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                    <text>Gender Stereotypes and Gender Differences in Language Usage
Valentina Boskovic &amp; Slavko Alcakovic
Singidunum University/ Belgrade, Serbia
Key words: gender language equality, male/ female titles, language usage, speech differences
ABSTRACT
Along with various social, cultural and political factors, language is one of the biggest conveyors of prejudices. As
speakers of a specific language, consciously or subconsciously, we tend to depict all our beliefs, values and
expectations via our choice of vocabulary, speaking style, register etc. Moreover, the attitude of speakers towards
diverse social issues, such as gender equality, can be visible through our language usage. Therefore, this paper will
present the idea of gender (in) equality seen from a sociolinguistic and applied linguistic perspective, using the
language as the main means of gender stereotypes.
The paper highlights the influence of the society and the area in which the language is communicated as one of the
main contributors to the speech differences between men and women, which later on contribute to their social
differences. In other words, the differences (or similarities, if existing) between male and female speech
characteristics will be presented in the paper, taking into consideration the attitude of speakers and their
communication habits and characteristics.
The paper also presents a brief research (survey) including 20 men and women who give their opinion on this
topic and who answer relevant questions regarding language usage and language policy. The survey includes the
group of nouns denoting titles and professions in male/ female gender and their usage, as it has been shown in some
languages that most of the titles and professions are used mainly for male gender.
In the end, the paper depicts potential solutions to the problems of gender (in) equality in languages and gives
examples of how this issue can be solved.

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                <text>Key words: gender language equality, male/ female titles, language usage, speech differences  ABSTRACT  Along with various social, cultural and political factors, language is one of the biggest conveyors of prejudices. As speakers of a specific language, consciously or subconsciously, we tend to depict all our beliefs, values and expectations via our choice of vocabulary, speaking style, register etc. Moreover, the attitude of speakers towards diverse social issues, such as gender equality, can be visible through our language usage. Therefore, this paper will present the idea of gender (in) equality seen from a sociolinguistic and applied linguistic perspective, using the language as the main means of gender stereotypes.  The paper highlights the influence of the society and the area in which the language is communicated as one of the main contributors to the speech differences between men and women, which later on contribute to their social differences. In other words, the differences (or similarities, if existing) between male and female speech characteristics will be presented in the paper, taking into consideration the attitude of speakers and their communication habits and characteristics.  The paper also presents a brief research (survey) including 20 men and women who give their opinion on this topic and who answer relevant questions regarding language usage and language policy. The survey includes the group of nouns denoting titles and professions in male/ female gender and their usage, as it has been shown in some languages that most of the titles and professions are used mainly for male gender.  In the end, the paper depicts potential solutions to the problems of gender (in) equality in languages and gives examples of how this issue can be solved.</text>
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                    <text>Gendered Swearing – deconstruction of Lady's Identity?
Marijana Sivric
University of Mostar/ Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina
Key words: taboo, swearing, gender, identity, equality
ABSTRACT
According to McEnery (2005) swearing is the use of any word or phrase that is likely to cause offence when used in
polite conversation. Trudgill (2000) sees swearing as a part of taboo language, which is something supernaturally
forbidden or regarded as immoral or improper. Jay, in his numerous studies (1980-2006), distinguishes several
categories of taboo language: obscenities, vulgarisms, curses, expletives, profanities, confirming their presence and
use in almost all languages.
There has been widespread research into swearing within many disciplines such as linguistics, sociolinguistics,
psychology, sexuality, education, sociology, women’s studies, just to name a few. However, one of the most
intriguing aspects of the sociolinguistics of swearing is the correlation between swearing and the gender of speakers,
because it is strongly tied to gender roles and expectations in society.
As ‘women’s language’ is usually considered polite, cooperative, powerless and lady talk, swearing is seen as
aggressive and masculine and women who swear are immediately characterized as violating gender norms, which is
directly connected to gender identity.
Being fully aware of strong swearing frequency among women today, we would like to pay attention to the
following questions: When do young people swear? How is their swearing context-based? What is the difference
between male and female swearing? Does the use of swear words impact the deconstruction of lady’s identity?
An analysis of swearing can offer a deeper insight into social relations among young people today, particularly those
referring to gender issues.

