted to resolve their teaching issues by transforming their personal knowledge into a collective, shared and cohesive professional knowledge by the means of peer coaching. The aim of the paper is to indicate to the need for teacher cooperation for overcoming classroom challenges, improving their teaching practice and their students’ learning. The results obtained clearly indicate to the fact that peer coaching yields desired changes related to the improvement of teaching practice and students' knowledge even though it is a lengthy process entailing extensive logistics. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2012-05 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed P Philology. Linguistics https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/de33e2093aa5674ad93725da831de728.pdf acfb1c9a9cbdc76c4ad1ba77f9660638 PDF Text Text International Conference on Economic and Social Studies, 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo How to Overcome the Crisis in Relations between the European Union and Turkey Haydar Efe Kafkas University, Kars, Turkey efehaydar@gmail.com There has been a slowdown in the accession negotiations due to the blockage of negotiations chapters since 2006. EU affairs have lost their past lure in Turkey. And, Turkey decided to freeze its relations with the Presidency of the Council of the EU during the second half of 2012 and not to attend meetings chaired by the Cyprus EU Presidency. But despite these negative developments, the enhanced political dialogue between the EU and Turkey has continued. In this framework, the European Union has proposed a new positive agenda in order to enhance Turkey-EU relations and promote reforms in Turkey. The aim of this process is to keep the accession process of Turkey alive and bring a new momentum into TurkeyEU relations. In addition to, the new government in France gives signals it could reconsider its position with regard to the negotiation chapters that had blocked in 2007. Therefore, at present, serious efforts are needed to revive the negotiation process with a new impetus. Keywords: international relations, the European Union 155 � https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/e777142c3a89f1309c5cc61edfb245ca.docx 0abd3909a39155fa05ec57c8cdbc4d7f https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/9feaa234826324b1cbd85a034bba50a9.pdf 7e7008ad39e13bb0eef21247229cb0ff PDF Text Text International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo How to Overcome the Crisis in Relations between the European Union and Turkey Haydar Efe Kafkas University, Kars, Turkey efehaydar@gmail.com Abstract There has been a slowdown in the accession negotiations due to the blockage of negotiations chapters by the European Council since 2006. EU bid have lost its past lure in Turkey. And, Turkey decided to freeze its relations with the Presidency of the Council of the EU during the second half of 2012 and not to attend meetings chaired by the Southern Cyprus EU Presidency. But this problem is not sole problem between Turkey and the EU, there are many problems especially relating to the Customs Union. Although, the Customs Union makes significant contributions to the Turkish economy, but it has causes many problems in the EUTurkey relations. Main purpose of this study was to demonstrate the problems within the scope of the EU-Turkey Customs Union and to propose solutions to these problems. Despite these negative developments, the enhanced political dialogue between the EU and Turkey has continued. In this framework,the European Union hasinitialized a new positive agenda in order to enhance Turkey-EU relations and promote reforms in Turkey. The aim of this process is to keep the accession process of Turkey alive and bring a new momentum into Turkey-EU relations. But, at present, serious efforts are needed to revive the negotiation process with a new impetus and overcome many problems between Turkey and the EU which are faced. Keywords: Turkey-EU relations, accession negotiations, European Union, Customs Union Introduction Turkey‘s relations with the EU/EC started in 1959. This year is the 50th year of Turkey‘s signing Ankara Agreement with the Union. Since then Turkey has carried out many reforms, raised the standards of its democracy, despite the shortfalls and fulfilled the Copenhagen criteria. Indeed, Turkey‘s goal of the EU membership provides an incentive to undertake comprehensive reforms in Turkey. In this context, advances in the fields of democracy and human rights in Turkey are closely related to its EU accession process. Turkey‘s accession process has contributed to overall improvement of democratic standards of Turkey. Turkey share same values and principles such as democracy, human rights and free market. With the strong economic potential and important geostrategic location Turkey is an indispensable country for the EU. But, it is difficult to say that there is a common vision and integrated approach about the enlargement of the European Union. Also, the European Union is not only going through a serious crisis but also is an enlargement fatigue. Currently, Turkey‘s EU accession negotiations have been restrained by the Cyprus issue. But this reason is apparentreason; real reason is a lack of consensus among members of the European Union. In this context, there is not a consensus about Turkey‘s EU membership. They are divided regarding on whether Turkey belongs to Europe. Italy, Spain, United 1 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo Kingdom and Sweden support Turkey‘s membership. On the other hand, Germany, Sarkozy‘s France and Austria oppose Turkey‘s EU membership. Because, with a population of seventy five million will be greater representation in the EU institutions than many big countries such as France, United Kingdom and Spain. Sarkozy and Merkel are opponent of Turkey‘s full membership and they propose ―privilegedmembership‖ i.e. partnership but not full membership. They see the EU as a Christian club and see Turkey as all Middle Eastern. France‘s former president Nicolas Sarkozy has proposed that Turkey be included in the creation of a ―Mediterranean Union‖ but not part of the EU. At the same time, Turkey has strengthened its economy, nowadays it is a sixth largest economy in Europe. But, liberalization and rapid progress in Turkish economy are also closely related in Turkey‘s EU bid. Turkish accession process and the Customs Union have also contributed to the economic development of Turkey and have positively affected Turkish economy. Besides, especially, the Customs Union has also contributed the reinforcement of Turkish industry. In recent decade, Customs Union has given the competitiveness to Turkish economy in the competition with the rival countries. But, many problems in Turkey-EU relations within the scope of Customs Union also originate due to the lack of an integrated approach in the EU. Currently, these problems affect Turkish economy negatively therefore they must be solved. Firstly, CustomsUnion must be based on four freedoms: Free movement of goods; freedom of movement for workers; freedom of provide services and free movement of capital. But, Turkey- EU Customs Union does not cover agriculture, services and public procurement. Turkish workers could not circulate freely in the EU. More importantly, nonexistence of the free circulation of Turkish businesspersons in Europe is a big problem. Besides, according to Customs Union Agreement, Turkey has to accept all decisions of the European Union in other words, it has no right to reject these decisions because Turkey is not a member state of the EU; therefore, it does not have a vote in the EU‘s decision making mechanism. For example, Turkey has to accept all acquits related to Customs Union and decisions of the Courth of Justice of the European Union that there is not any judge from Turkey. Furthermore, Turkey has to accept the EU‘s Free Trade Agreements signed with third countries. The EU does not include Turkey to EU‘s FTA‘s signed with third countries. But, these countries do not want to sign FTA‘s with Turkey. Besides, the EU authorities conducted anti-dumping investigating to Turkish exporters. Another important problem is a transport quota which constitutes barriers to Turkish export goods. These afore mentioned problems and others which we are faced are serious and they must be solved immediately. The Problems within the Scope of the Customs Union between Turkey and the EU Although, the Customs Union makes significant contributions to the Turkish economy and has contributed to the reinforcement of Turkish industry which is capable of competing in global markets? Thanks to the Customs Union, open economy principle has become Turkey‘s economic model. Currently, the EU is Turkey‘s first import and export partner, on the other hand, Turkey ranks 7th in the EU‘s import and 5th in the export markets. Turkey‘s export to the EU are mostly manufactured goods, machinery and transport equipment. Currently, there are many important problems which originated from the Turkey-EU Customs Union. Customs Union is based on Association Agreement also known as Ankara Agreement between Turkey and the EU. Ankara Agreement was signed on 12 September 1963 in Ankara and came into effect 1 December 1964. Since then Turkey has been an associate member of the European Union. In Ankara Agreement, article 2 said that “A Custom Union shall be progressively established” in order toattain the objectives of the Ankara Agreement. Also, Association 2 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo shall comprise a predatory stage; a transitional stage (in these two stage the EU/EC has already eliminated tariffs on Turkish industrial products) and a final stage. “Final stage shall be based on the customs union and shall entail closer coordination of the economic policies of the Contracting Parties” (Ankara Agreement, 2013). After, in November 1970, in order to initialize the second stage (transitional stage) an Additional Protocol was signed and it came into effect 1 January 1973. Its aim was establish a timetable for abolition of tariffs and quotas on Turkish industrial goods traded between Turkey and the EU/EC. After end of the transitional stage which lasted 22 years, since on 1.1.1996, the completion of Customs Union Agreement between Turkey and the European Union, final stage which was planned in Ankara Agreement, began. It is a milestone in Turkey-EU relations and integration of the Turkish economy with EU. Turkey agreed to implement Common Customs Tariff (CCT) which applies to the import of goods across the external borders of the EU. Import and export duties and charges having equivalent affectwholly abolishedbetween the Community and Turkey on date of entry into force of this decision. The Community and Turkey agreed to introduce no new customs duties on imports and exports or any chargeshaving effect from that date (Article 4). More over quantitative restrictions on imports and export and all measures havingequivalent effect shall be prohibited between the Community and Turkey (article 5 and 6). (Decision No 1/95 The EC-Turkey Association Council, www.avrupa.info.tr , 2013) Customs Union Agreement was planned and presented by the EU on a large scale and Turkey signed this agreement without negotiating advantage and disadvantages carefully. But, it contained many liabilities for Turkey than classic Customs Union agreement. Turkey is a sole country in the Customs Union with the EU without being a member of the EU. For this reason, Turkey cannot attend decision mechanisms of the European Union. Besides, Customs Union Agreement gave Turkey many liabilities. In this context, Turkey shall align its commercial policy with the EU‘s common commercial policy and has to carry out to the EU‘s Common Trade Policy completely and it also has to adopt every decision of the European Union in the field of Common Trade Policy. Member states of the EU couldn‘t negotiate trade agreements with third countries by itself. Therefore, the European Commission negotiates Free Trade Agreements with many third countries on behalf of the EU. ―Turkey also accepted the EU‘s trade regime as it was, and was not able to persuade the EU to include a clause that would force the EU to consult with Turkey before signing FTA‘s with third countries. The EU negotiated andsigned FTA‘s with third countries without any involvement of Turkey‖ (Yılmaz, 2011: 242). For this reason, although Turkey has successfully implemented the EU-Turkey Customs Union more than 17 years, there are many problems related to Customs Union. Currently, most serious problem between Turkey and the European Union in the field of Customs Union is non-inclusion of Turkey to the EU‘s Free Trade Agreements. The EU‘s negotiations with Canada, India, Malaysia, Deep and Free Trade Area as a part of Association Agreements Georgia, Armenia and Moldova, Economic Partnership Agreements with African, Caribbean and Pacific countries (ACP) continue currently. On the other hand, the EU‘s finished but not entered into force free trade agreements are with Singapore, Columbia, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guetamala, Honduras, Nicaragua and Panama, Ukraine, Cote d‘Ivoire, Cameroon, Southern African Development Community, Ghana Eastern African Community. (―The EU‘s free trade agreements – where are we?‖ http://europa.eu ,2013) Besides, it also signed many Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) already in force with Turkey‘s rival countries such as South Korea (2011), Peru (2013), Mexico (2000), South Africa (2000) and Chile (2003). (―The EU‘s free trade agreements – 3 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo where are we?‖, http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_MEMO-13-282_en.htm, 2013 ) The EU does not include Turkey in these free trade agreements with third countries. Therefore, Turkey has to negotiate on its own with these third countries. Moreoer, most of these countries which signed agreement with the EU, are not eager to conclude same Free Trade Agreements with Turkey. Because,these countries are Turkey‘s economic competitors. So, Turkey has disadvantage to compete with these states and this situation has had a negative impact on Turkey‘s trade interests. ―Goods of these third countries are subjected to tariffs by one party but not by the other part of this customs union‖. This situation creates unfair competition and put Turkish industry disadvantageous position ( Dedeoğlu, 2010). Furthermore, the European Union also plans to negotiate a FTA (Transatlantic Trade and Investments Partnership) with the USA which is the fourth country in Turkey‘s import. ―A trade pact between the USA and the European Union would encompass half the world‘s economic output and a third of world trade, be most ambitious trade accord since the 1995 formation of the World Trade Organization (―France threaten to block start of EU/US free trade talks‖, http://www.reuters.com, 2013). It is an important opportunity for both sides. But, Turkey worried about this plan. If the EU will sign this agreement with the USA which does not be included Turkey, Turkey will become disadvantage completely. In this situation, unfair competition created by these FTA‘s will affect adversely Turkey‘s foreign trade gap (Onaner, 2013: 25). In this context, Herman Van Rompuy, President of the European Council, touched upon this free trade deal which negotiate between the EU and the USA and its negative effects to the Turkish economy. He said ―For Turkey, since you are part of the Customs Union with the EU. This trade deal (EU-USA FTA) will have important consequences too. That‘s why the European Union is looking into the best way to keep Turkey involved in the process‖ (Speech by President of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy, http://www.abhaber.com , 24 May, 2013). Another important problem within the scope of the Customs Union is the free movement of Turkish workers in the EU. The European Union has not fulfill its obligations stemming from Ankara Agreement and Additional Protocol toward Turkey. In addition to the free movement of goods, the Ankara Agreement also includes progressively securing the free movement of workers “Contracting Parties agreed to be guided by Articles 48, 49 and 50 the Treaty establishing the Community for the purpose of abolishing restrictions on freedom of establishment between them” (article 12), the abolition of restrictions on freedom of establishment between them (article 13) and the abolition of restrictions on freedom to provide services between them (article 14) (Ankara Agreement, 2013). The Additional Protocol, signed in 1970 and entered into force on 1 January 1973, Article 36, titled ―Workers‖ provided ―Freedom of movement for workers between Member States of the Community and Turkey shall be secured by progressive stages in accordance with the principles set out in Article 12 of the Agreement Association between the end of the twelfth (1976) and the twenty second (1986) year after the entry in to force of that agreement‖ (Additional Protocol, 1977). According to the Additional Protocol, Association Council would decide the rules of free movement of Turkish workers in the EU/EC. (Article 36) In this context, Association Council agreed on three decisions on more detailed rules on the status of the Turkish workers in the EU/EC: In the Association Council decisions no 2/76, no 1/80 and no 3/80 (Karluk, 2007: 490). The Association Council Decision No 1/80, Article 8 provides if a job offered by the Community, was not be able to provide for by citizens of the member states, the Community would make an effort recognize the Turkish workers‘ rights of second priority ( 1/80 Ortaklık Konseyi, Kararı, 1980). But, this decision has not fulfilled by the EU and Turkish workers has not been granted the right of second priority which apply for a 4 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo job if the EU citizens do not apply. Finally free movement of Turkish workers has not been materialized in 1986. Within the context of freedom to provide services of Turkish citizens, principle of standstill is very important. The article 41 of the Additional Protocol ―provided for a standstill clause: The contracting parties shall refrain from introducing between themselves any new restriction on the freedom of establishment and the freedom to provide services‖ (Groenendijk and Guild, 2012: 11). So far, all EU member states have not implemented this principle fully in spite of a decision of the European Union Court of Justice. One of the main problems is visa for Turkish citizens within the scope of Customs Union. But, recently, Turkey has become transit gate for illegal human migration. Especially, Turkish-Greek border (Meriç River) is the main gateway to the EU for illegal migrants. Turkey is a transit country for migrants from Asia and ports of Africa such as Afgans, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Algerians and Moroccans. In 2010, according to Frontex, approximately 80 percent detected illegal crossings in to the EU, took place by the Turkish-Greek border (Stiglmayer, 2012: 101). This situation causes concerns to EU members and they do not accept the lifting of visa restrictions. But, ―this visa restrictions and requirements have been an important problem for Turkish citizens since 1980 and create unfair competition‖. Especially, because of the long visa procedures, most adversely affected group is Turkish businessmen. Turkish goods can freely circulate in the Custom Union, but their producers or owners cannot goto EU freely. For this reason, they have lost many business contacts. Visa restrictions ―constitutes not only a technical barrier but also a psychological obstacle for foreign trade‖ (―Visa exemption ‗accelerated‘ Turkish exports‖ www.hurriyetdailynews.com , 2013) Moreover, current visa requirements violate Turkey-EU Customs Union Agreement and the principle of free movement of goods as it is declared in the Association Council Decision 1/95 as well as the Article 41 of Additional Protocol (Yazıcı, 2012: 37). There should be progress in talks oneasing visa restrictions for Turkish citizens travelling to the EU. The EU has been using visa liberalization as a tool for influencing reforms in the neighboring countries instead of enlargement (Özler, 2012: 122-123). After granting visafreedom to the Western Balkan Countries – Serbia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Albenia the EU wants to give visa-free travel for Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaycan and Belarus (Özler, 2012: 127). But, ―same political support does not exist in the case of Turkey. Turkey remains the only state without an official EU roadmap towards visa-free travel among all the candidate and potential candidate countries‖. According to Özler, ―Visa liberalization for Turkey has been presented by European officials as a threat to the EU‘s internal security since it would increase the crime rate in the EU countries‖ (Özler, 2012: 122-123). On the other hand, ‗Imposition of visa requirements for Turkish nationals violates the Additional Protocol. ―As from entry into force of that protocol of a requirement that Turkish nationals must have visa to enter the territory of a member state in order to provide services there on behalf of an undertaking established in Turkey, since, on that date, such a visa was not required. In this context, Germany‘s visa practice was deemed unlawful given that, starting from July 1980, Germany introduced a visa requirement for all Turkish national seeking entry in to Germany‖ (Özler, 2012: 123-124). The European Union Court of Justice has played an important role in interpreting rules based on the Association Agreement. Soysal Case of the European Court of Justice (2009) has been a milestone in the field of visa liberalization of Turkish citizens. TwoTurkish lorry drivers Mr Soysal and Mr Savatlı who were refused visas in order to drive to 5 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo Germany. They appealed against the refusal to the administrative court in Berlin on the basis of that under the agreement it was unlawfull for Germany to require them to obtain visas to travel to Germany at all (Groenendijk and Guild, 2012: 11). In this Case, German authorities claimed that ―visa requirement for Turkish service providers was a requirement of EU law as Turkey is on the black list of the EU‘s Visa regulation 539/2001‖. European Union Court of Justice confirmed its constant jurisprudence that international agreements of the EU take priority over secondary Community legislation. According to the European Union Court of Justice, visa requirements for Turkish service providers restrict economic freedoms and Additional Protocol must be applied and the Visa Regulation dis applied as regards Turkish service providers. Finally, ―Soysal judgment gives a personal right to any Turkish national who wishes to come to the EU to provide services to enjoy access to the territory of any member states on the basis of same conditions which applied either in 1973 or on the date when the relevant member state joined the EU‖ (Groenendijk and Guild, 2012: 18). For this reason, German authorities changed the mandatory visa requirement to reflect the position as it was in 1973. Some of the groups of Turkish nationals such as lorry drivers, worker servicing installations, important artists, researchers and sportsman who were not subject to the visa requirement then were removed from the visa list. (Groenendijk and Guild, 2012: 33-36). In addition to, the European Commission announced it would life visa requirement for Turkish citizens who provide service to Germany, the Netherlands and Denmark asking that the booklet handed out to border officials in those countries be changed accordingly. The new change allows for Turkish citizens providing service to stay for two months in Germany and three months in Netherlands and Denmark without holding a visa. According to this Commission statement the visa exemption for Turkish citizens applies only to Germany, Netherlands and Denmark among the 26 Schengen countries (―EU lifts visa for Turkish…‖www.hurriyetdailynews.com , 2013). European Union officials are reluctant to sign agreement and stipulate to sign the readmission agreement in order to sign visa exemption agreement with Turkey. In this context, Filori said that ―as soon as Turkey signs the readmission agreement, the visa liberalization dialogue would be started by the European Commission but did not give any date for visa free travel‖. In June, 2012 Council authorized the European Commission, to begin talks with Turkey on visa liberalization. The Commission presented a roadmap to Turkey for a visa free regime at the end of November 2012. ―The roadmap outlines specific areas where Turkey should implement a series of reforms, laws and directives such as security, migration management, public order and fundamental rights. Moreover, the progress on the roadmap will be monitored by the Commission‖ (―EU won‘t ask Turkey to…‖, www.todayszaman.com, 2013). Turkish authorities said that it will not ratify the readmission agreement that it sees practical visa facilitation measures for Turkish citizens. Because, Turkey is worried that the agreement will impose a heavy burden on Turkey when it has to take back a large number of irregular immigrants from third countries that use Turkey as a transit point to enter the EU ( ―EU won‘t ask Turkey to…‖, www.todayszaman.com , 2013). In the latest development in this regard,President of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy was in Ankara in 23 May 2013 and held meetings with Turkish officials. Rompuy said on visa at the meeting “I trust that an early signature by Turkey of a so called readmission agreement with the European Union would allow us to advance quickly through the 6 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo roadmap, progress can be swift. Visa free travel would give our relationship a new impetus.”(Speech by President of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy, http://www.abhaber.com , 2013) As a conclusion, visa liberalization process would improve EU-Turkey relations, adding new momentum to the accession negotiations and increase the EU‘s soft power in the international arena. Another important problem is that Turkey-EU Customs Union does not cover agricultural products. Customs Union covers only industrial goods and processedagricultural products. Therefore, Turkish farmers cannot exporttheir agricultural products to the EU. So, Customs Union must include agricultural products. On the other hand, Turkish exporters were affected adversely from the EU‘s anti-dumping investigations and to Turkish products. Besides, transport quotas to Turkish transport sector that have been imposed by the EU must be removed. Finally, the Customs Union envisioned that Turkey received assistance from the EU, but the EU did not allocate support as much as Turkey expects (Yazıcı, 2012: 32-35). All in all, Bureaucratic and administrative obstacles continue and Turkish firms have not had equal opportunities as EU firms. The EU‘s goods and services come to Turkey more easily than Turkish goods and services go to Europe. In this framework, Turkish economy minister Zafer Çağlayan said that ―If the current situation continues, we may have to put the Customs Union with the EU on the table for reassessment as it is now working against Turkey‖ (Minister says Turkey to ―reconsider‖ EU Customs Union, http://www.todayszaman.com , 25 March 2013) Cyprus Issue Another important problem in the Turkey-EU relations is a Cyprus Problem. This issue affects negatively not only Turkey‘s whole accession negotiations, but also affect the Customs Union with the EU. But, according to Dedeoğlu, Cyprus problem is an apperent reason within the context of Customs Union issue. Customs Union issue must not only be understood as a side effect of the Cyprus problem. This problem is bigger than this (Dedeoğlu, 13 March 2010) Wrong policies implemented by the European Union have because Cyprus Issue becomes more complex. On the referandum of Annan Plan, aims to reunite the divided island in April 2004, Turkish Cypriots said ―yes‖ but Greek Cypriots said ―no‖ with large majority. The European Union accepted a part of a divided island as a sole representative of the island, member state to the EU. On the other hand, isolation on Turkish Cypriots who want to a solution to the Cyprus Issue and said ―yes‖ to the Annan referendum. Since 3 October 2005, Turkey and the EU has begun the accession negotiations for Turkey‘s EU membership, so far, the EU could opened with Turkey only 13 of the 35 chapters and has only completed one chapter. Main reason of slow pace of accession negotiations is suspension of many chapters at the Turkey‘s accession negotiations due to the Cyprus issue. After Greek Administration of Southern Cyprus‘s become EU member, the European Union demand to extend Additional Protocol of the Ankara Agreement and Customs Union to 10 new members which joined the EU in 1 May 2004. But Turkey refused to open its ports and air space to Greek Cypriots‘s vessels and airplanes. At this point, ―the EU sent mixed signals, extending its one hand the carrot of accession talks and waving a stick in the other hand warning that negotiations could be suspended at any time‖ (Patton, 2007: 344). In 2006, the EU Council froze the Turkey‘s accession negotiations in eight chapters. These chapters are free movements of goods (1), right of establishmentand freedom to provide 7 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo service (3), agricultural and rural development (11), fisheries (13), transport policy (14), Customs Union (29) and external relations (30). In 2007, France has declared that it will not allow the opening of5 chapters as they are directly related with full membership. These chapters are Agriculture and rural development (11) (this chapter already blocked in 2006), economic and monetary policy (17), regional policy and coordination of structural instruments (22), financial and budgetary provisions (33), and instructions (34). And in December 2009, Greek Administration Southern Cyprus blocked six chapters of Turkish accession negotiations. These chapters are freedom of movement of workers (2), energy (15), judiciary and fundamental right (23), justice, freedom and security (24), education and culture (26), foreign security and defense policy(31)(Turkey-EU relations, mfa.gov.tr, 2013). As can be seen above many chapters are related Customs Union in addition to the Customs Union chapter(29). Therefore, in order to solving the problems in the field of Customs Union and related subjects such as free movements of goods, freedom of movement of workers and right of establishment and freedom provide service, accession negotiations must be alive as soon as possible. Especially, in order to solve the problems within the scope of Customs Union, accession negotiations should be started. Therefore, opening new chapters in Turkey‘s accession process will be a strong and a clear signal demonstrating that the process is moving forward. Last year, Southern Cyprus took up EU presidency, during the Greek Cypriots‘ presidency, Turkey refused to have anything to do with a country it does not recognize. Turkey froze diplomatic relations with the Greek Cypriot‘s presidency but not EU‘s other institutions such as Commission and High Commissioner for For Foreign Policy. One of the main reasons for the introduction of the ― positive agenda‖ was to overcome this issue. Turkish Foreign Minister said that if any EU country will break the embargo on Turkish Cypriots, as promised before the 2004 referendum, then Turkey will open its ports and airspace to Greek Cypriot vessels which is the apparent reason behind blocking EU accession negotiations (Yetkin, 2013). In this context, Turkey demands the EU to lift the isolation of Turkish Repuclic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) as it promised to in April 2004 before Ankara will open its ports to Greek Cypriot vessels and its air space to Greek airplanes. In this framework, there is a positive signal that Anastasiades won the election in the Southern Cyprus who backed a 2004 UN plan to reunite the island. Turkey welcomed the election of Nicos Anastasiades but his first priority their ongoing economic crisis. Therefore, he had not met with the Turkish counterpart Derviş Eroğlu (Paul, 2013). Despite being frozen Turkey-EU relations, today Turkey continues to see EU membership as a strategic goal. Turkey‘s goal of the EU membership provides a win-win situation for the two sides. Because, Turkey and the European Union needs each other. As expressed by Egemen Bağış ―A European Union without Turkey is poor, plain and simple one…the sun of Europe rises from İstanbul every morning‖ (―Europe‘s sun rises from İstanbul‖, hurriyetdailynews.com). The Importance of the Negotiation Process to Revive Accession negotiations are the main subject in the Turkey-EU relations. Turkey‘s recent progress in the direction of democratic consolidation must also be counted as a important achievement of the EU‘s policy of enlargement (Zucconi, 2006:94). Because ―the EU enlargement process continues to offer an instrument by which non-democratic and other negative tendencies can be checked. It also continues to act as an ―anchor‖ and a ―disciplining factor‖ so that instable Turkey would affect EU‘s