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                <text>Key words: taboo, swearing, gender, identity, equality  ABSTRACT  According to McEnery (2005) swearing is the use of any word or phrase that is likely to cause offence when used in polite conversation. Trudgill (2000) sees swearing as a part of taboo language, which is something supernaturally forbidden or regarded as immoral or improper. Jay, in his numerous studies (1980-2006), distinguishes several categories of taboo language: obscenities, vulgarisms, curses, expletives, profanities, confirming their presence and use in almost all languages.  There has been widespread research into swearing within many disciplines such as linguistics, sociolinguistics, psychology, sexuality, education, sociology, women’s studies, just to name a few. However, one of the most intriguing aspects of the sociolinguistics of swearing is the correlation between swearing and the gender of speakers, because it is strongly tied to gender roles and expectations in society.  As ‘women’s language’ is usually considered polite, cooperative, powerless and lady talk, swearing is seen as aggressive and masculine and women who swear are immediately characterized as violating gender norms, which is directly connected to gender identity.  Being fully aware of strong swearing frequency among women today, we would like to pay attention to the following questions: When do young people swear? How is their swearing context-based? What is the difference between male and female swearing? Does the use of swear words impact the deconstruction of lady’s identity?  An analysis of swearing can offer a deeper insight into social relations among young people today, particularly those referring to gender issues.</text>
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                <text>General Tool Conditions for Green Machining</text>
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CELIK, Erdal</text>
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                <text>The development of "green" machine tools will require novel approaches for  design, production and operation for energy savings and reduced environmental impact.  Manufacturing processes carried out on machine tools are energy intensive. As machine  tools have become more advanced, their degree of automation has risen by adding  components such as tool change mechanisms or additional axes. Given the general trend of  increasing power demand of machine tools the cost that companies have to expend on  electrical energy will rise in the future. Furthermore, the external costs on the environment  rise, since currently the majority of electrical power is obtained from burning fosil resources.  A foreseeable shortage of fossil resources and a growing demand to include the external cost  of environmental damage in product prices are likely to increase the cost of electrical energy  for companies even further. Therefore, in order to maintain competitiveness and lower  costs, companies have to identify ways to decrease the energy consumed during  manufacturing for a given product.  Keywords: green machining; depth of cut (doc); diamond tools; tool conditions; cnc lathes</text>
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                    <text>GENERAL TOOL CONDITIONS FOR GREEN MACHINING
Recep Yigit
Dokuz Eylül University, Izmir, Turkey
recep.yigit@deu.edu.tr
Erdal Celik
Dokuz Eylül University, Izmir, Turkey
erdal.celik@deu.edu.tr
Keywords:Green Machining; Depth of Cut (DOC); Diamond Tools; Tool Conditions; CNC
lathes
ABSTRACT
The development of "green" machine tools will require novel approaches for design, production
and operation for energy savings and reduced environmental impact. Manufacturing processes
carried out on machine tools are energy intensive. As machine tools have become more
advanced, their degree of automation has risen by adding components such as tool change
mechanisms or additional axes. Given the general trend of increasing power demand of machine
tools the cost that companies have to expend on electrical energy will rise in the future.
Furthermore, the external costs on the environment rise, since currently the majority of electrical
power is obtained from burning fosil resources. A foreseeable shortage of fossil resources and a
growing demand to include the external cost of environmental damage in product prices are
likely to increase the cost of electrical energy for companies even further. Therefore, in order to
maintain competitiveness and lower costs, companies have to identify ways to decrease the
energy consumed during manufacturing for a given product.

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                <text>Keywords:Green Machining; Depth of Cut (DOC); Diamond Tools; Tool Conditions; CNC lathes  ABSTRACT  The development of "green" machine tools will require novel approaches for design, production and operation for energy savings and reduced environmental impact. Manufacturing processes carried out on machine tools are energy intensive. As machine tools have become more advanced, their degree of automation has risen by adding components such as tool change mechanisms or additional axes. Given the general trend of increasing power demand of machine tools the cost that companies have to expend on electrical energy will rise in the future. Furthermore, the external costs on the environment rise, since currently the majority of electrical power is obtained from burning fosil resources. A foreseeable shortage of fossil resources and a growing demand to include the external cost of environmental damage in product prices are likely to increase the cost of electrical energy for companies even further. Therefore, in order to maintain competitiveness and lower costs, companies have to identify ways to decrease the energy consumed during manufacturing for a given product.</text>
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                    <text>1st International Syposium on Sustainable Development, June 9-10 2009, Sarajevo

Genetic Diversity in the Dwarf Dry Bean (Phaseolus Vulgaris l.)
Populations Grown in Konya
Ali Kahraman
Research Assistant
Selcuk University, Agricultural Faculty, Department of Field Crops, Konya, TURKEY
kahramanali@selcuk.edu.tr
M ustafa Onder
Selcuk University, Agricultural Faculty, Department of Field Crops, Konya, TURKEY
monder@selcuk.edu.tr,

Abstract : This research was conducted to determine the genetic differences among the dwarf
dry bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) populations collected from the Konya province of Turkey.
Seedlings were grown in a controlled greenhouse of Selçuk University, Faculty of Agriculture
during the year 2007. A total of 38 populations were gathered from the city center, the towns and
the villages. Genetic differences were determined via ISSR method. By using 10 primers a total
of 85 DNA bands were obtained of which 71 were found to be polymorphic.
Our results have demonstrated that the populations used were clustered into 3 major groups.
Similarity degrees were in between 0.48 – 097. Knowledge about the genetic characteristics of a
population is fundamental in breeding programs and it involves the local farmers. This strategy
allows to improve and, at the same time, safeguard the genetic reliability of landrace genetic
resources.
Keywords: Dry bean, ISSR, Phaseolus vulgaris, polymorphism.

Introduction
Com mon bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.)is an annual, diploid (2n=22) species derived from wild ancestors
distributed from Northern Mexico to Northwestern Argentina. Com mon bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) is an
important economic food legume widely grown in many countriesinthe world.
Konya ranks first in Turkey in terms of the bean cultivation areas with a total area of 14.869 ha and a
production level of 27.818 tons (Anonymous 2008).
The necessity of preserving important germplasm has led to the construction and maintenance of very
large germplasm collections.
For accurate determination of the genetic relationships, DNA markers have advantages over
morphological traits, such as distinguishing among accessions with similar morphology and discriminating
polymorphism over far more locithan isozymes and seed proteins.
Many molecular marker techniques have been developed in recent years. They started to be used
successfully in molecular genetics laboratories. Those that are PCR (Polymerase Chain Reaction) based include
SSR (Simple Sequence Repeat), AFLP (Amplified Fragment Length Polymorphism), RAPD (Random
A mplified Polymorphic DN A) and ISSR (Inter Simple Sequence Repeats). Cultivar lines that are
morphologically similar could be separated and defined with the use of markers (Lowe et al. 1996). The
relationship degree that is found in between genetic materials can be used in selection programs in order to
improve the agricultural material. Polymorphism is much higher in DNA-based systems when compared to
classical and biochemical markers.
According to research on wheat,ISSR provides resultssimilarto RAPD and RFLP in determining genetic
relationships and diversity. Additionally, ISSR markers were found to be more reliable (Nagaoka and Ogihara
1997). Like RAPDs, ISSRs are quick and easy to handle, but they seem to have the reproducibility of SSR
markers because of the longer length of their primers (Bornet and Branchard 2001). Kantety et al. (1995)
reported that ISSRs can be used to determine the polymorphism among species and for plant improvement.
Using ISSR in maize was found to be easy and cheap, taking short time and giving more polymorphic bands
when compared to RAPDs.
ISSR technique have been widely applied in various plant varieties in recent years. It was successfully
used in bean (Galvan et al. 2003; Marotti et al. 2007), chickpea (Iruela et al. 2002; Rajesh et al. 2002; Sudupak
2004), pea (Kuznetsova et al.2005),lentil(Duran et al. 2004) and barley (Hou et al.(2005).
It is amazing to see that farmers obtain high yields from the populations without using certified lines.
13

�1st International Syposium on Sustainable Development, June 9-10 2009, Sarajevo

There are a numerous genotypes in the hands of the farmers. Usually the farmers give differentlocal names for
the same seeds. This study aims to demonstrate both the applicability of ISSR-PCR method and to reveal the
D N A fingerprints belonging to the populations involved.D N A level identification of genetic diversity among
dwarf dry bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) populations, which are grown in Konya province was also targetted.

Material and Method
Plant Material and DNA Isolation
Each of 10 samples used were collected from 38 dry bean seed populations that were grown widely in the
center, county and villages ofKonya (Table 1).
Seeds were germinated in a glasshouse on wet sand under controlled conditions (20 C0 oftemperature and 12 h
photoperiod). After 21 days,the primary leaves were harvested and DNAs were extracted. For DNA isolations
2xCTAB method was used.

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Table 1. The codes, origins and local names of the dry bean populations used in
DNA isoloations
Code
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13*
14
15
16
17
18
19 *
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
* Certified

Origin
Başarakavak County
Başarakavak County
Başarakavak County
Çumra (Center)
Çumra (Center)
Çumra (Center)
Çumra (Center)
Çumra (Center)
Çumra (Center)
Altınekin (Center)
Altınekin (Center)
Altınekin (Mantar Village)
Çumra (Center)
Konya (Center)
Ereğli(Center)
Ereğli(Center)
Kadınhanı (Center)
Kadınhanı (Center)
Kadınhanı (Center)
Derbent (Center)
Derbent (Center)
Derbent (Center)
Beyşehir(Göçü Village)
Seydişehir(Center)
Ilgın (Beykonak Village)
Ilgın (Center)
Sarayönü (Center)
Sarayönü (Center)
Yunak (Center)
Yunak (Center)
Çumra (Center)
Derbent (Center)
Akşehir(Center)
Akşehir (Sorkun Village)
Akşehir(Center)
Akşehir(Center)
Kazım Karabekir
Kazım Karabekir

Local name
Horoz
Sarıkız
Kanada
Şeker (Bıyıklı)
Kırgız Çalısı
Horoz
Beyşehir Çalısı
Bombay (Bomba)
Kanada
A merikan Kollu Fasulye
Sarnıç
A merikan Çalısı
Niğde Barbunyası
Gina
Dermason
Horoz
Weıhıng
Kanada
Akman - 98
A merikan (Beretta)
Sarhoş (Washington)
Şeker
Horoz
Sıra
Beyaz Horoz
Horoz (Kırk Günlük)
Kanada
A merikan Çalısı
Üveynk (Veynk)
Kanada
Kırgız Yuvarlak (Kollu) Barbunya
Yuvarlak Barbunya
Dermason
Ayşe Kadın
Horoz (Oturak)
Dermason (Oturak)
Kanada (Kara Yaprak)
Dermason (Kırgız)

line

Figure 1 shows the geographical origins ofthe common beans used.

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Figure 1. The geographical origins ofthe dwarf dry bean that were used in the study

PCR Amplification
Genomic DNAs were extracted from leaf samples using 2xCTAB mini-prep (cetilthree metil amonyum
bromid) method (Hulbert and Bennetzen, 1993).Sequences of ISSR markers used are listed in Table 2.
Concentrations of DNA samples that were dissolved in 100 ul TE buffer were read by using a
spectrophotometer. DNA concentrations were equalized to 20 ng/ul with sterile pure water. PCR mixture was
consisted of 2.5 µl 10 X Taq buffer (Bioron), 2.5µl 25m M MgCl2, 0.4 µl dNTPs (25 m M of each) (Lavron), 0.5
µl Primer (50 pmol/µl) and 0.3 µl Taq DNA Polymerase (Bioron 5 U/µl), 14.8µl distilled water and 20 ng of
genomic DNAs. The finalreaction volume was 25 µl.

PCR conditions
The PCR conditions included initial denaturation step for 1 min at 95°C, followed by 20 cycles with
denaturation at 94°C for 1 min; annealing at 55°C for 2 min;extension at 72 °C for 2 min and final extension for
10 min at 72°C. Amplification products were fractioned in 2% agarose gel,stained using ethidium bromide and
viewed under UV light.