European 8 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo NeighborhoodPolicy‖. Eventually, there is not any progress in the Turkey-EU relations will reduce EU‘s influence Turkey and would undermine the EU‘s international credibility in the eyes of other countries aspiring to membership(Alessandri, 2010: 97). Turkey‘s embassador to the EU said that ― in the absence of any clear perspective of accession, there is no reason why Turkey should align its legislation toward narrow EU standarts. To put it simply the EU has lost its leverage on Turkey‖ ( ―EU has lost its leverage on Turkey‖, http://euobserver.com , 2013). The quest for EU membership acted as a disciplining factor on Turkey. The ―EU anchor‖ also fostered democratization and supported Turkey‘s reforms undertaken in the 1990s to gain candidate country status (Alessandri, 2010: 88). One reason of the European Union‘s win the Nobel Peace Prize is the EU‘s contributions to the human rights and democracy standards in Turkey. In this context, in 2006, Turkey-EU negotiation process stalled thereafter pace of reforms achieving the EU standards slowed down considerably. The reform process has never fully regained momentum since then support for EU membership has declined among the public (Alessandri, 2010: 91). But, Turkey‘s accession process remain deadlocked for last five term Council Presidency consequently . Since, June 2010, no chapter has been opened. In this context, in Turkey‘s Accession Process 17 chapters are blocked. However, it becomes very positive developments recently. The European Parliament‘s General Assembly adopted a 2012 progress report on Turkey providing a potential catalyst for the opening of new chapters for Turkey after years of deadlock between Turkey and the EU. Member of the European Parliament called on the European Council to open negotiations on the judiciary, fundamental rights and home affairs( justice, freedom and security) to accelerate the reform process (―New EU Chapters to give pace to Turkish reforms‖, hurriyetdailynews.com). On the other hand, Finland‘s foreign minister said that Finland regrets the political blockade that has been applied to Turkey for Ankara‘s EU accession process. He also said they thought Turkey‘s negotiations should proceed normally and ―there will be some chapters opened‖ (―Finland regrets block on Turkish bid‖, hurriyetdailynews.com). In France, Sarkozy, staunch opponent of Turkey‘s EU membership lost the election and François Hollande who have more favorable view of Turkey‘s EU membership. After Hollande become president, France‘s foreign policy towards Turkey will change likely. France‘s new government give signals it could reconsider its position with regard to the negotiation chapters that had blocked in 2007. After Sarkozy, France‘s new president François Holland decided to let one of five chapters that it had blocked under Sarkozy term. The recent decision by France to lift its blockage on 22. chapter, ―Regional Policy and Coordination of Structural Instruments‖ is a promising first step. France‘s blockage on the remaining four chapters should be also come to end in the near future. According to Flautre, lifting the block on chapter 22 is just the first stage showing France‘s positivity towards Turkish membership and signals that French government may lift their block of other chapters. She emphasized opening of chapter 23 ―Judiciary and fundamental rights‖ and chapter 24 ―Justice, freedom and security‖ are also very important for Turkish democracy (Donat, 2013). On the other hand, Turkey is seen as a model country by the Muslim nations. Turkey‘s long lasting ties with the EU and the USA, secular state structure, especially, Turkey‘s experience with secularism and bid of EU membership are very important (Kahraman, 2010: 704). So Turkey is the unique country which compatible of Islam and democracy. Therefore, peoples of the Arab countries aspires to the lifestyle in Turkey. At the same time, Arab countries also take as an example Turkey‘s liberal economy. Turkish economy has grown and become more open continuously since 1980‘s. Its liberal economy is a 9 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo good model for development for Arab countries. Therefore, with European Neighborhood Policy, the European Union, who want to create democratic and economically strong countries in its vicinity, needs Turkey as an unique partner with its positive image in the Middle East (Kahraman, 2010: 708). For this reason, starting accession negotiations again will make a positive impact not only Turkey-EU relations but also relations between Turkey and Muslim countries. Positive Agenda In order to overcome this impasse at the accession negotiations, the EU tries to finding a new way to regain momentum to the Turkey-EU relations: ―positive agenda‖. It started of the talks on 17 May 2012. Main aim of the ―positive agenda‖ process is to keep the accession process alive and make progress in the field of Turkey‘s accession negotiations which seventeen chapters have been blocked by the European Council because of the Cyprus dispute. Positive agenda process is new way of work to support Turkey‘s accession process to the EU, but it is not alternative to the accession process. ―It covers a broad range of areas such as intensified dialogue and cooperation on political reforms, visa, mobility and migration , energy, fight against terrorism, further participation of Turkey in EU programmersas well as Customs Union and trade in the negotiations and free trade agreements‖ (Enlargement Strategy 2011-2012, 2011: 19). Conclusion There are many problems in the relations between Turkey and the EU and future of relations between the EU and Turkey looks very unclear. At first, there is no consensus about Turkey‘s membership to the EU and accession negotiations are stalled. Therefore, there are a lot of problems such as the EU‘s FTA‘s with third countries and visa exemption of Turkish citizens within the scope of Customs Union. These problems should be solved and all trade obstacles should be removed. For this reason, accession negotiations should be initiated as soon as possible. Chapter of the Customs Union is one of the most successful subjects in the accession negotiations. Because, Turkey has 17 years of experience in this field. Progress achieved in the accession negotiations in the framework of the Customs Union chapter, will contributes to Turkey-EU relations and affects all accession negotiations positively. If the EU wants to be global actor and economically competitive power in the changing world, in the near future, after three years without any significant progress in the Turkey‘s accession negotiations should pay attention and resume Turkey‘s accession negotiations and improving ties with Turkey in the coming period. In this context, Turkey‘s membership of the EU should be accepted. Not to accept Turkey‘s membership to the EU is contrast to the principles founded on the Union. Turkey hopes for the opening of one chapter in the accession negotiations and open a new page in TurkeyEU relations during the Irish rotating presidency of the European Union. Therefore accession negotiations must go on. Because, Turkey‘s EU membership will add dynamism to the European Union. References Alessandri, Emiliano (2010) ―Turkey‘s New Foreign Policy and the Future of Turkey-EU Relations‖, The International Spectator: Italian Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 45, No.3, September 2010, p.85-100. 10 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo Additional Protocol, (31.12.1977)Official Journal of the European Communities, No L361/1, http://www.abgs.gov.tr/files/AB_Iliskileri/tur_en_realitons/protocol_1977.pdf , (03.05.2013) Ankara Agreementhttp://www.abgs.gov.tr/index.php?p=117&I=2 , (02.05.2013) Decision No 1/95 of the EC-Turkey Association Council of 22 December 1995 on Implementing the Final Phase of the Customs Union (96/142/EC), http://www.avrupa.info.tr/fileadmin/Content/Downloads/PDF/Customs_Union_de s_ENG.pdf , (03.05.2013) Dedeoğlu, Beril, ―Reconsidering the customs union‖, (13 March 2010) http://www.todayszaman.com/columnistDetail_getNewsById.action?newsId=204 186&columnistId=65, (05.05.2013) Donat, Gözde Nur, (2013) ―Flautre says 2013 shaping up to be a spring in Turkey-EU relations‖, http://www.todayszaman.com/newDetail_openPrintPage.action?newsId=307361 , 01.05.2013) Enlargement Strategy and Main Challenges 2011-2012, Communication From Commission to the European Parliament and the Council COM (2011) 666 final. ―Europe‘s sun rises from Istanbul, Turkish EU minister says‖, April 28 2013, http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/europes-sunrises-from-istanbul-turkish-euminister-says.aspx?pageID=238&nID=452968&NewsCatID=338 (28.04.2013) ‗EU has lost its leverage on Turkey‘ ambassador http://euobserver.com/enlargement/32510 , (28.04.2013) says‖, 20.06. 2011, ―EU lifts visa for Turkish citizen providing service in Germany, Netherlands and Denmark‖, 05.01.02013, www.hurriyetdailynews.com./eu-lifts-visa-for-turkishcitizens-providing-service-in-germany-netherlands-anddenmark.aspx?pageID=238&nID=37530&NewCatID=351 (01.05.2013) ―EU won‘t ask Turkey to suspend visa free travel with third countries‖, 15 May 2013, http://www.todayszaman.com/news-315540-eu-wont-ask-turkey-to-suspend-visafree-travel-with-third-countries.html , 15.05.2013) ―Finland ‗regrets‘ block on Turkish bid‖, April 28 http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/finland-regrets-block-on-turkishbid.aspx?pageID=44872&NewsCatID=351, (28.04.2013) 2013, ―France threaten to block start of EU/US free trade talks‖, 18.04. 2013, http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/04/18/us-eu-us-tradeidUSBRE93H11A20130418 , (01.05.2013) 11 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo Groenendijk, Kees and Guild, Elspeth, (2012) Visa Policy of Member States and the EU Towards Turkish Nationals After Soysal, Economic Development Foundation, No: 257, Third Edition, Kahraman, Sevilay (2011)― Turkey and the European Union in the Middle East: Reconciling or Competing with Each Other‖, Turkish Studies, Vol.12, No.4, December 2011, p. 699-716 Karluk, Rıdvan, (2007) Avrupa Birliği ve Türkiye, Beta Yayınları, 9. Baskı, Istanbul. ―New EU Chapters to give pace to Turkish reforms‖, April 28, 2013, http://www. Hurriyetdailynews.com/new-eu-chapters-to-give-pace—to-turkishreforms.aspx?pageID=238&nID=451978&NewsCatID=338 (28.04.2013) Mehmet Ş. Onaner, (2013) ― ‗Genişlemiyoruz ‗ diyen AB bizi uyutuyor mu?‖, Milliyet Gazetesi, 23 Nisan 2013, p. 25. (Minister says Turkey to ―reconsider‖ EU Customs Union, ( 25 March 2013) http://www.todayszaman.com/news-310708-minister-says-turkey-to-reconsider-eucustoms-union.html , (05.05.2013) Ortaklığın Geliştirilmesine İlişkin 19 Eylül 1980 Tarihli 1/80 Sayılı Ortaklık Konseyi Kararı,Turkey-European Union Assosiation Council Decisions 1964-2000, http://www.abgs.gov.tr/files/AB_Iliskileri/okk_tur.pdf , (04.05.2013) Özler, Zeynep (2012) ― Breaking the Vicious Circle in EU-Turkey Relations: Visa Negotiations‖, Turkish Policy Quarterly, Volume 11, Number 1, Spring 2012, pp.121-131. Patton, Marcie J. (2007) ―AKP Reform Fatigue in Turkey: What has happened to the EU Process‖, Mediterranean Politics, Vol. 12, No: 3, November 2007, pp. 339-358. Paul, Amanda ―Restarting the EU-Turkey engine?‖, (16.04. 2013) http://www.todayszaman.com/newsDetail_openPrintPage.action?newsId=312844 , (01.05.2013) Speech by President of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy at the Turkish Business Assosiation TOBB, http://www.abhaber.com/manset-haber/mansethaber/abhaber-herman-van-rompuyun-tobbda-yaptigi-konusmayi-yayimliyor050108 , (24.05. 2013) Stiglmayer, Alexandra, (2012) ― Visa Free Travel for Turkey: in Everbody‘s Interest‖, Turkish Policy Quarterly, Volume 11, Number 1, Spring 2012, pp. 99-109. ―The EU‘s free trade agreements – where are we?‖, release_MEMO-13-282_en.htm , (01.05.2013) http://europa.eu/rapid/press- Turkey-EU relations, http://www.mfa.gov.tr/relations-between-turkey-and-the-europeanunion.en.mfa , (01.05.2013) 12 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo Turkey trading with the world, http://ec.europa.eu/trade/policy/countries-andregions/countries/turkey/ , (01.05.2013) ―Visa exemption ‗accelerated‘ Turkish exports‖ www.hurriyetdailynews.com/visaexemption-accelerated-turkishexports.aspx?pageID=238&nID=458188NewsCatID=344 , (01.05.2013) Yazıcı, Hayati, (2012) ―Turkey – EU Relations and the Customs Union: Expectations versus the reality‖, Turkish Policy Quarterly, Volume 11, Number 1, Spring 2012, pp.25-37. Yetkin Murat ―Can Cyprus solve the Turkey-EU http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/can-cyprus-solve-the-turkey-eudeadlock.aspx?pageID=42796&NewsCatID=409 , (28.04.2013) deadlock?‖, Yılmaz, Kamil (2011) ―The EU-Turkey Customs Union Fifteen Years Later: Better, Yet not the Best Alternative‖, South European Society and Politics, Vol.16, No.2, June 2011, pp. 235-249. What is the Common Customs Tariff? http://ec.europa.eu/taxation_customs/customs/customs_duties/tariff_aspects/ (28.04.2013) , Zucconi, Mario (2006) ―Turkey‘s Vital and Turbulent Road to the European Union‖, The International Spectator: Journal of International Affairs”, 1/2006, p.83-94. 13 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1616 Title A name given to the resource How to Overcome the Crisis in Relations between the European Union and Turkey Author Author EFE, Haydar Abstract A summary of the resource. There has been a slowdown in the accession negotiations due to the blockage of negotiations chapters since 2006. EU affairs have lost their past lure in Turkey. And, Turkey decided to freeze its relations with the Presidency of the Council of the EU during the second half of 2012 and not to attend meetings chaired by the Cyprus EU Presidency. But despite these negative developments, the enhanced political dialogue between the EU and Turkey has continued. In this framework, the European Union has proposed a new positive agenda in order to enhance Turkey-EU relations and promote reforms in Turkey. The aim of this process is to keep the accession process of Turkey alive and bring a new momentum into Turkey- EU relations. In addition to, the new government in France gives signals it could reconsider its position with regard to the negotiation chapters that had blocked in 2007. Therefore, at present, serious efforts are needed to revive the negotiation process with a new impetus. Keywords: international relations, the European Union Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013-05-10 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 978-9958-834-23-3 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/21a94d0fd76383c51014eb1c62e8e370.docx 988c5e4bf8065e03e34894e67636b069 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/d1290b9de372a50b840fdae8a4152870.pdf b2e3b8ead48b7dc40081ed123b222fd9 PDF Text Text How to Teach Paragraph Structure Marna Broekhoff Meliksah University / Kayseri, Turkey Key words: downshifting, abstraction, critical ,thinking, paragraph development ABSTRACT One of the biggest problems in teaching paragraph writing, to both non-native and native English speakers alike, is the concept of adequate development. Too often students write “paragraphs” of only one sentence, or of multiple but only loosely related sentences. We urge them to write a more general topic sentence and more specific supporting details, but what does this mean? Many international students are not familiar with writing in paragraph form and have difficulty distinguishing general from specific. A concrete technique for teaching paragraph development stems from the semanticist S. I. Hayakawa’s “Ladder of Abstraction” and his concept of “downshifting.” It consists of four steps, starting with word pairs and sentence pairs, then the abstraction ladder itself, sample paragraphs, and finally, students’ own paragraphs. Consensus on the level of generality of a particular item is less important than understanding the interplay between levels. For many students the visual aid of the abstraction ladder and the act of numbering sentences fit well with their learning modalities. Participants in this hands-on demonstration will analyze and rewrite examples for all four steps, taking home several concrete ways to teach paragraph writing. This paragraph development technique improves not only writing, including significance, support, unity, and coherence through adequate transitions. Students can see the whole essay as a macrocosm of paragraph structure. The technique also improves reading, note-taking, and exam preparation by helping students distinguish main ideas from evidence, generalizations from supporting details, and inference from fact. It can even help students separate the woods from the trees in their personal lives! � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1846 Title A name given to the resource How to Teach Paragraph Structure Author Author BROEKHOFF, Marna Abstract A summary of the resource. Key words: downshifting, abstraction, critical ,thinking, paragraph development ABSTRACT One of the biggest problems in teaching paragraph writing, to both non-native and native English speakers alike, is the concept of adequate development. Too often students write “paragraphs” of only one sentence, or of multiple but only loosely related sentences. We urge them to write a more general topic sentence and more specific supporting details, but what does this mean? Many international students are not familiar with writing in paragraph form and have difficulty distinguishing general from specific. A concrete technique for teaching paragraph development stems from the semanticist S. I. Hayakawa’s “Ladder of Abstraction” and his concept of “downshifting.” It consists of four steps, starting with word pairs and sentence pairs, then the abstraction ladder itself, sample paragraphs, and finally, students’ own paragraphs. Consensus on the level of generality of a particular item is less important than understanding the interplay between levels. For many students the visual aid of the abstraction ladder and the act of numbering sentences fit well with their learning modalities. Participants in this hands-on demonstration will analyze and rewrite examples for all four steps, taking home several concrete ways to teach paragraph writing. This paragraph development technique improves not only writing, including significance, support, unity, and coherence through adequate transitions. Students can see the whole essay as a macrocosm of paragraph structure. The technique also improves reading, note-taking, and exam preparation by helping students distinguish main ideas from evidence, generalizations from supporting details, and inference from fact. It can even help students separate the woods from the trees in their personal lives! Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBU Publishing Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013-05-03 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/38cbaf93f146632953dd68305c03690c.pdf db18e5d11471ca04dbceaa33efb220c7 PDF Text Text 1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo How to Teach Phrasal Verbs Çağrı Tuğrul Mart English Language Teaching Ishik University, Iraq tugrulbey@hotmail.com Abstract: Teaching phrasal verbs is a difficult area. Many a study has proved that contextualization has an important positive effect on the ability of the students to decipher the correct meaning of a phrasal verb. In this article you will read some useful approaches to the presentation of phrasal verbs to improve the students‘ level of understanding. Key Words: phrasal verbs, context, song A Phrasal Verb is a phrase which consists of a verb in combination with a preposition or adverb or both, the meaning of which is different from the meaning of its separate parts: ‗look after‘, ‗work out‘ and ‗make up for‘ are all phrasal verbs (Koprowski, 2005). According to Trask (1993: 208) a phrasal verb is lexical verb ―which consists of a simple verb combined with one or more particles‖ and whose meaning is typically unpredictable. Phrasal verbs have been the source of frustration for learners of English. Many students talk about the difficulties they have using the phrasal verbs. The issue of how best to teach phrasal verbs is still quite controversial. Although teaching of phrasal verbs has been daunting and difficult for teachers, and therefore tedious for learners, it is necessary to develop our students‘ skills in understanding and using them. Since phrasal verbs are frequently used by native speakers both in written and spoken English, students need to be encouraged to learn them. ―There is no specified way or a programmed manner in which a student can learn all the phrasal verbs, nouns, adjectives, and idioms. The authors observe that the only way to acquire such knowledge is by extensive reading and listening‖ (Al-Sibai, 2003). Avoid teaching phrasal verbs in alphabetical lists. ―One big advantage of this method is that it is thorough and comprehensive. But, the problem with a long list is that it is one thing to memorize a phrasal verb and its meaning, but quite another to bring the phrasal verb into your active, everyday speaking and listening‖ (Dainty, 1992). Through this method ―many students know the phrasal verb from a list, but then fail to use it or recognize it in their conversations with native speakers. Lists can be useful, but it may be difficult to transfer this knowledge from the written page to your active knowledge‖ (Dainty, 1992). And also avoid teaching phrasal verbs solely on the basis of the verb in them. For example, it would not be advisable to teach every phrasal verb that incorporates the word "get" in one lesson. The phrasal verbs taught this way have nothing else in common other than the verb in them, and it is very difficult to understand and retain the context of whole phrasal verbs in this way (Norman, 2010). How then are we supposed to teach phrasal verbs? Andrzej Cirocki, a proponent of the ‗text/ context method‘, has a useful approach to teach phrasal verbs. He states that if we aim at teaching a few Phrasal Verbs to our students, we should present them in many different real contexts so as to enable them to deduce their exact meaning and to see whether they are transitive or intransitive, separable or inseparable. All these items can be noticed by the students if Phrasal Verbs are presented in authentic contexts (Cirocki, 2003). In his article ‗ Teaching Phrasal Verbs my Means of Constructing Texts‘ he explains his approach in the following way. For instance, we may ask our students to read a text entitled 'Hotel Blaze Escape Drama' in which a few Phrasal Verbs can be spotted. HOTEL BLAZE ESCAPE DRAMA At present it is not known how the fire started. It seems the fire, broke out in the early hours of the morning. The fire alarm went off at around 2.00 a.m. It is thought it was set off by smoke coming from one of the bedrooms on the first floor. The fire spread quickly from the first floor to the second floor. The fire brigade were called in immediately and fire fighters were on the scene within 15 minutes, but by this time the hotel was already in flames. They fought the blaze and managed to get it under control, though it took them to hours to put the fire out. 281 �1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo Through this method students are able to acquire phrasal verbs better because it is more productive and easier to learn phrasal verbs from a context. ―Students are able to pick up the meaning of a phrasal verb from its context even though they have never seen it before‖ (Dainty, 1992). While reading 'Hotel Blaze Escape Drama' students get to know new Phrasal Verbs whose meaning and function are explained in the context. Thus, they can be learnt in a natural way. The text constitutes a kind of a background for the new Phrasal Verbs and has been formed to serve as a context, through which new Phrasal Verbs can be presented and explained. However, this is not a genuinely authentic context. Having read such a text, the meaning of these Phrasal Verbs should be clear. If it is not, we should provide students with other contexts so that they could guess the meaning, which makes students remember new Phrasal Verbs much better. Not until then, could they make use of Phrasal Verbs in their own texts (Cirocki, 2003). Dina Al-Sibai states that in this method Cirocki proposes that students should be encouraged to read a passage where phrasal verbs are presented in real contexts and then deduce their exact meanings as well as determine if they are transitive or intransitive, separable or inseparable, etc. In this way, the context contained in the passage becomes a kind of a background formed to serve as a context through which new phrasal verbs are presented and explained. Employing such a technique, the meanings of various phrasal verbs should become clearer and easier to comprehend. If they are not, students must be offered other contexts so that they can try to fathom the meanings one more time, or even more (Al-Sibai, 2003). Cirocki maintains that to assure oneself that students understand the meaning of new Phrasal Verbs, teachers can move to the next stage, that is, fixing stage where the establishing of knowledge on Phrasal Verbs takes place. Having deduced meanings of Phrasal Verbs from authentic contexts, it is time to apply such types of exercises so that they could enable students to memorise them much better and also present them in new contexts. These exercises have nothing to do with creativity they are very useful, though. Before students begin constructing their own texts, they first have to work on simple exercises in order to fix new material. Afterwards, they may make use of it in their own texts. For instance, in this exercise students are asked to complete sentences with the appropriate Phrasal Verbs in their correct form (Cirocki, 2003). catch sb out; fill sth in; cut sth out; take up sth 1. If you want to lose weight , ___ potatoes, bread, and sweet things for a week. 2. The oral exam was difficult. The examiner tried to ___ (me) by asking some tricky questions. 3.My brother has___ karate. He trains three times a week. 4. Here are the visa application forms. You have to ___ (them) and return them to the consulate. In this step establishing the knowledge of phrasal verbs takes place. Teachers are advised to construct fill-in-the-blanks exercises which can enable students to memorize such verbs faster and more accurately. These exercises help to memorize the meanings and utility of newly-acquired phrasal verbs (Al-Sibai, 2003). In his criticism of the traditional approached to teaching phrasal verbs, Thornbury suggests that ―phrasal verbs are best learned on item-by-item basis, and preferably in short contexts that demonstrate their syntactic behaviour‖ (Thornbury, 2002: 125). According to Thornbury, phrasal verbs should be acquired like the rest of the lexis by providing meaningful context, exposure, and recycling. And Thornbury encourages teachers to provide texts that have high frequency of phrasal verbs in them. Kailani stresses that it is only through genuine practice that accuracy and effectiveness could be increased, regardless of the method or technique being adapted (Kailani, 1995). According to R. Wyss, if phrasal verbs are presented to students in lists that are void of real or relevant context, students will not be stimulated enough to learn them. He observes that learners need a meaningful contextual background in order to reinforce memory and sustain interest. He suggests that a practical solution for learners would be to deduce the meanings of phrasal verbs as they appear in reading passages (Wyss, 2002). Another exercise worth recommending is based on providing students with a particular topic and associating it with Phrasal Verbs. For instance; teachers may ask their students to write a letter to their friends talking about their problems with studying. While writing such a letter students have a possibility to make use of Phrasal Verbs of the following type: get down to, keep on with, take down, fall behind, put off, get through, catch up with and many others (Cirocki, 2003). In practice it may look like this: 282 �1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo DearPaul, I have problems with my studies at school I find it difficult to get down to work in the afternoons and I can't concentrate on anything right now. I spend most of my time listening to CDs or watching TV instead of doing my homework. The other students in my class are much better than I am and I find it hard to keep up with them. I can't take down the important things my teacher says because I write very slowly. He has told me that I'm falling behind with my lessons. I'm not good at… In order to make our students write fully authentic texts, the role of the teacher is confined to proposing an interesting topic. Nevertheless, teachers may also ask their students to make use of as many Phrasal Verbs as possible in their compositions. The main asset of such exercises is the fact that students write about things they are fond of and are really interested in. This enables students to apply long term memory, due to which they will be able to remember certain things for ever and make use of them in various speeches or essays (Cirocki, 2003). As Nuttall points out ―we learnt most of our vocabulary by using it: meeting the spoken words frequently and in situations that we understand, we gradually assimilated their meaning‖ (Nuttall, 2005). Shelley Vernon suggests that phrasal verbs need to be learned in the same way as any other type of verb. Students need to learn the phrasal verb as a vocabulary item and also how to use it in sentences. It can help to learn meanings in one lesson and work on integrating the language in a different session. This anyway is helpful with lower levels so students are not overwhelmed. A fun game to use to teach the vocabulary side of phrasal verbs is Call My Bluff Definitions. Here you give each student a phrasal verb to look up in the dictionary and ask everyone to write down the true meaning plus make up two false meanings. It is good to set this for homework so as not to use precious class time. If you want to simplify have students write only two definitions, one true and one false. At the next lesson, Shelley maintains that, each student reads out the phrasal verb followed by the three definitions. The class stand up and listen all three definitions once. Then on the second reading students sit down if they think a definition is false and stay standing if they think it is true. Let's say the first definition is false and half the students sit down. All those sitting down are still in the game so those standing put their hands on the heads and sit down. They are out for this round. Those still in stand up again and the student reads out definition two. Those who have it wrong are out again and sit down with their hands on their heads. Those that are in continue until all three definitions have been read out. You then let those students award themselves a point. Now everyone is back in again for the next phrasal verb. If playing with adults you can leave out putting hands on heads. That is just a mechanism to prevent cheating, which children are possibly more likely to do than adults! (Shelley, 2007). Subrahmanian Upendran in his article ‗Teaching Phrasal Verbs Using Songs‘ states that like teaching phrasal verbs many songs can be successfully employed to provide meaningful contexts for learning phrasal verbs. This will be illustrated through the use of the first four lines of the song "Another Day in Paradise" by Phil Collins. Procedure of this approach: Students were provided with incomplete lyrics. The students were given incomplete lyrics of the song "Another Day in Paradise" by Phil Collins and were instructed to familiarize themselves with it by going through it silently. Each line contained a blank, which they would be required to fill in as they listened to the song. Students were asked to fill in the blanks. After they had familiarized themselves with the lyrics, the next step involved was to expose the students to the song in small chunks of four lines each. Every segment was replayed several times, till most students were confident that they had written in the appropriate words. It was only when the students completed filling in all the blanks contained in the first stanza that any attempt was made to determine how correct or incorrect their answers were. Students were asked to volunteer information. Each of the blanks was taken up one by one and every student in the group was asked what word he/she had used in a particular blank. (Since my focus here is on the teaching of phrasal verbs, I'll confine myself to the first blank in the song, which completes the phrasal verb "calls out".) The different answers provided by the students were put up on the blackboard. No attempt was made to weed out the incorrect answers at this stage. As all answers were being accepted, students enthusiastically revealed what they had put down. Some of the answers given for the first blank was (calls) "out", "on", "off", and "up". Students were asked the meaning of phrasal verbs. When all the students had volunteered information about the word they had inserted in the first blank, they were asked the meaning of each phrasal verb. 283 �1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo What is the meaning of "call out"? What does "call on" mean? The meaning of each phrasal verb was discussed individually and when a student provided a definition, which everyone agreed on, it was put up on the blackboard. The participants were asked to use the phrasal verb in a sentence. Examples provided by the students were put up alongside the meaning. Students were provided with contextual clues. When the students were unable to define a phrasal verb, there was no attempt to provide them with one. Instead, the phrasal verb was used in a context and all students were expected to guess the meaning. For example, when the students were unable to define "call off", the following context was provided. "The class is over. You're ready to begin looking through your notes in the short break before the next class. You have a test on that class. Suddenly a student runs into the classroom and shouts that the test is called off as the teacher has left to deal with a family emergency. You are overjoyed, and you throw your books back into your bag and rush to the playground to join the cricket game." The students were asked to determine the meaning from the context provided. Once the meaning had been arrived at, further examples of how the phrasal verb was used were provided. John's appointment with the doctor was called off. The teacher called off the meeting. Students were asked to study the lyrics again. When the meanings of all the phrasal verbs had been figured out, the students were then asked to study the lyrics again and determine which phrasal verb was demanded by the context. If, for example, all students agreed on "calls out", they were asked to provide cogent arguments why it couldn't be any of the other phrasal verbs that they had initially come up with. Some of the arguments put forward by the students were: people don't visit someone on the street, they can meet them accidentally, but not 'visit'. The grammar does not permit 'call on'. One can 'call on' someone, but not 'call on to' someone. Getting/providing such answers from/to students ensured that they not only remembered the meaning of the phrasal verb but also where and how it should be used (Upendran 2001). Conclusion Phrasal verbs, one of the most important parts of communication, are frequently avoided by learners of English. One language skill is trying to infer the meaning of a new phrasal verb from the context. ―It is safe to say that phrasal verbs, especially those commonly used ones, are very important components in effectively spoken communication, no matter in what kind of language community text it lies. From the angle of language learning for the sake of effective communication phrasal verbs should by no means be avoided‖ (Chen, 2007). How then are we supposed to emphasize phrasal verbs in English language teaching and learning? ―Research has shown that texts and contexts can have a powerful influence on the students‘ vocabulary growth. Learning words through such technique is along-term process in which meanings are slowly but steadily accumulated. The key here is to focus instructional attention on words that students have encountered in rich texts usually through reading, rather than from word lists that are void of context‖ (Al-Sibai, 2003). And in this article how to teach phrasal verbs effectively through context is studied. 284 �1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo REFERANCE Chen, Junyu. On How to Solve the Problem of the Avoidance of Phrasal Verbs in the Chinese Context. International Education Journal, 8.2 (2007): -348-53 Cirocki, A. Teaching Phrasal Verbs my Means of Constructing Texts. ELT Newsletter, 2003 2 February 2011 <http://www.eltnewsletter.com/column/shtml>. Dainty, Peter. Phrasal Verbs in Context. Macmillan Education, 1992. Dina. M. Al-Sibai. Using the Balanced Activity Approach in Teaching Phrasal Verbs to Saudi College Students: A Review of the Literature, December 2003 Kailani, T.Z. A Synthesized Pedagogical Methodology for English Classroom Interactions. Review of Applied Linguistics in Language Teaching, Academic Search Premier Database, 1995. International Koprowski, M. Investigating the Usefulness of Lexical Phrases in Contemporary Coursebooks. ELT Journal, 59.4 (2005): -322-32 Norman, Leila. Teaching Phrasal <http://associatedcontent.com.html>. Verbs to ESL Students, 2010 13 January 2011 Nuttall, Christine E. Teaching Reading Skills in a Foreign Language. Oxford: Macmillan Education, 2005 Thornbury, Scott. How to Teach Vocabulary. Harlow: Longman, 2002. Trask, R.L. A Dictionary of Grammatical Terms in Linguistics. London: Routhledge, 1993. Upendran, Subrahmanian. Teaching Phrasal Verbs Using Songs. The Internet TESL Journal, 7.7 (2001). 15 January 2011 <http://iteslj.org/Techniques/Upendran-PhrasalVerbs.html>. Vernon, Shelley. How to Teach Phrasal Verbs to ESL Students, November 2007 12 Jan. 2011 <http://teachingenglishgames.blogspot.com/2007/11/how-to-teach-phrasal-verbs-to-esl.html>. Wyss, R. Teaching English Multi-Word Verbs Is Not a Lost Cause Afterall. ELT Newsletter, 2002 5 January 2011 <http://www.eltnewsletter.com/back/March2002/art902002.html>. 285 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 43 Title A name given to the resource How to Teach Phrasal Verbs Author Author Mart, Çağrı Tuğrul Abstract A summary of the resource. Teaching phrasal verbs is a difficult area. Many a study has proved that contextualization has an important positive effect on the ability of the students to decipher the correct meaning of a phrasal verb. In this article you will read some useful approaches to the presentation of phrasal verbs to improve the students‘ level of understanding. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2011-05 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed P Philology. Linguistics https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/f0b7e1545fae9d36f61d46ee501d4144.docx d77b8864e959faf217436da86a17f3c0 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/ba1bc23150249f47d574d5fb24985405.pdf 6fa8df4d5c50408853abbba9a91db13b PDF Text Text IZVORNI NAUČNI RAD UDK 327.51(4) Hrvatski pogled na euroatlantizam na Zapadnom Balkanu Prof. dr. Lidija Čehulić Vukadinović Fakultet političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu Sažetak: Usprkos globalnom svjetskom poretku i procesima ubrzane globalizacije regionalni pristup ostaje temelj za funkcioniranje međunarodnih aktera u suvremenim međunarodnim odnosima.Intenzivnijom regionalizacijom, učvrščivanjem sigurnosnih, gospodarskih, političkih, kulturnih, vjerskih i drugih oblika veza i savezništva države određene regije produbljuju postojeće ili definiraju nove oblike regionalne povezanosti temeljem kojih, kao regionalno prepoznate cjeline, lakše ostvaruju interese na globalnoj međunarodnoj sceni. Euroatlantizam, kao skup odnosa zemalja Sjeverne Amerike i Europe danas prolazi svoju novu do sada najkompleksniju fazu, a procesi euroatlantske i europske integracije dva su paralelna, međusobno povezana procesa koja obilježavaju suvremena zbivanja tzv. Zapadnog, demokratskog, razvijenog svijeta. Institucionalizirani u organizacijama NATO i Europska unija, euroatlantizam i euroatlantske integracije dio su svakodnevice i zemalja Zapadnog Balkana. Republika Hrvatska kao najmlađa članica NATO-a i Europske unije mora preuzeti ulogu zagovornika daljnjeg širenja tih organizacija na ostatak zemalja Zapadnog Balkana, kako zbog svog vlastititog tako isto i zbog interesa tih zemalja ali i jačanja ukupne ideje euroatlantizma u suvremenom svijetu. Ključne riječi: Euroatlantizam, Zapadni Balkan, Sjevernoatlantski savez, Europska unija, funkcionalna regionalna suradnja, demokratizacija, integracija 691 �Lidija Čehulić Vukadinović UVOD Ulaskom Republike Hrvatske u Sjevernoatlantski savez (2009) i Europsku uniju (2013) RH je postala institucionalni dio najznačajnije europske i euroatlantske institucije. Republika Hrvatska je prva postsocijalistička i ujedno prva postkonfliktna zemlja kojoj je to uspjelo. Hrvatsko iskustvo dugotrajnog i mukotrpnog pregovaranja, otežano postratnim dodatnim kriterijima koje ostale postsocijalističke europske zemlje nisu morale ispunjavati, dokaz su ostatku zemalja Zapadnog Balkana da se integracijski ciljevi mogu postići akopostoji politička volja, upornost i dosljednost u provođenju postsocijalsitičkih reformi u pravcu demokratizacije cjelokupnog društva. Hrvatska je spremna i dužna pomoći susjednim, ali i svimostalim zemljama jugoistočnog rubnog dijela Europe na njihovom putu u punopravno članstvo Sjevernoatlantskog savezai Europske unije. Republika Hrvatska, osim moralnih i institucionalnih, za to ima i konkretne nacionalne razloge. Granica EU velikim dijelom granica je i Republike Hrvatske sa njezinim susjednim zemljama, hrvatskom gospodarstvu nedostaje tržište CEFTE i zemalja iz susjedstva, kulturološko-civilizacijska povezanost sa ostatkom zemalja Zapadnog Balkana traži suradnju Zagreba sa tim dijelom Europe bez obzira na članstvo u NATO-u i EU. Mnogo je razloga zbog kojih bi Republika Hrvatska trebalai morala pronaći saveznike unutar NATO-a i Europske unije i zagovarati daljnje širenje tih organizacija na prostor ostatka Zapadnog Balkana. S druge pak strane geostrategijski prostor Zapadnog Balkana poslužio je kao lakmus papir kako Sjevernoatlantskom savezu tako i Europskoj uniji za testiranje njihovih internih politika u suvremenim međunarodnim odnosima. Upravo na tom prostoru NATO je izveo svoje prve posthladnoratovkseakcije out-of -area (Goražde, SR Jugoslavija ), uspostavio peace keeping misije i na taj način dobio konkretan razlog svog opstanka nakon bipolarizma, a primivši u svoje članstvo i postsocijalističke zemlje te regije dokazao da je sposoban surađivati i sa njima te da je upravo posthladnoratovska politika proširenja jedna od najuspješnijih NATO-vih posthladnoratovskih politika. Europska unija nije u tolikoj mjeri iskoristila mogućnosti Zapadnog Balkana. Diskrepancija između njezine politike širenja i produbljivanja zaustavila je na duže vrijeme širenje EU na taj dio Europe. Pa ipak, u pokušaju da se nametne kao globalni akter upravo prostor Zapadnog Balkana i njegovi brojni još do kraja nerješeni problemi pružaju mogućnost da EU pokaže veću efikasnost svoje Zajedničke vanjske i sigurnosne politike. Sve to ukazuje na nužnost daljnjeg širenja euroatlantizma u toj regiji, a Republika Hrvatska koja najbolje irazumije postojeće probleme i izazove mora pomoći zemljama Zapadnog Balkana na njihovom euroatlantskom i europskom putu. 692 �Hrvatski pogled na euroatlantizam na Zapadnom Balkanu Specifičnosti ulaska RH u NATO i Europsku uniju Hrvatski put do članstva u euroatlantske i europske integracije bio je dug i mukotrpan. Odmah nakon svog međunarodnog priznanja (15. siječnja 1992.) Republika Hrvatska proklamirala je svoju želju za ulaskom uNATO i Europsku uniju, „ali ratne i poratne okolnosti učinile su da se taj proces realizira mnogo sporije nego što su to tada očekivali hrvatski političari i građani. 1 Oružana agresija u kojoj je jedna trećina teritorije Hrvatske bila okupirana, borba za fizičko oslobođenje zemlje, uključenost Hrvatske u oružane sukobe u BiH stopirale su hrvatski put u NATO i EU. Gotovo do kraja prošlog stoljeća Hrvatska je, uz ondašnju Srbiju i BiH bila najizoliranija zemlja na jugoistoku Europe od međunarodne zajednice. Iako se snage NATO-a,kao i članica EU i SAD pomagale na različite načine hrvatski oslobodilački rat Hrvatska je tada, zbog rata koji joj je nametnut i okolnosti koje su iz njega proizlazile, ostala izvan glavnih institucionalnih veza i programa koje su NATO i EU ponudile postsocijalističkim zemljama. Za svog posjeta Hrvatskoj, pokraj svibnja 1997. američka državna tajnica Madeleine Albright, u razgovoru s tadašnjim predsjednikom Tuđmanom, tražila je sljedeće: hrvatsku podršku i dosljednu primjenu Daytonskog sporazuma, povratak izbjeglih i prognanih za vrijeme oružanih sukoba u Hrvatskoj, suradnju hrvatskih vlasti s Međunarodnim kaznenim sudom u Haagu. Nepunu godinu dana kasnije, 1998. SAD veleposlanik u RH, William T. Montgomery, u svom članku Croatia's Roadmap to Partnership for Peace istaknuo je glavne smjernice za ulazak Hrvatske u Partnerstvo za mir. Američki veleposlanik sugerira Hrvatskoj da poradi na: procesu rekoncilijacije, stvaranju uvjeta za nesmetani povratak, život i rad svih prognanih i izbjeglih tokom Domovinskog rata, dosljednoj primjeni Daytonskog sporazuma, demokratizaciji društva, s posebnim akcentom na slobodi medija, promjeni izbornog zakona i provedbi slobodnih, demokratskih izbora. 2 Zbog rata Hrvatska nije sudjelovala ni u regionalnim programima EU temeljenim na tzv. regionalnom pristupu EU spram jugoistočne Europe usvojenom 1997. godine. Vrlo kratko vrijeme bila je uključena u PHARE program no sve do siječnja 2001. Hrvatska je uživala tek godišnje autonomne trgovinske povlastice. 3 R.Vukadinović, Hrvatska i Europa, Međunarodna filatelistička izložba :Hrvatska u Europskoj unijisusret prijatelja. Katalog, Zagreb, 2013. str. 15. 2 Lidija Čehulić: „Clintonova administracija i ulazak Hrvatske u Partnerstvo za mir“, Politička misao, god. 37., br.3., 2000., str. 177. 3 Od 1992. do 2001. godine Vijeće ministara EU početkom svake godine određivalo je Hrvatskoj sadržaj trgovinskih povlastica. 1 693 �Lidija Čehulić Vukadinović Godine 1997. Vijeće ministara EU odredilo je političke i ekonomske uvjete za razvoj bilateralnih odnosa s Hrvatskom, 26. svibnja 1999. Europska komisija predlaže stvaranje Procesa stabilizacije i pridruživanja za pet država jugoistočne Europe, uključujući i Hrvatsku. 1. lipnja 1999. usvojen je Pakt o stabilnosti, politički dokument čiji je strateški cilj stabilizacija prilika na jugoistoku Europe putem jačanja međusobne suradnje i približavanja država te regije euroatlantskim integracijama. Sva ta događanja upućuju na činjenicu da iako Zagreb tada još nije imao formalni ugovorni odnos s NATO-om i EU, Hrvatska je ipak bila u široj interesnoj sferi euroatlantskih i europskih saveznika te je imala mogućnosti iskazivanja svog europskog puta. Institucionalno približavanje Hrvatske NATO-u i EU započinje nakon demokratskih predsjedničkih i parlamentarnih izbora u RH 2000. godine kada novoformirana Vlada u svom programu, kao i Sabor RH, ulazak Hrvatske u NATO i EU naglašavaju kao jedan od temeljnih vanjskopolitičkih ciljeva. 4 Što se tiče NATO-a, Hrvatska je 2000. gotovo preko noći primljena u Partnerstvo za mir. Ubrzo zatim Hrvatska se pušta u NATO-ov Akcijiski plan za članstvo. Washington je, uz Albaniju i FRYOM, svrstao u svoj program prilagodbe standardima Saveza - Jadransku povelju (The Adriatic Charter). Cijelo to vrijeme Hrvatska je radila ne samo na potrebitim reformama svog obrambenosigurnosnog sustava i njegovom prilagođavanju što optimalnijim standardima Saveza, već je i učestvovala u brojnim političkim, humanitarnim te civilnim i vojnim misijama pod ingerencijom ili UN-a ili NATO-a. 5Time je NATO-u dokazivala i prakseološku vrijednost provođenih reformi i tranzicije svog sigurnosnog sustava.Na summitu u Bukureštu 2008. Hrvatska je bila prepoznata od Saveznika kao zemlja koja zaslužuje poziv da na summitu NATO-a u Kolnu i Strasbourgu 2009. godine, i službeno postane njegova punopravna članica. Put prema punopravnom članstvu RH u EU ipak nije bio tako relativno lak, brz i jednostavan. Nakon izbora 2000. ubrzana je dinamika međusobnog političkog dijaloga i Temeljni vanjskopolitički ciljevi RH su: članstvo u EU, članstvo u NATO savezu, promicanje politike dobrosusjedstva i regionalne suradnje te suradnja sa svim demokratskim državama svijeta. Program rada Vlade RH za razdoblje 2000-2004. godine, Zagreb, 8. veljače 2000, str. 4. U Strategiji o nacionalnoj sigurnosti RH integracija u EU označena je kao „najznačajniji i najsloženiji pothvat pred kojim stoje hrvatska država i društvo, s obzirom na to da se radi o procesu koji će imati dalekosežne posljedice za hrvatsko društvo u cjelini, na njezino gospodarstvo i na nacionalnu sigurnost“. Hrvatski Sabor, Strategija nacionalne sigurnosti RH, Glava V. Sigurnosna politika RH – područja i instrument, točka 55, Zagreb, ožujak 2002. 5 Vidjeti u Marta Nakić-Vojnović: «Contribution of Croatia to International Peacekeeping Missions», u L.Čehulić (ed.) Yearbook Šipan 2006., Zagreb, 2007., str. 82-91. 