Scoring and analysis of ISSRs
ISSR analysis of 38 dwarf dry bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.)populations was conducted with 10 primers
(Table 2). DNA bands were scored fortheir presence (1) or absence (0)inthe ISSR profileof populations used.
from all populations. UPG M A dendogram and Principal Coordinate Analysis (PcoA) was obtained using a
commercial software named as NTSYS-PC.

Results
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In this study, ISSR markers were used for quick, easy to practice and economic application possibilities.
ISSR fragments from 38 dwarf dry bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) populations were obtained using 10 primers.
The primers used in the study and the totalfragment numbers, number of polymorphic,fragments and
polymorphism ratios are given in Table 2.
Base
Melting
Length of
Polymorphic
G/C
Fragment
Sequence (5'Tempeture
the primer
fragment
(%)
numbers
3')
T m (oC)
(bp)
numbers
G A G(CAA)5
49.1
18
38.9
7
4
F1
CTC(GT)8
56.7
19
52.6
6
6
F2
(AG)8 CG
56.0
18
55.6
5
5
F3
(AG)8 TG
53.7
18
50.0
6
2
F4
(AG)8
49.2
16
50.0
15
15
F5
C(CAC)4 CA
53.3
15
66.7
6
4
F6
(AC)8
49.2
16
50.0
9
7
F7
(GCC)5
67.0
15
100
10
7
F8
(GAA)5
39.6
15
33.3
10
10
F9
(AGC) 5 G
63.1
16
68.4
11
11
M1
Total and Mean
53.7
16.6
56.6
85
71
Table 2. Primers used in the study and the total number of fragments,number of polymorphic
fragments and polymorphism ratios
Primers

Polymorphism
ratios (%)
57.14
100
100
33.33
100
66.67
77.78
70
100
100
83.53

As itcan be seen from Table 2,intotal 85 DNA fragments were obtained, 71 of which were polymorphic,
the remaining 14 being monomorphic. While fragments obtained from all populations, F5 primer was the one
which yielded the highest number of fragments (15), and F3 was the one that yielded the lowest number of
fragments (5). F2, F3, F5, F9 and M1 primers gave the highest polymorphism ratios (100%) while F4 primer
had the lowest polymorphism ratio (33.33%). Taken into consideration all of the primers, the overall ratio of
polymorphism obtained in the study was identified as 83.53%. Genetic similarity values of 38 bean populations
were in between 0.48 and 0.97 based on the results of applied 10 ISSR markers.

Figure 2. The UPG M A dendogram ofthe 38 dwarf dry bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) populations
based on 10 ISSR markers
In the study NTSYS-pc 2.0 software was used in order to identify the genetic relationship and genotypic
diversity of the populations through UPG M A method. As it can be seen in Figure 2, the populations were
divided into three main groups, one of which were constituted of V8 and V21 populations that were genetically
different from the other populations. The populations that constituted the other groups were also divided into
sub-groups. C2 and C3 which were genetically the closest populations.
The populations C2 and C3, which are found to be closestto each otherin genetic constitution on the dendogram
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were also found to be genetically related in the Principal Coordinate Analysis (PCoA) (Figure 3). In addition,
genetically the most distantindividuals were found to be the populations V8 and V21.

Figure 3. PCoA analysis ofthe 38 dwarf dry bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.)interms of ISSR markers
Discussion
According to the resultsit can be said that the ISSR markers present high level of polymorphism in dry
bean populations that were applied. Thus, they can serve as markers to be used in determination of genetic
relationships. They are attractive since it is easy to apply them and they are very sensitive tools in molecular
studies. They also have high level of reproducibi,lity.(Bornet and Branchard 2001; Reddy et al. 2002; Galvan et
al. 2003; Duran et al. 2004; Sudupak 2004; Gonzalez et al. 2006; Kuznetsova et al. 2005; Hakkı, E. E. et al.
2007; Marotti et al. 2007).
A previous study has considered the utility of ISSR markers forthe genetic diversity and to determine the
relationships among thirteen cultivars of common bean, eight ofthe nine primersthat were used were same with
this study (Galvan et al. 2003). In that research primers (F1-2-3-4-5-7-8-9) provided 85 amplified bands and 71 of
them were polymorphic.
Inter simple sequence repeats (ISSRs) may be usable and reliable genetic markers to provide accurate
information forthe identification of germplasms.
As a result, it can be said that these dwarf dry bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) populations have a
heterogenous nature and they could be used for purposes of genetic improvement in Konya province. At the
same time, with a more comprehensive study with other ISSR primers and different molecular markers the
power of the analysis may be improved. Additionally, the number of populations may be extended to include
additional genetic material,so that alarger genetic background may be used in further breeding programs.

Acknowledgements
This research was supported by the Scientific Research Coordination Center of Selcuk University, Turkey
(Project No: 06401030). Support of TUBITAK (Project No: 104O547) is gratefully acknowledged.

References
Anonymous (2008). www.tuik.gov.tr
Bornet, B. &amp; Branchard, M. (2001). Nonanchored inter-simple sequence repeat (ISSR) markers: Reproducible and specific
tools for genome fingerprinting. Plant Mol Biol Reporter 19: 209–215.

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�1st International Syposium on Sustainable Development, June 9-10 2009, Sarajevo

Bovenhuis, H., &amp; Meuwissen, T. (1996). Detection and Mapping of Quantitative
Trait Loci. Animal Genetics and
Breeding Unit, University of New England Armidale.
Duran, Y., Fratini, R., García, P. &amp; Pérez de la Vega, M. (2004). An intersubspecific genetic map of Lens TAG Theoretical
and Applied Genetics Volume 108.
Galván, M.Z., Bornet, B., Balatti , P.A. &amp; Branchard, M. (2003). Inter simple sequence repeat (ISSR) markers as a tool for
the assessment of both genetic diversity and gene pool origin in common bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) Euphytica Volume
132.
Gonzalez, A.M., Monteagudo, A.B., Casquero, P.A., Ron, A.M. &amp; Santalla, M. (2006). Genetic variation and enviromental
effects on agronomical and commercial quality traits in the main European market classes of dwarf dry bean. Field Crops
Research 95: 336-347.
Hakkı, E. E., Kayis, S. A., Pınarkara, E. &amp; Sağ, A. (2007). Inter simple sequence repeats separate efficiently hemp from
marijuana (Cannabis sativa L.). Electronıc Journal Of Bıotechnology 10 (4): 570-581.
Hou, Yong-Cui, Yan, Ze-Hong, Wei, Yu-Ming &amp; Zheng, Y. L. (2005). Genetic diversity in barley from west China based on
RAPD and ISSR analysis Barley Genetics Newsletter 35:9-22.
Hulbert SH, Bennetzen JL. Recombination at the Rp1 locus of maize. Mol Gen Genet. 1991 May;226 (3): 377–382.
Iruela, M., Rubio, J., J.I. Cubero, Gil, J. &amp; Millán, T. (2002). Phylogenetic analysis in the genus Cicer and cultivated
chickpea using RAPD and ISSR markers. Theoretical and Applied Genetics 104: 643–651.
Kantety, R.V., Zeng, X.P., Bennetzen, J.L. &amp; Zehr, B.E. (1995). Assessment of genetic diversity in Dent and Popcorn (Zea
mays L.) inbred lines using inter-simple sequence repeat (ISSR) amplification. Mol Breed 1: 365–373.
Kuznetsova, O. I., Ash, O. I., Hartina, G. A. &amp; Gostimskij, S. A. (2005). RAPD and ISSR analyses of regenerated pea Pisum
sativum l. Plants Russian Journal of Genetics Volume 41.
Lowe, A. J., Hanotte, O. &amp; Guarino, L. (1996). Standardization of Molecular Genetic Techniques for the Characterization of
Germplasm Collections: The Caase of Random Amplified Polymorphic DNA (RAPD). Plant Genetic Resources Newsletter.
107: 50-54.
Marotti, I., Bonetti, A., Minelli, M., Catizone, P. &amp; Dineli, G. (2007). Characterization of some Italian common bean
landraces by RAPD, semi-random and ISSR molecular markers. Genetic Resources and Crop Evolution. 54: 175-188.
Nagaoka, T. &amp; Ogihara, Y. (1997). Applicability of inter-simple sequence repeat polymorphisms in wheat for use as DNA
markers in comparison to RFLP and RAPD markers. Theoretical and Applied Genetics 94: 597-602.
Rajesh, P.N., Sant, VJ, Gupta, V.S., Muehlbauer, F.J. &amp; Ranjekar, P.K. (2002). Genetic relationships among annual and
perennial wild species of Cicer using inter simple sequence repeat (ISSR) polymorphism. Euphytica 129:15–23
Reddy, M.P., Sarla, N. &amp; Siddiq, A. (2002). Inter simple sequence repeat (ISSR) polymorphism and its application in plant
breeding Euphytica 128: 9–17.
Sudupak, M.A. (2004). Inter and intra-species inter simple sequences repeat (ISSR) variations in the genus Cicer. Euphytica
135:229– 238.

19

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                <text>This research was conducted to determine the genetic differences among the dwarf  dry bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) populations collected from the Konya province of Turkey.  Seedlings were grown in a controlled greenhouse of Selçuk University, Faculty of Agriculture  during the year 2007. A total of 38 populations were gathered from the city center, the towns and  the villages. Genetic differences were determined via ISSR method. By using 10 primers a total  of 85 DNA bands were obtained of which 71 were found to be polymorphic.  Our results have demonstrated that the populations used were clustered into 3 major groups.  Similarity degrees were in between 0.48 – 097. Knowledge about the genetic characteristics of a  population is fundamental in breeding programs and it involves the local farmers. This strategy  allows to improve and, at the same time, safeguard the genetic reliability of landrace genetic  resources.</text>
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                    <text>PROCEEDINGS

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GENOFUND OF NATIVE FRUIT IN THE UNA - SANA CANTON
Azra Skender1, Dinko Bećirspahić1, Aida Mujagić-Pašić1, Senad Joldić1, Berin Kulelija2,
1

2

Biotechnical faculty, University of Bihać
Faculty of Agriculture and Food Science, University of Sarajevo
E-mail: skenderharun@yahoo.com

ABSTRACT
A high-quality genofund of fruit species and varieties, which are the result of centuries-long
adaptation and selection, characterises the Una – Sana Canton. Therefore, this work has
included research on the thirty-one sites in eight municipalities (Bihać, Bosanska Krupa,
Bosanski Petrovac, Bužim, Cazin, Sanski Most, Velika Kladuša) of the Una- Sana Canton.
The aim is primarily to protect and preserve endangered fruit trees and genofund, whereby the
first step in meeting these goals is the inventory of native species and varieties. The total of
275 native fruit accessions has been found at these sites, apples and pears being dominant.
Most native fruit accessions are not commercially significant varieties. However, local
inhabitants mainly use them in the processing and preparation of traditional products. Also, a
high degree of tolerance of these accessions for particular diseases and pests was recorded,
whereby these accessions represent an exceptional source of starting material for future
breeding steps.
Key words: Native fruit, genofund, Una-Sana Canton, inventory, accession