4 694 �Hrvatski pogled na euroatlantizam na Zapadnom Balkanu započela je s radom Zajednička konzultativna radna skupina RH i EU. 6 Pozitivnom ocjenom Studije o izvedivosti Europske komisije otvorena su vrata Hrvatskoj za pregovore o Sporazumu o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju (SSP). Pozitivnom mišljenju EU glede Hrvatske pridonio je i uspješno organiziran Zagrebački summit EU (24. studenoga 2000.) na kojem su se, prvi put izvan teritorija članica EU, sastali najviši predstavnici tadašnje europske petnaestorice i država tzv. Zapadnog Balkana. Na sastanku je usvojena Završna deklaracija kojom se državama Zapadnog Balkana jamči europska perspektiva uz uvažavanje individualnih postignuća svake od tih zemalja na njezinom putu ulaska u EU. 7 Na marginama summita u Zagrebu službeno su počeli i pregovori EU i Republike Hrvatske o Sporazumu o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju (SSP). Sporazum su potpisali 29. listopada 2001. u Luksemburgu tadašnji hrvatski premijer Ivica Račan, ministri vanjskih poslova članica EU te član Europske komisije Chris Patten. Potpisivanjem SSP-a i paralelno s njim Privremenog sporazuma koji se primjenjuje do stupanja SSP-a na snagu, Hrvatska je prvi put stupila u ugovorne odnose s EU. Hrvatski Sabor potvrdio je SSP 5. prosinca 2001, a 8Europski parlament (u ime EU) 12. prosinca 2001. Do verificiranja SSP-a u parlamentima članica EU bio je na snazi Privremeni sporazum koji uređuje trgovinska pitanja i s njima povezana pitanja (usklađivanje zakonodavstva u pojedinim područjima, cestovni prijevoz...) 9 te Zajednička izjava RH/EU o političkom dijalogu. 10 Privremenim sporazumom reguliralo se postupno ukidanje carina i drugih ograničenja u odnosima razmjene određenih roba između Europske unije i Republike Zajednička konzultativna radna skupina (Joint Consultative Task Force EU/Croatia) tehničko je radno tijelo EU i RH, sastavljeno od stručnjaka iz raznih područja. Prioritetna područja rada bila su: reforme gospodarstva, medija, pravosuđa, javne uprave i vanjskotrgovinska politika. 7 Upravo na summitu EU u Zagrebu 2000. usvojen je politički termin Zapadni Balkan kojeg čine: Hrvatska, BiH, tadašnja Savezna Republika Jugoslavija- danas Srbija, Crna Gora i Kosovo, Makedonija, Albanija. Osim toga temeljem dogovora Zagrebačkog summita Vijeće Europske unije 5. prosinca 2000. donosi uredbu o CARDS programu tehničke i financijske pomoći za obnovu, razvoj i stabilizaciju za države obuhvaćene Procesom stabilizacije i pridruživanja (zemlje Zapadnog Balkana) za razdoblje od 2001. do 2006. godine. Detaljnije o Zagrebačkom summitu EU vidjeti uL. Čehulić: "Zagrebački summit i politika integracije Hrvatske u Europsku uniju", Europska unija – pravni, gospodarski i politički aspekti, br. 28, Informator, Zagreb, 18. studenoga 2000, str. 2-6. 8 SSP je posebna vrsta sporazuma o pridruživanju koje je EU ponudila državama obuhvaćenim Procesom stabilizacije i pridruživanja. SSP državi potpisnici daje status pridruženog člana i potencijalnog kandidata za punopravno članstvo u EU. Cilj je SSP-a uspostava političkog dijaloga, gospodarske suradnje, razvoja zone slobodne trgovine, usklađivanje zakonodavstva, te poticanje najrazličitijih oblika regionalne suradnje zemalja obuhvaćenih Procesom stabilizacije i pridruživanja. 9 Ovaj se Sporazum primjenjuje od 1. siječnja 2002, iako je formalno stupio na snagu 1. ožujka 2002. 10 Te dokumente potpisali su tadašnji ministar vanjskih poslova RH Tonino Picula, ministar vanjskih poslova Belgije Louis Michel i član Europske komisije Chris Patten. 6 695 �Lidija Čehulić Vukadinović Hrvatske, dok su se u Zajedničkoj izjavi definirali politički kriteriji koje je Republika Hrvatska morala ispuniti na svom putu približavanja EU. Između ostalog, tražilo se: • • • • • jačanje demokratskih načela i institucija, poštivanje ljudskih prava i prava nacionalnih manjina promicanje regionalne suradnje, razvoj dobrosusjedskih odnosa i ispunjavanje obveza sukladno međunarodnom pravu olakšavanje integracije Republike Hrvatske u EU temeljem hrvatskih individualnih postignuća suradnja političkih stranaka na unutarnjoj i vanjskopolitičkoj hrvatskoj sceni, uključujući i suradnju u borbi protiv terorizma jačanje sigurnosti i stabilnosti u cijeloj Europi, a naročito na području jugoistočne Europe, kroz suradnju na područjima obuhvaćenim zajedničkom vanjskom i sigurnosnom politikom EU. 11 U prosincu 2002. Republika Hrvatska je izradila i usvojila svoj prvi Nacionalni program za pridruživanje EU (izrada je jedna od obveza proizašlih iz SSP), čija je provedba bila predmetom budućih izvješća Europske komisije o Procesu stabilizacija i pridruživanja za RH. Iako SSP još nije bio stupio na snagu (čekala se njegova verifikacija u Nizozemskoj), Hrvatska je 21. veljače 2003. podnijela zahtjev za članstvo u EU. 12 S takvom praksom nije započela Hrvatska, već su je ranije primijenile i neke druge zemlje. 13 Pritom je izraženo političko jedinstvo svih hrvatskih parlamentarnih stranaka. U Rezoluciji hrvatskog Sabora o pristupanju Republike Hrvatske Europskoj uniji, usvojenoj 18. prosinca 2002. konsenzusom svih parlamentarnih stranaka, navodi se da je Republika Hrvatska po svom naslijeđu, kulturi i geopolitičkom položaju dio srednjoeuropskoga, mediteranskog kruga te želi aktivno i svesrdno pridonijeti naporima međunarodne zajednice i EU na uspostavljanju političke stabilizacije i trajnog mira u jugoistočnoj Europi. Relativno brzo podnošenje zahtjeva za članstvo u EU može se tumačiti i željom i spremnošću Hrvatske da nadoknadi izgubljeno vrijeme približavanja EU u usporedbi s državama srednje i istočne Europe koje su tada već bile poodmakle u odnosu na Hrvatsku u Davor Božinović, "Hrvatska i Europska unija", Međunarodna politika, god. LIV, br. 1111, Septembar 2003, str. 111. 12 Zahtjev su potpisali predsjednik RH Stjepan Mesić i premijer Ivica Račan, u nazočnosti predsjednika Sabora RH Zlatka Tomčića i čelnika parlamentarnih stranaka, a premijer ga je nekoliko dana kasnije, predao grčkom predsjedništvu u Ateni jer je tada Grčka predsjedavala Europskom unijom. 13 Estonija, Latvija, Litva i Slovenija zahtjeve za članstvo u EU također su podnijele prije stupanja na snagu njihovih nacionalnih sporazuma, a Estonija i Slovenija stekle su i status kandidata prije stupanja na snagu tih sporazuma. 11 696 �Hrvatski pogled na euroatlantizam na Zapadnom Balkanu pregovorima o članstvu. Nakon hrvatskog zahtjeva za članstvo u EU, Vijeće ministara zadužilo je 14. travnja 2003. Europsku komisiju da pripremi mišljenje (Avis) o hrvatskom zahtjevu s preporukom treba li s Hrvatskom započeti pregovore o punopravnom članstvu. Predsjednik Europske komisije Romano Prodi za svog posjeta Zagrebu 10. srpnja 2003. uručio je hrvatskom premijeru upitnik s oko 4.560 pitanja iz različitih područja funkcioniranja države, institucija, gospodarstva itd. Taj opsežan posao tzv. snimanja stanja u državi na kojem je nekoliko mjeseci (srpanj-listopad 2003.) radila cjelokupna državna uprava, završen je u predviđenom roku te su odgovori na upitnik uručeni Europskoj komisiji 9. listopada 2003. Hrvatska je uspješno odgovorila i na dodatnih 184 pitanja koja je Europska komisija naknadno uputila. Temeljem hrvatskih odgovora, ali i drugih EU relevantnih izvora (mišljenje i preporuke raznih međunarodnih organizacija, pojedinih država članica i nečlanica EU i sl.) Europska komisija je 20. travnja 2004. donijela pozitivno mišljenje o hrvatskom zahtjevu za članstvo u EU. 14 Paralelno s pozitivnim mišljenjem i preporukama Europska komisija je usvojila i Prijedlog europskog partnerstva za Hrvatsku. Taj dokument značajan je stoga što su u njemu popisani prioriteti i tempo izvršenja dodatnih priprema Hrvatske za članstvo u EU. Temeljem njihovog ispunjavanja procjenjivao se hrvatski napredak prema članstvu. Na zasjedanju Europskog vijeća u Bruxellesu 18. lipnja 2004. Hrvatska je dobila status službenog kandidata za punopravno članstvo u EU, čime je Hrvatskoj otvorena i potvrđena jasna perspektiva punopravnog članstva u EU. U svojim Nacionalnim programima za pridruživanje EU, Hrvatska je svake godine iznova revidirala i utvrđivala prioritete i potrebite reforme društva u cilju postizanja veće kompatibilnosti sa standardima i zahtjevima EU. Ali ispunjavanje dodatnih političkih kriterija za članstvo u EU; potpuna suradnja s međunarodnim kaznenim sudom u Haagu, povratak svih izbjeglih tijekom rata i povrat privatne imovine, Republika Hrvatska odlučna je da ispuni dodatne političke kriterije za članstvo u EU: potpunu suradnju s međunarodnim kaznenim sudom u Haagu, povratak svih izbjeglih tijekom rata i povrat privatne imovine nailazili su na kontinuirani otpor kako dijela političkih struktura tako i dijela građana zahvaćenih ratnim stradanjima na prostoru RH. U Izvješću se, između ostalog, ističe kako Hrvatska ima stabilne demokratske institucije, da se može smatrati zemljom djelotvornog tržišnog gospodarstva, ali da treba nastaviti s provođenjem reformi potrebitih za postizanje svih europskih standarda, kao i nastaviti s daljnjim usklađivanjem nacionalnog zakonodavstva s propisima EU.A. Brnčić, P. Leppee, I. Mošnja, Hrvatska na putu u Europsku uniju: od kandidature do članstva, drugo izdanje, Zagreb, 2004, str. 44. 14 697 �Lidija Čehulić Vukadinović U toj fazi institucionalizacije odnosa na relaciji RH-EU često je spominjana 2007. godina kao godina kad bi RH zajedno sa Rumunjskom i Bugarskom mogla postati članicom EU.To se međutim nije ostvarilo i hrvatski ulazak pomaknuo se za nekoliko sljedećih godina što je bilo vezano prvenstveno uz nedostatnu suradnju Hrvatske sa Hagom kao i slovensku obstrukciju zbog nerješenog statusa granice na moru. Uz sva nastojanja hrvatskih vlasti proces dogovaranja i pregovaranja s Europom iscrpljivao se oko zadržavanja status quoa. Tek nakon američkog čvršćeg angažiranja i odlučnog zagovaranja SAD da Hrvatska uđe u NATO 2009. godine skinuta je slovenska blokada i pregovori s EU uspješno su krenuli s mrtve točke, Otvarala su se i zatvarala pregovaračka poglavlja i konačno 1. srpnja 2013. godine Hrvatska je primljena u članstvo Europske unije. Potreba za jačanjem euroatlantizma na Zapadnom Balkanu Vrijeme četvrtog kruga posthladnoratovskog širenja Europske unije (1. srpanj 2013.) obilježeno je globalnom financijsko-gospodarskom krizom koja se u velikoj mjeri pokazala kao dodatni faktor narušavanja ukupnih odnosa između tadašnjih članica Europske unije i njihove intenzivnije želje za propitkivanjem ne samo svrsishodnosti politike proširenja te organizacije već i pitanjem njezine funkcionalnosti, institucionalne organiziranosti pa i opstojnosti u dotadašnjem obliku. 15S druge pak strane NATO nakon svog posljednjeg širenja (2009) zbog globalnih izazova sigurnosti prednost daje uspostavljanju najrazličitijih oblika partnerskih odnosa koji mu omogućavaju dobivanje funkcionalnih saveznika širom svijeta. 16Politika otvorenih vrata ipak je usmjerena na NATOu susjedne zemlje čime se teritorijalno proširuje euroatlantski prostor, ali ne dobivaju uporišne točke za djelovanje u globalnim razmjerima. Ono što ohrabruje zemlje Zapadnog Balkana je činjenica da obje organizacije nisu niti u jednom svom dokumentu deklarirale kako prestaju ili ukidaju politiku proširenja kao jednu od svojih internih politika. Ukupne međunarodne okolnosti, kao i aktualni interni problemi tih organizacija trenutno su spustili politiku proširenja na listi prioriteta kako NATO-a tako isto i EU. Stoga RH mora pronaći saveznike unutar tih organizacija i kontinuirano se zalagati da se,kada se ispune odgovarajući interni i ekterni uvjeti, nastavi sa primanjem u punopravno članstvo NATO-a i EU novih država upravo s područja šireg hrvatskog susjedstva , odnosno ostatka Zapadnog Balkana. Naravno pod uvjetom da zemlje te regije žele članstvo u europskom i euroatlantskom krugu zemalja. Prethodno prikazan težak i specifičan hrvatski put (pogotovo za članstvo u EU) treba dodatno osvjestiti susjednim zemljama da ulazak nije lak, ali nije ni neostvariv, ako postoji kontinuirana politička volja i ako se ispunjavaju traženi kriteriji. Upravo o ispunjenju kriterija ovisit će političke odluke u Bruxellesu (pogotovo to vrijedi za EU) gdje najnovija događanja oko i s Ruskom federacijom favoriziraju ostatak zemalja postsocijaističke Europe. I NATO i EU s njima već imaju (uostalom kao i sa zemljama Zapadnog Balkana) uspostavljene institucionalne oblike suradnje. 15 16 John McCormick, Why Europe Matters,. The Case for tthe Euriopean Union, 2013. Rebecca R. Moore, NATO's New Mission.Projecting Stability in a Post-Cold War World, 2007. 698 �Hrvatski pogled na euroatlantizam na Zapadnom Balkanu Dinamika međunarodnih odnosa pokazat će koja skupina zemalja će dobiti prednost, ali upravo sada je vrijeme da se zemlje aspirantice za članstvo u NATO i EU dodatno afirmiraju i iskažu ne samo svoj interes već i konkretno učinjeno na planu reformi svojih društava. Treba naglasiti da je euroskepticizam izraženiji u EU nego u NATO-u Protivnici širenja EU naglašavaju kako trenutno samo siromašne zemlje žele članstvo. 17Glavni argumenti protiv širenja EU polaze od činjenica kako usprkos svih potrebnih reformi društava zemalja koje trenutno žele ući u EU, u konačnici, pri eventualnom njihovom primanju, za očekivati je da će te zemlje ukupno opet biti mnogo slabije od standarda članica Unije, što bi ponovno dodatno destabiliziralo i oslabilo Europsku uniju. Neposredno pred hrvatski ulazak članovi određenih interesnih skupina, ali i dio zastupnika u Europskom parlamentu tražili su čak i mogućnost da se u narednom desetljeću nakon Hrvatske ne primi niti jedna zemlja 18. Ipak, tako radikalni zahtjevi kasnije su revidirani i upravo na prostoru ostatka Zapadnog Balkana vidlljivi su pomaci u, istina sporom, ali ipak postojećem institucionalnom približavanju zemalja te regije sa Europskom unijom. (Kosovo, Srbija). Događanja u Ukrajini aktualizirala su i tu zemlju kao potencijalnu aspiranticu za članstvo u EU. EU nije iskazala odlučnost da u početku krize politički, jedinstveno i što je još važnije gospodarski, financijski i energetski snažno podupre vlasti u Kijevu (bivšu Janukovićevu prije njegovog nepotpisisvanja Sporazuma o pridruživanju Ukrajine sa EU, kao i trenutnu privremenu novu vladu) Ukrajina je u konačnici dobila Sporazum o pridruživanju sa EU, dio potrebne financijske pomoći, ali proći će dugo vremena dok se ta teritorijalno velika zemlja na izuzetno značajnom geostrateškom prostoru razmeđe Europe i Azije, gdje se snažno prelamaju interesi euroatlantskih saveznika i eruopskih saveznika i Ruske federacije, ali i ukupni američko-ruski odnosi, stabilizira i stekne uvjete za institucionalno približavanje bilo NATO-u bilo EU u cilju punopravnog članstva. Istina, još dugo će i NATO i EU trošiti vrijeme na političke pregovore, angažirati svoje konkretne ljudske i materijalne potencijale i gospodarske resurse na Ukrajinu i njezino susjedstvo, ali Ukrajina danas još ne predstavlja realnu konkurenciju zemljama Zapadnog Balkana na njihovom putu u članstvo u NATO i EU.S obzirom na iznalaženje političkog rješenja (najavljena federalizacija Ukrajine i traženje konstitutivnog rješenja) očito je da i ovaj put Zemlje s vrlo visokim stupnjem demokratičnosti internih društava, poput Norveške i Islanda, proteklih godina iskazalivale su pojačan interes za ulazak u Europsku uniju. Za razliku od Norveške gdje formalni ulazak u Europsku uniju još uvijek ipak nije primarni vanjskopolitički cilj Island je i službeno započeo pregovore s Bruxellesom. Međutim nemogućnost dogovora oko ribarske politike rezultirala je i formalnim povlačenjem te zemlje iz pregovora o članstvu.17 Stoga su danas jedino zemlje Zapadnog Balkana (Albanija, Bosna i Hercegovina, Crna Gora, Kosovo, Makedonija, Srbija) i Turska države koje žele ući u Europsku uniju i sukladno tome postepeno ostvaruju i napredak u svom institucionalnom približavanju Bruxellesu. 