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INTRODUCTION
Preserving biodiversity is one of the key concerns of the world community, one of the most
important issues for the protection of the environment. The conservation of plant genofund is
essential for each country. While the genofund of agricultural species plays an important role
in agricultural production of a country, genofund of wild species plays an important role in
preserving the environment and preserving biodiversity. Domestic varieties are all those
varieties which originate from our country or which are grown for a long time here and are of
unknown origin, but according to their economic characteristics are very important, and have
a national significance. Domestic varieties are often similar in some basic features, because
they originate from the same environmental conditions. They usually have more important
agricultural and biological, as well as pomological characteristics, which make them suitable
as starting material for selection (Šoškić, 1994). According to Kowarik &amp; Seitz (2003),
indigenous varieties are those natural populations spontaneously formed in a certain area, and
varieties that have directly or indirectly come to a particular area thanks to a man, and it is not
known from which area.
The history of our indigenous fruits varieties is very long. Balkan Peninsula is one of the most
important and richest centres of genetic diversity of fruit species in Europe. Many fruit
species during domestication came in contact with their wild relatives, and the crossing of
genetic material and adaptation to environmental conditions resulted in enriching the
biodiversity of the area (Vukojević et al., 2012).
As it is pointed out by Milenković and Lukić (2008), indigenous varieties are donors of genes
that are responsible for specific traits: resistance to the causes of diseases and pests, colouring,
flavour, resistance to abiotic factors of the environment, storage properties. Specialisation in
terms of choice of breeding of certain species and varieties towards which a modern fruit
production strives, the choice of intensive breeding systems, market demands, and striving for
the realization of greater financial gain, are the reasons of genetic uniformity, i. e. permanent
reduction of genetic variability of cultivated fruit trees, which may have disastrous
consequences. These effects generally manifest as outbreaks of plant diseases, a significant
reduction in yield or total absence of production of certain species or varieties (Jarebica &amp;
Kurtović, 1997). As stated by Fischer (2002), an intensive production of new highly
productive varieties makes agrobiodiversity susceptible to diseases, pests and weeds, which in
turn demands the use of pesticides. The solution to this problem in the fruit growing can be
found in the genetic variability of indigenous varieties, therefore the conservation and use of
genetic resources of indigenous species and varieties.
Indigenous varieties of fruit, although very present and widespread in the Balkans, were rarely
studied. However , today more and more authors conduct research of indigenous fruit species
and varieties, which indicates ever increasing importance of conservation of fruit trees genetic
resources (Milenković &amp; Lukić, 2008; Skender, Jahić, Hadžiabulić &amp; Kurtović, 2008;
Ognjanov 2005; Begić-Akagić et al., 2011; Gaši et al., 2010, 2011, 2013 etc.). According to
Begić - Akagić et al. (2011), indigenous varieties in Bosnia and Herzegovina are valuable
sources of desirable genetic material for important pomological, nutritional and technological
properties of fruit. As Klještanović stated (2012), clonal selection of native apple varieties and
their application in hybrid combinations yielded visible results in Serbia.
The north-western part of Bosnia and Herzegovina, i. e. the Una-Sana Canton, is
characterized by high quality resources fruit species and varieties, which are the result of
centuries-long adaptation and selection. Given that these are very old high trees (indigenous
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varieties) in the system of extensive planting, the survival of these resources is questionable.
As in other parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina, commercial fruit varieties were dominant in the
20th century. This resulted in neglecting of old genotypes which, apart from representing our
natural and cultural heritage, are species and varieties highly resistant to diseases and pests. In
north-western Bosnia and Herzegovina, the presence of a large number of very old trees of
different varieties of apple, pear, plum, cherry, walnut and chestnut is evident. These
genotypes represent a reservoir of genes which should serve as the basis for the breeding of
these fruit species in the future. Therefore, the survival and preservation of these varieties is
the issue of the overall biodiversity of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The existing genetic diversity
can be preserved by establishing in situ, on farm and ex situ collection plantations.
METHOD
Research, i. e. inventory of native species and varieties of fruit was carried out over the period
July – December 2012, in north-western Bosnia and Herzegovina, i. e. the Una - Sana Canton.
The study included thirty–one sites in eight municipalities (Bihać, Bosanska Krupa, Bosanski
Petrovac, Bužim, Cazin, Sanski Most and Velika Kladuša). During the inventory, standard
research methodology and data collection of a large number of data from the field was used.
A survey was conducted on the field, regarding the data on the variety and age of a tree, basic
pomological characteristics, use value, resistance to disease and frost. The exact address has
been recorded for each tree. Every tree has been photographed, and very rare varieties have
been especially noted. Collection of fruits was done at the time of their full maturity, whereby
basic characterization and description of fruit have been conducted, and photographs taken.
Some of the identified varieties have not yielded fruit in the studied vegetation season. It is
assumed that the reason for this is low temperatures in the spring months, which damaged
flowers and led to their sterility and lack of birth. It was also observed that some of the
varieties have a characteristic of alternative birth (bear fruit every other year), so this is one of
the reasons why the fruits of all varieties found have not been collected. All collected data are
summarized in a working manual.
RESULTS
It is known that the inventory represents the first step in determining and rescuing rare plant
species and genotypes. Based on the inventarisation of indigenous fruit species and varieties
in the Una - Sana Canton, we established the actual condition and position which they take on
these sites. During the war period, but in the post-war years as well, many individual trees
have been cut down in order to build residential buildings, and old trees were dying out. The
specialization in terms of choice of individual species and cultivated varieties, then intensive
cultivation system, as well as market requirements and striving for greater financial gain led
to the gradual disappearance of autochthonous assortment. The results showed that the studied
area of the Una-Sana Canton today has an enviable genofond of native species and varieties,
but we also noted the disconcerting regression in breeding them. It was noted that almost
every municipality has a large number of varieties of apple trees Petrovka and Tuskača
(which possesses various synonyms in different areas, and is referred to as Čupa and Rapava).
Also, many varieties of apple trees Gavranuša (Garvanuša), Senabija, Zvečac (Zvečarka),
varieties of pear Kolatuša, Barliman, and Black Pear were found. In some locales, there are
many fruits of Požegača plum, which is still trying to resist its greatest disease, Plum pox
virus, in some parts of the Una-Sana Canton.

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DISCUSSION
The greatest attention should be focused on the assortment that has the smallest number of
trees on our sites, which is the most vulnerable and which we might lose in the near future.
Those are apple varieties Đulabija, Delbašinka, Muškinja, Šarenika, Stambolka, Zukva,
Prutulja, the varieties of pear Karupnjača, Medika, Vodenjača (Jeribasma), and plum
Zambelija. Currently, this assortment listed has the smallest number of individual trees and
represents the most endangered varieties in the area of the Una-Sana Canton, and especially
those with trees older than 100 years. The age of catalogued trees usually ranges between 50
and 70 years, although there are trees older than 100 years. The encouraging fact is that there
are trees between the ages of 15 and 30, which means certain indigenous varieties will be kept
in this area for some time.
Inventoried trees are mainly grown in extensive conditions, without the use of any
agrotechnics, and no significant attack of pests and diseases was noticed, which suggests that
these varieties are resistant to pests and diseases in poor growing conditions. Because of that,
the preserved indigenous genofund of these endangered varieties can be used in breeding
purposes, because they have characteristics which new varieties mainly lack. Those are
resistance to frost, disease and pests, late blossoming, and some have good organoleptic
properties.
Skender, Jahić, Hadžiabulić, and Kurtović (2008) have conducted tests of pomological
characteristics of some of these indigenous varieties of apples from the area of the Una-Sana
Canton, and the results showed that certain indigenous varieties in this region have highquality varieties regarding their pomological traits, where the variety of Kisela apple is
particularly prominent and still enough represented. Drkenda et al. (2007) have conducted
similar research when it comes to technological properties of some indigenous apple
genotypes in the area of Goražde, and came to the conclusion that the tested genotypes have
satisfactory values of important technological parameters, and the fruits of these genotypes
can be recommended for direct consumption and for processing.
In the municipalities of Velika Kladuša, Cazin and Bužim, there are large natural populations
of chestnut (Castanea sativa Mill.), which are the largest natural habitats of European edible
chestnut in our country. These populations can be used to select suitable material for genetic
selection and conservation of natural populations of chestnut in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
During this study, a chestnut tree estimated to be about 300 years old was found in Rošići
near Pećigrad.
In the end, it can be concluded that 275 indigenous varieties of fruit trees have been found and
photographed in 31 investigated sites in the eight municipalities of the Una - Sana Canton.
Many of the varieties found are similar in phenotype, but they may have different synonyms
at different locations. Indigenous varieties are similar in some of its properties, as they
occurred in the same environmental conditions. To draw attention to preserving our native
varieties, both through counselling of small farmers and raising awareness of all our country's
citizens to protect and preserve our agrobiodiversity is of utmost importance.

72 | P a g e

�PROCEEDINGS

th

______ The 5 International Symposium on Sustainable Development_______

ISSD 2014

CONCLUSION
Based on the inventory of indigenous varieties of fruit in the Una-Sana Canton, the following
conclusions can be drawn:
 Despite large regression of indigenous varieties in the last twenty years, the area of the
Una - Sana Canton still has a considerable number of indigenous varieties of fruit.
 The most common indigenous varieties of apple in this area are Petrovka, Tuskača,
Čupa, Gavranuša, Senabija , Zvečac, pears Kolatuša, Barliman, and Black Pear, while
the most common plum variety is Požegača.
 The most vulnerable indigenous varieties which could be extinct soon are varieties of
apple Đulabija, Delbašinka, Muškinja, Šarenika, Stambolka, Zukva, Prutulja, and
pears Karupnjača, Medika, and Jeribasma, while the most vulnerable plum variety is
Zambelija.
 When it comes to the age of trees of the indigenous varieties, it usually ranges between
50 and 70 years, although there are trees that are older than 100 years, and those
younger than 30 years.
Since inventory is the first, but very important step in preservation of indigenous fruit
varieties, it is necessary to intensify research in the field of indigenous varieties of fruits and
preserving them in the near future, because they represent a valuable natural and cultural
heritage of the area, as well as the genetic material for breeding purposes. One of the ways to
preserve and protect indigenous species and varieties in the Una - Sana Canton is the raising
of the first ex situ collection planting of those indigenous varieties which have been found to
be most vulnerable. This planting would, apart from conservation of these species and
varieties, provide an opportunity for detailed studies of their properties, and would serve to
obtain starting material for further propagation and breeding. Also, raising the ex situ
plantations would enable us to find native species and varieties of this region in one place,
which would raise the awareness of local people about the importance of preserving
indigenous genofund and values that these varieties have.