17 Vidjeti detaljnije u Tomasz Žornaczuk, The Prospects of EU Enlargement to the Western Balkans in 2013, Bulletin, No.24 (477), March 2013, PISM. Warshava 18 699 �Lidija Čehulić Vukadinović usprkos oštre retorike i smanjenja međusobnih angažmana, i NATO i EU i dalje vode računa o interesima Ruske federacije. To se posebno odnosi na NATO. Redefiniranje odnosa sa Ruskom federacijom i situacija u Ukrajini intenzivirala je i promišljanja o proširenju u NATO-u koji je nakon dugo vremena ponovno suočen sa krizom (hard i soft power) na euroatlantskom prostoru, a ne negdje daleko od svojih euroatlantskih granica. Vraćanje u vlastito dvorište, geopolitički i i geostrategijki opet na europski prostor koji je kolijevka euroatlantizma, osnažilo je težnju kod pojedinih članica te organizacije za učvrščivanjem svojih pozicija i mogućim pridobivanjem novih saveznica, pogotovo onih zakoje i Ruska federacija pokazuje svekolike interese. (Crna Gora). Otvoreno je pitanje hoće li ta mala zemlja kojoj NATO najviše zamjera nedovoljan stupanj izvršenih reformi sigurnosno-obavještajnog sustava, dobiti poziv za članstvo na predstojećem summitu NATO-a u Walesu u septembru ove godine. Čak ako se to i ne dogodi na summitu ostavljena je mogućnost da se poziv Podgorici uputi između dva službena summita što je novost u politici posthladnoratovskog širenja NATO-a. Treba napomenti kako sve zemlje Zapadnog Balkana (osim Kosova sa NATO-om) imaju određeni institucionalni odnos suradnje kako sa NATO-om tako i sa EU. 19 Čak i Srbija koja je proklamirala vojnu neutralnost nije izašla iz NATO-vog programa Partnerstvo za mir. Različiti su mehanizmi EU i NATO-a koje te organizacije koriste za suradnju sa zemljama Zapadnog Balkana, od EU Sporazuma o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju, statusa kanidata, zemlje koja je započela pregovore o članstvu u EU, preko NATO-vog programa Partnerstva za mir, Akcijskog plana za članstvo, punopravnog članstva (Albanija). Svaka zemlja procjenjuje se individualno i dobila je konkretne smjernice od NATO-a i EU u kom pravcu treba intenzivirati i provoditi reforme svog društva. Svakako da je ulazak u svaku organizaciju dvosmjeran proces, te osim ispunjenosti kriterija zemlje aspirantice i dosegnutog stupnja demokratizacije društva i gospodarske stabilizacije ovisi i o spremnosti organizacije da otvori svoja vrata novim članicama. Nedovršeni procesi na prostoru Zapadnog Balkana (Kosovo/Srbija, BiH, Makedonija), kriza u Ukrajini, povlačenje međunarodnih snaga IFORa predvođenih NATO-omiz Afganistana krajem 2014. godine pružaju međunarodni okvir za jačanje EU koncepta Zajedničke vanjske i sigurnse politike kao i definiranje nove uloge Saveza. Analizrano stog aspektai NATO i EU nalaze se na svojevrsnoj prekretnici i sada imaju priliku izaći iz prevladavajuće politike krize identiteta ili skepticizma i upravo pokazujući spremnost i snagu da ojačaju svoje oblike veza sa aspiranticama za članstvo ojačaju euroatlantizam kao proces regionalnog funkcionalnog integriranja europskog i euroatlantskog svijeta. 20 Taj kontekst svakako bi trebala iskoristiti i Republika Hrvatska, tim više što je čim je postatla dvadesetiosma članica Europske unije,kao svoj cilj djelovanja unutar Unije 19 20 Fraser Cameron, An Introduction to European Foreign Policy, (second edition) , 2012., str.155-165. Christin D. Falkowski, Europe for Us.,Why We Need Euopre, 2011., str. 182-211. 700 �Hrvatski pogled na euroatlantizam na Zapadnom Balkanu odredilaupravo podupiranje procesa širenja Unije na zemlje ostatka Zapadnog Balkana. Na taj način Republika Hrvastka će ostvarivati kontinuitet svoje unutarnje politike na europskom planu, a NATO i Europska unija dobit će članicu koja u mnogim parametrima može pomoći ostatku zemalja Zapadnog Balkana na njihovom putu prema euroatlantizmu. Od svih postsocijalsitičkih novih članica NATO-a i Europske unije Hrvatska je prva postkonfliktna zemlja koja je primljena u te organizacije.To dokazuje Srbiji i Bosni i Hercegovini, koje su osobno bile involvirane u nedavne oružane sukobe, ali i svim ostalim zemljama Zapadnog Balkana koje su na nešto blaži način direktno ili indirektno trpjele posljedice ratnih izbivanja na ovim prostorima, da je i to moguće. Bez obzira na iskazivane opstrukcije pojedinih političkih elita te zamora građana dugotrajnošću procesa pregovaranja i nametanja dodatniih kriterija vezanih uz normalizaciju života u vremenima nakon rata (suradnja s Međunarodnim tribunalom u Hagu, uspostava uvjeta za normalizaciju života izbjeglih i prognanih, povrat privatne imovine i sl.) u konačnici Hrvatska je ipak uspjela. Ispunjavajući te dodatne, specifične kriterije Hrvatska je ujedno jačala i reforme vezane uz efiksnije ustrojstvo i funkcioniranje pravne države, poštivanje ljudskih prava i demokratskih standarda cjelokupnog svog društva. Ti tzv. političko-demokratski kriteriji nužni su i za ulazak svake postsocijalističke zemlje u NATO. Osim Srbije, danas sve zemlje Zapadnog Balkana žele članstvo u Sjevernoatlantskom savezu. Ulaskom tih zemalja u NATO i EU i na tom dijelu Europe formirat će se sigurnosna zajednica demokratskih zemalja u kojoj nije vjerojatno da će ponovno doći do krvavih oružanih međusobnih sukoba s kakvima je prostor Zapadnog Balkana bio suočen nakon raspada bivše države. U takvoj sigurnosnoj zajednici, čiju okosnicu čine NATO i Europska unija, mnogo bezbolnije bi se rješavala i većina još nedovršenih, latentnih kriza na ovim prostorima (pitanje međusobnih granica, prava etničkih manjina, asimetrični izazovi sigurnosti). Zagovaranje politike daljnjeg širenja EU na zemlje Zapadnog Balkana moglo bi učvrstiti i Zajedničku vanjsku i sigurnosnu pplitiku EU,(uključujući i koncept tzv. europske diplomacije) s čijom realizacijom EU ima velikih problema na način da se kroz mehanizme Zajedničke vanjske i sigurnosne politike Europske unije više pridonosi jačanju sigurnosti i stabilnosti regije jugoistočne Europe (to je još aktualnije s obzirom da Srbija ne želi u NATO) Članstvom u EU zemlje koje su nekada bili glavni primatelji međunarodne pomoći na sigurnosnom planu (u nekim zemljama Zapadnog Balkana još uvijek su prisutne međunarodne snage, uključujuči i snage EU) imaju mogućnost postati donatori europske i međunarodne sigurnosti. I prije nego je postala članica Europske unije Republika Hrvatska je sudjelovala u mirovnim misijama pod njeziim mandatom (Čad, Kosovo, Somalijske vode...). Sličnu praksu provode i neke od zemalja Zapadnog Balkana. S obzirom da se radi ipak o relativno malim zemljama, s kompleksnim geostrategijskim položajem (posebno u odnosu na suvremena zbivanja u široj regiji Mediterana) ulaskom u EU zemlje Zapadnog Balkana dobivaju mogućnost sukreiranja Zajedničke vanjske i sigurnosne politike EU, ali i okvir za reforme nacionalnih sigurnosnih sustava te svakako mnogo veće mogućnosti djelovanja na sigurnosm planu. Ne treba bježati od činjenice da sudjelovanjem u mirovnim 701 �Lidija Čehulić Vukadinović operacijama,pogotovo u nekim dijelovima svijeta, zemlje članice EU mogu biti izloženije nekim asimetričnim izazovima sigurnosti (teoristički napadi), no ulaskom u svaki sustav kolektivne sigurnosti (UN, NATO, Zajednička vanjska i sigurnosna politika EU) postoji taj rizik i članice sustava ga moraju prihvatiti. Na unutarnjepolitičkom planu ulazak Republike Hrvatske u NATO/ Europsku uniju potvrda je ispravnosti hrvatske politike u cilju reformi cjelokupnog duštva. Hrvatska se ponajprije mora transformirati zbog sebe same, a ne zbog pritisaka izvana ili želje za ulaskom u neku od zapadnoeuropskih integracija. Tu poruku Hrvatska treba jasno prenijeti zemljama Zapadnog Balkana. Žele li članstvo u NATOi EU one moraju razvijati međusobne dobrosusjedske odnose te uspostavljati i održavati funkcionalnu regionalnu suradnju. Na taj način pokazat će i euroatlantskom svijetu da će jednog dana, kada uđu, biti sposobne međusobno surađivati i sa tim zemljama. Ulaskom u EU RH je izgubila povoljnosti tržišta zemalja CEFTE 21 i sada bilateralnim ugovorima pokušava nastaviti nekadašnje gospodarske veze sa zemljama Zapadnog Balkana. Svima je jasno da je RH mnogo lakše gospodarski surađivati i opstati na tržištima nekadašnje zajedničke države (jezik, poznavanje proizvoda, marketing, kompetitivnost) nego osvajati tržiše EU koje postaje sve ograničenije zbog krize. Širenjem tržišta EU na zemlje Zapadnog Balkana, uz prihvaćanjei poštivanje svih zajedničkih internih politika, normi i pravila ponašanja EU, specifično povijesno, kulturno, gospodarsko, trgovačko nasljeđe i veze, kao i fizička blizina tržišta, pogodovale bi gospodarstvima svih zemalja Zapadnog Balkana kada bi ponovno bila inkorporirana u zajedničko tržište. Gospodarske beneficije od članstva u NATO-u teško su mjerljive, vojna industrija svakako ima najveće mogućnosti svog prodora na nova tržišta članica Saveza, ali Savez svakako daje psihološki osjećaj sigurnosti potencijalnim investitorima. I na kraju, Republika Hrvatska je danas rubna članica Europske unije, zemlja koja čuva njezinu izuzetno dugačku granicu. Ušavši u Uniju RH je dobila problem vlastite eksteritorijalnosti (nerješeno pitanje izlaska BiH na Jadransko more i s tim povezano pitanje granice RH s BiH, fizička odvojenost Dubrovačko-neretvanske županije od ostatka Republike Hrvatske). Širenje Europske unije na zemlje Zapadnog Balkana svakako bi stavilo Hrvatsku u povoljniji položaj po oba pitanja. O gospodarskim koristima koje je RH ostvarilvala u CEFTI, a koje u ni u približnoj mjeri nije nadomjestila na tržištu EU, vidjeti u S. Tišma, V, Samardzija,K.Jurlin (ur.), Hrvatska i Europska unija.Prednosti i izazovi članstva, IMO, 2012., str. 53-60. 21 702 �Hrvatski pogled na euroatlantizam na Zapadnom Balkanu ZAKLJUČAK U suvremenim međunarodnim odnosima jačanje euroatlantizma izraženo kroz širenje euroatlantske (NATO) i europske (EU) integracije na ostatak postsocijalističke Europe dominantan je i jedini proces. Ruska federacija kao ni pokret nesvrstanih (nekada snažno prisutan kroz SFRJ) u postbipolarnoj fazi međunarodnih odnosa nisu se uspjeli nametnuti kao vodeći centri okupljanja većine postsocijalsitičkih europskih zemalja. Euroatlantizam danas traži svoje nove oblike djelovanja, povezivanja i interne kohezije članica. Treba napomenuti da su NATO i EU, usprkos sličnih ciljeva i vrijednosti, ipak u institucionalnom smislu dvije različite organizacije. NATO usprkos svih svojih transformacija ostaje i dalje savez država, dok Europska unija u nekim područjima svoga djelovanja pokušava postići oblike supranacionalizma.To svakako usložava međusoban odnos tih dviju organizacija kao i čitavog procesa euroatlantizma. Aspirantice za članstvo u te dvije organizacije moraju biti svjesne te bazične institucionalne razlike. No usprkos toga, euroatlantska i europska integracija ne smiju stati na granicama Zapadnog Balkana. Euroatlantizam, ne izoliranost, donosi demokratski progres, stabilnost i gospodarski rast u Europi. Promatrano u tom kontekstu širih aspekata globalnih međunarodnih odnosa članstvo Republike Hrvatske u NATO-u i Europskoj uniji otvara vrata za dugoročnu političku i demokratsku sigurnost, gospodarski rast, bolje socijalne uvjete za njezine građane, viši životnistandard. Tek kada se to dogodi i postane prepoznatljivo za zemlje Zapadnog Balkana ulazak Republike Hrvatske u euroatlantski krug zemalja označit će svjetlo u tunelu i ohrabrit će njihove nade da taj turbulentni rubni dio Europe nije zaboravljen od razvijenog Zapada. Svojim iskustvom Hrvatska može biti više nego dobar poticaj da se nastave napori stabilizacije u svim tim zemljama i da jednoga dana i one postanu dio euroatlantizma. Zemlje europskog i euroatlantskog svijeta ne smiju bježati od suradnje sa drugim regionalnim oblicima povezivanja u svijetu ili subjektima koji su danas prisutni ili pokušavaju ojačati svoj utjecaj na Zapadnom Balkanu. Iako dominantni, NATO i EU nisu i jedini akteri koji su prisutni ne samo u tom rubnom dijelu Europe koji još nije u potpunosti integriran, već i ostatku Europe. Za očekivati je da će se broj takvih zainteresianih aktera u budućnosti povećavati. Ruska federacija, Turska, NR Kina, arapske zemlje ulaze u Zapadni Balkan i Europu svakako prvenstveno vođene vlastitim interesima, ali svakako nude brojne mogućnosti potencijalne suradnje i povezivanja koje zemlje euroatlantskog svijeta ne bi smjele propustiti. Za njima će svakako jednog dana doći i druge zainteresirane zemlje i međunarodne regionalne organizacije. Doba zatvorene Europe tvrđave odavno je prošlo. 703 �Lidija Čehulić Vukadinović LITERATURA 1. Davor Božinović, "Hrvatska i Europska unija", Međunarodna politika, god. LIV, br. 1111, Septembar 2003, str. 111. 2. Brnčić, P. Leppee, I. Mošnja, Hrvatska na putu u Europsku uniju: od kandidature do članstva, drugo izdanje, Zagreb, 2004 3. Fraser Cameron, An Introduction to European Foreign Policy, (second edition) , London, 2012. 4. Lidija Čehulić: „Clintonova administracija i ulazak Hrvatske u Partnerstvo za mir“, Politička misao, god. 37., br.3., 2000., str. 177. 5. Christin D. Falkowski, Europe forUs.,Why We Need Euopre,Baden-Baden,2011 6. John McCormick, Why Europe Matters,. The Case for tthe Euriopean Union,Palgrave, 2013. 7. Rebecca R. Moore, NATO's New Mission.Projecting Stability in a Post-Cold War World, Westport, 2007. 8. Marta Nakić-Vojnović: «Contribution of Croatia to International Peacekeeping Missions», u L.Čehulić (ed.) Yearbook Šipan 2006., Zagreb, 2007., str. 82-91. 9. S. Tišma, V, Samardzija,K.Jurlin (ur.), Hrvatska i Europska unija.Prednosti i izazovi članstva, IMO, Zagreb, 2012.. 10. Tomasz Žornaczuk, The Prospects of EU Enlargement to the Western Balkans in 2013, Bulletin, No.24 (477), March 2013, PISM. Warshava 11. R.Vukadinović, Hrvatska i Europa, Međunarodna filatelistička izložba :Hrvatska u Europskoj uniji-susret prijatelja. Katalog, Zagreb, 2013. str. 15. 704 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 3129 Title A name given to the resource Hrvatski pogled na euroatlantizam na Zapadnom Balkanu Author Author VUKADINOVIĆ, Lidija Čehulić Abstract A summary of the resource. Usprkos globalnom svjetskom poretku i procesima ubrzane globalizacije regionalni pristup ostaje temelj za funkcioniranje međunarodnih aktera u suvremenim međunarodnim odnosima.Intenzivnijom regionalizacijom, učvrščivanjem sigurnosnih, gospodarskih, političkih, kulturnih, vjerskih i drugih oblika veza i savezništva države određene regije produbljuju postojeće ili definiraju nove oblike regionalne povezanosti temeljem kojih, kao regionalno prepoznate cjeline, lakše ostvaruju interese na globalnoj međunarodnoj sceni. Euroatlantizam, kao skup odnosa zemalja Sjeverne Amerike i Europe danas prolazi svoju novu do sada najkompleksniju fazu, a procesi euroatlantske i europske integracije dva su paralelna, međusobno povezana procesa koja obilježavaju suvremena zbivanja tzv. Zapadnog, demokratskog, razvijenog svijeta. Institucionalizirani u organizacijama NATO i Europska unija, euroatlantizam i euroatlantske integracije dio su svakodnevice i zemalja Zapadnog Balkana. Republika Hrvatska kao najmlađa članica NATO-a i Europske unije mora preuzeti ulogu zagovornika daljnjeg širenja tih organizacija na ostatak zemalja Zapadnog Balkana, kako zbog svog vlastititog tako isto i zbog interesa tih zemalja ali i jačanja ukupne ideje euroatlantizma u suvremenom svijetu. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Bihaću i Centar za društvena istraživanja Internacionalnog Burč univerziteta Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed K Law (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/bc337c83e6e845e63c414e628db4c646.pdf e8d576ead16ac7bedbce74aac350f819 PDF Text Text Human Intervention in the Case of Syria Modern World War Rea Gegaj Epoka University Tirana, Albania Sara Dedej Epoka University Tirana, Albania Speranca Reka Epoka University Tirana, Albania Abstract: The world is having a crisis on international relations because of the Civil War in Syria, which soon enough turned into a Modern World War (MWW). This conflict complexes the whole world and questions the life of limitless innocent people. Drawing the conflict visually, this paper attempts to explain the use of humanitarian intervention in the case of Syria and surveys the main influential countries included in the war and their reasons for doing so. This review explains the exact event - of 15 students killed by the government - that led to the Civil War and precisely how its size became getting bigger day by day. Besides doing research and explaining the reasons of the conflict, it also focuses on possible and realistic solutions to end the war and support the Syrian refugees, on which the whole burden of the war falls. The review incorporates various methods including data collection and their analysis. Keywords: Civil War in Syria, Modern World War, conflict, international relations, explaining, support, solution. Introduction I have chosen humanitarian intervention as a controversial topic in the light of globalization, growing international cooperation and interdependence amongst states. I argue that, if justified, humanitarian intervention is a moral obligation that falls upon all able international actors, including individual states as well as intergovernmental or supranational organizations. Initially, I will introduce the topic of humanitarian intervention by giving a broad definition and further analyzing it according to the philosopher Michael Walzer. I will, then, compare the analysis and the intervention guidelines with the real life situation in Syria from 2011 to today, arguing that intervention is not only justifiable, but also necessary. I want to underscore that I believe humanitarian intervention is justified or required only in specific cases and based on certain norms and I will further elaborate them accordingly. 74 �Definition of Humanitarian Intervention According to Two Different Philosophers Adam Roberts defines humanitarian intervention as follows: “Coercive action by one or more states involving the use of armed force in another state without the consent of its authorities, and with the purpose of preventing of widespread suffering or death among the inhabitants”. On the other hand, Michael Walzer discusses humanitarian intervention in four regards. Firstly, he does so by examining the nature of its occasions. Secondly, he discusses the preferred agents of interference, further explaining the ways in which intervention should be applied. Lastly how and when a humanitarian intervention should end. (1)Walzer clearly defines the cases in which humanitarian intervention is permissible and required. He says that the occasions in which humanitarian intervention is required should be extreme and at a large scale. Only cases such as genocide, extreme brutality and oppression targeted towards a large population can justify an international response. It has to be clear that it does not seem possible or practical to wait for a local response (Rashid, 2012). (2) When dealing with the question: “Who should be the actor interfering?” Walzer states that interference should come from any actor that has the appropriate means to carry out the humanitarian aid. Simply put: “Who can, should!”Considering the immediacy of the situation, Walzer firmly believes that unilateral action, most commonly coming from neighboring countries, but not only, is the most effective(Walzer, 2002). (3)Proceeding to the means of pursuing a humanitarian intervention, Walzer says that the use of force is necessary. Controversially to the popular opinion that the use of force should come only after exhausting all other possible ways, and as a last resort, he argues that in such occasions of slaughters the end never comes. (4)Answering the question of when should the intervention end is trickier than one would expect. Extending stay too much may start looking like an occupation. The intervening state can prove their pure humanitarian motives by moving in and out as quickly as possible. Therefore, the intervening forces, to avoid the risk of resembling an occupation, should retreat as soon as the danger has ceased to exist. Comparison and Analysis of the Intervention Guidelines with the Real Life Situation in Syria Syria War Frameworks In less than four years the war in Syria escalated to the dire situation we have today. I argue that intervention is not only required, but also that it should have already happened. The war in Syria started in March 2011 in a city in southern Syria, where children were arrested and tortured for anti-government propaganda. This act sparked anti-government demonstrations that later developed into an army against Assad called the “Free Syrian Army”. The rebels planned to 75 �overthrow the oppressive government but were ineffective; however, their numbers and supporters grew as the country moved towards civil war. Arguably, civil war would not be a fair justification for intervention as it remains an internal issue, but as President al-Assad’s regime grew more oppressive, other external forces came into play later during the same year. There are many factors that attributed to the start of this civil war, including economic hardship that came from the drought of 2007-2010, to the ongoing religious conflicts between Sunni Muslims and Alawites. However, it was the harsh response of president al-Assad to the initially peaceful protests that actually escalated the situation and divided the country. Adding to the conflict and taking advantage of the chaotic situation, the self-proclaimed Islamic State or the group better known as ISIS, started invading Syria around 2012. Claiming to follow the religion of Islam, they respond with brutal violence against anyone who doesn’t obey. But many Muslims claim that their religion has nothing to do with hatred and violence. Since early 2014, IS has grown quickly attracting recruiter from all over the world using the Internet and social media. They have managed to conquer the majority of Syria and neighboring Iraq, thus leading the region as their own state and punishing anyone who doesn’t obey to them. Crisscrossing of Foreign Actors Another significant factor to consider is the crisscrossing of foreign intervention and support. The national split has also affected the international split amongst different actors, such as the majority of Shia Iran and Iraq, Lebanon-based Hezbollah, and Sunni-majority states including Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Turkey and others. An international actor is the US, which since 2014 has been bomb-attacking the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant, ISIL, also known as ISIS. About a year later, on September 2015, Russia targeted a bombing campaign towards rebel groups in Syria supported by western states and groups referred to as terrorists, such as ISIL. Russia has also allocated military advisors to support Assad’s defenses. Numerous Arab States, and Turkey, have supplied rebel groups in Syria with weapons. But the cause of the critical situations there is caused by the armed forces coming from outside Syria or that has nothing to do with the initiation of the conflict. For example, ISIL –having only territorial aims- is responsible for approximately 27,000 to 30,000 recruiters from around the world that have joined the fight (Group, reserved, Site, & Media, 2013). Lebanese members of Hezbollah are supporting Assad, as are Iranian and Afghan fighters. Whereas the US, even if it has claimed to oppose Assad’s regime, has hesitated to become an active participant of the conflict. Even when Assad’s government allegedly threw chemical weapons targeting Syria in 2013, former president of the US, Barack Obama, stated that in case of bombing, the US would rapidly intervene. However, in October 2015, the US dropped out of the most debatable Syrian training program stating that the training of only 60 fighters cost them $500m. As President Assad is receiving support from Russia, and the rebel groups are receiving support from Saudi Arabia and the US, each for different agendas, the war has inadvertently grown to a larger scale (Zorthian, 2015). In 2013, there was usage of chemical weapons possibly by the 76 �government during the attack of a rebel base in Damascus. This specific attack ended up killing about 300 Syrians, the majority of which were confirmed to be simply civilians. I would like to argue that at this point in history humanitarian intervention was necessary and undoubtedly justified. The usage of chemical weapons has been considered inhumane even towards militia, let alone towards standing civilians. It is clear that the situation has escalated beyond what would be considered an internal issue, and it is in fact affecting the entire international community. I believe that at this point it would have been the most effective time to intervene by any UN state that could. The lack of intervention from the UN was justified by the international arena by bringing up Russia’s unwillingness to act due to Putin’s ties with President Assad. However, the US together with Saudi Arabia, tried a mild intervention in 2013. The peacekeeping attempts failed as neither terrorist groups nor the government stopped the violence, as it was expected. The attacks went on for the two years to come and the situation is still unresolved. Possible Solutions The population has been and still is an imminent danger from its own government and from outside attacks, such as the Islamic State. The response should have come in 2013 from willing states in this way: Firstly, a diplomatic effort is needed to secure the removal of President Assad and help the reestablishment of a newly elected government that better represents the diversity of Syria. This would have only been possible with troops on Syrian ground that directly attacked the oppressive government and not only served as peacekeepers. Secondly, there would be need of a coordinated humanitarian response from the international community in providing aid for the civilians to rebuild their lives and safely return to their home country. Thirdly, even though ISIS would still be a considerable danger, with a stronger new government and military aid from neighboring countries, it would be possible to minimize said danger or even abolish it completely (depending on the level of cooperation amongst states). As the danger would have been minimized, the UN would restart their programmer of nonmilitary aid in order to restore the infrastructure of the country and help with the aftermath of war. Conclusion I believe that I have fully explained how humanitarian intervention is justified in the case of Syria, and furthermore, is of immediate necessity. So far, the consequences of this war have been terrible, and it still remains in our hands to help ending it. The Syrian government and ISIS are definitely the oppressors and there is more than one state which is able to help. I believe 77 �against holding sovereignty as the main priority, and instead support maintaining international peace and security when deciding that intervention is of absolute international importance. References Group, T. S., reserved, A. rights, Site, & Media, G. (2013). Foreign fighters in Syria, Iraq have doubled since Anti-ISIL intervention. Retrieved January 18, 2017, from http://soufangroup.com/tsg-report-quoted-on-al-jazeera-america-foreign-fighters-in-syriairaq-have-doubled-since-anti-isil-intervention/ Jazeera, A. (2016). Syria’s civil war explained. Retrieved January 18, 2017, from http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2016/05/syria-civil-war-explained-160505084119966.htm Rashid, A. K. (2012, March 13). Is humanitarian intervention ever morally justified? Retrieved January 18, 2017, from http://www.e-ir.info/2012/03/13/is-humanitarian-intervention-evermorally-justified/ Simma, B. (1999). NATO, the UN and the use of force: Legal Aspects. European Journal of International Law, 10(1), 1-22. Taylor, P., Curtis, D. (2008). The United Nations.In Baylis, J, Smith, S. & Owens, P. (Eds), Globalization of World Politics.Oxford University Press. Vincent, R. J. (1974). Non-intervention and International Order. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. 7. Walzer, M. (2002). The Argument about Humanitarian Intervention. Dissent, Winter, 2937. Zorthian, J. (2015, October 7). Who’s fighting who in Syria. Retrieved January 18, 2017, from http://time.com/4059856/syria-civil-war-explainer/ 78 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 3657 Title A name given to the resource Human Intervention in the Case of Syria (doi:10.14706/icesos1720) Author Author Gegaj, Rea Dedej, Sara Reka, Speranca Abstract A summary of the resource. Abstract: The world is having a crisis on international relations because of the Civil War in Syria, which soon enough turned into a Modern World War (MWW). This conflict complexes the whole world and questions the life of limitless innocent people. Drawing the conflict visually, this paper attempts to explain the use of humanitarian intervention in the case of Syria and surveys the main influential countries included in the war and their reasons for doing so. This review explains the exact event - of 15 students killed by the government - that led to the Civil War and precisely how its size became getting bigger day by day. Besides doing research and explaining the reasons of the conflict, it also focuses on possible and realistic solutions to end the war and support the Syrian refugees, on which the whole burden of the war falls. The review incorporates various methods including data collection and their analysis. Keywords: Civil War in Syria, Modern World War, conflict, international relations, explaining, support, solution. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed H Social Sciences (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/d8d9ff775da17be7232ce64ff82dd07d.pdf 984426806807aa78b5e1c4cd8c7e0d0e PDF Text Text International Conference on Economic and Social Studies, 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo Human Resource Management in the banking sector in Sarajevo Nerma Kulo International Burch University, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina Erkan Ilgün International Burch University, Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina eilgun@ibu.edu.ba The aim of this paper is to highlight the importance and scientific pursuit "human side”, and the necessity of implementing the strategy of motivation to employee performance. During the last hundred years the work has been transformed from assembly line production to more creative one, where machinery took over the all repetitious and routine tasks, giving people possibillity devotion to that business process parts, which requested creativity, adaption and innovation. In that new economy the main management tasks have been completely changed. In assembly line production and „old economy“ the main management tasks were establishing of clearly defined system and as precise as possible control of that system. The main manager task in the new economy is developing potentials of every employee and choosing the right working team which will possess the optimal capability for work accomplishing. The research alone has the task to understand the relationship between institutions and employee performance. What makes some employment relationships successful, and causes others to fail? What is the role of government and the law in enhancing the performance of existing and new employment relationships? These are key questions for personnel economics. Personnel Economics analyses how to model the relationship between such psychological factors, individual workplace performance, and general labor market outcomes. Every bank and financial institution is involved in various functions in a day's job and thus requires a highly effective team and appropriate manpower to run the show. Corporate goals are translated into viable realities and profits only with human element who play their due role in achieving the desired results. An important reason for the need of designing work motivation is the need for understanding the mechanisms of behavior as a basis for the system to motivate. One of the key strategic task managers today becomes effective management of human resources in the context of the construction of a coherent system of motivation.Keywords: Discrete Time, the Vasicek Model, Interest Rate. Keywords: Personnel Economics, Motivation, Employee Performance, Motivation Strategy, Employment Relationships. 223 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1617 Title A name given to the resource Human Resource Management in the banking sector in Sarajevo Author Author KULO, Nerma ILGÜN, Erkan Abstract A summary of the resource. The aim of this paper is to highlight the importance and scientific pursuit "human side”, and the necessity of implementing the strategy of motivation to employee performance. During the last hundred years the work has been transformed from assembly line production to more creative one, where machinery took over the all repetitious and routine tasks, giving people possibillity devotion to that business process parts, which requested creativity, adaption and innovation. In that new economy the main management tasks have been completely changed. In assembly line production and „old economy“ the main management tasks were establishing of clearly defined system and as precise as possible control of that system. The main manager task in the new economy is developing potentials of every employee and choosing the right working team which will possess the optimal capability for work accomplishing. The research alone has the task to understand the relationship between institutions and employee performance. What makes some employment relationships successful, and causes others to fail? What is the role of government and the law in enhancing the performance of existing and new employment relationships? These are key questions for personnel economics. Personnel Economics analyses how to model the relationship between such psychological factors, individual workplace performance, and general labor market outcomes. Every bank and financial institution is involved in various functions in a day's job and thus requires a highly effective team and appropriate manpower to run the show. Corporate goals are translated into viable realities and profits only with human element who play their due role in achieving the desired results. An important reason for the need of designing work motivation is the need for understanding the mechanisms of behavior as a basis for the system to motivate. One of the key strategic task managers today becomes effective management of human resources in the context of the construction of a coherent system of motivation.Keywords: Discrete Time, the Vasicek Model, Interest Rate. Keywords: Personnel Economics, Motivation, Employee Performance, Motivation Strategy, Employment Relationships. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013-05-10 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2303-4564