REFERENCES
Begić - Akagić, A., Spaho, N., Oručević, S., Drkenda, P., Kurtović, M., Gaši, F., Kopjar, M., &amp; Piližota, V.
(2011). Influence of cultivar, storage time, and processing on the phenol content of cloudy apple juice. Croatian
Journal of Food Science and Technology 3 (2), 1 – 8.
Drkenda, P., Kurtović, M., Čaušević, E., Begić-Akagić, A., Gaši, F., &amp; Kanlić, K. (2007). Tehnološka evaluacija
autohtonih genotipova jabuke na području Goražda. Zbornik sažetaka, 42nd Croatian &amp; 2nd International
Symposium on Agriculture, 271.
Fischer, M. (2002). Bilanz 10-jahriger Arbeit. Genbank Obst Dresden-Pillnitz.
Jarebica, Dž., &amp; Kurtović, M. (1997). Oplemenjivanje voćaka i vinove loze. Edis, Sarajevo.
Klještanović, L. (2012). Izbor sorti jabuke u funkciji zaštite agroekosistema. Aktuelni savetnik, Očuvanje i
unapređenje biološke i genetičke raznovrsnosti 10, 12 – 15.
Kowarik, I., &amp; Seitz, B. (2003). Perspektiven fur die Verwendung gebietseigener „autochtoner“ Geloze. Institut
fur Okologie der TU Berlin.
Milenković, S., &amp; Lukić, M. (2008). Autohtone i novostvorene sorte jabuke u organskoj proizvodnji. Zdravo –
Organic, II. Simpozijum.

73 | P a g e

�ISSD 2014

th

The 5 International Symposium on Sustainable Development_______

PROCEEDINGS

Skender, A., Jahić, S., Hadžiabulić, S., &amp; Kurtović, M. (2008). Evaluacija pomoloških karakteristika autohtonih
sorti jabuke Cazinske krajine. Savremena poljoprivreda 1 – 2, 124 – 129.
Šoškić, M. (1994). Oplemenjivanje voćaka i vinove loze. Papirus, Beograd.
Vukojević, D., Simić, J., Dragišić, N., Sevo, D., Misimović, M., Zavišić, N., Bolić, E., &amp; Radanović, B. (2012).
Evaluation of the qualiti of autochthonous plum cultivars in the area of Bosanski Petrovac. Agrosym Jahorina,
161 – 166.

Azra Skender PhD., assistant proffesor. Theme of doctoral dissertation: Genetic and
Pomological Variability of Chestnut Population in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Research inerests:
plant breeding an genetics in agriculture.
Dinko Bećirspahić MSc., assistant. Research interests: Modern technology of growing fruit,
Pomotechnics in fruit growing, Fruit breeding.
Aida Mujagić-Pašić MSc, assistant. Research interests: Biosystematics of plants,
Biodiversity and variability of plants.
Bsc. Senad Joldić. Young researcher in the field of Modern technology of growing fruit.
Msc. Berin Kulelija. Research interests: agro-food trading sector with emphasis on
agroeconomy.
74 | P a g e

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                <text>A high-quality genofund of fruit species and varieties, which are the result of centuries-long  adaptation and selection, characterises the Una – Sana Canton. Therefore, this work has  included research on the thirty-one sites in eight municipalities (Bihać, Bosanska Krupa,  Bosanski Petrovac, Bužim, Cazin, Sanski Most, Velika Kladuša) of the Una- Sana Canton.  The aim is primarily to protect and preserve endangered fruit trees and genofund, whereby the  first step in meeting these goals is the inventory of native species and varieties. The total of  275 native fruit accessions has been found at these sites, apples and pears being dominant.  Most native fruit accessions are not commercially significant varieties. However, local  inhabitants mainly use them in the processing and preparation of traditional products. Also, a  high degree of tolerance of these accessions for particular diseases and pests was recorded,  whereby these accessions represent an exceptional source of starting material for future  breeding steps.  Key words: Native fruit, genofund, Una-Sana Canton, inventory, accession</text>
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                    <text>Genomics and Transcriptomics Analysis of Metal Accumulator Plants in Brassicaceae
Abdul Razaque Memon1, Birsen C Keskin2 Yasemin Yildizhan2
1Department of Genetics and Bioengineering, Faculty of Engineering and Information
Technologies, International Burch University, Francuske revolucije bb, 71000 Sarajevo,
Bosnia &amp; Herzegovina
2GEBI, Marmara Research Center, TUBITAK, Gebze, Turkey.
E-mail: armemon@ibu.edu.ba
Abstract
The genus Brassica contains a wide range of diploid and amphipolyploid species including
some of the economically high valuable vegetables and oilseed crops used worldwide. The
major industrial and food crops in Brassica are the closest relatives to the model plant
Arabidopsis thaliana, and hence are major beneficiaries from the vast data of genomics and
molecular genetics available in the database of Arabidopsis thaliana. Extensive genetic and
molecular analyses have been undertaken for the six cultivated Brassica species. The four
closely related crop species B. rapa (AA, 2n=20), B. juncea (AABB, 2n=36), B. napus
(AACC, 2n=38), and B. carinata (BBCC, 2n=34) provide about 12% of the worldwide edible
oil supply. The other two species B. nigra (BB, 2n=16) and B. oleracea (CC, 2n=18) provide
many vegetables for healthy human diet having a valuable source of dietary fiber, vitamin C
and other anticancer compounds. The comparative mapping between Arabidopsis thaliana and
the well known oil crops in Brassicaceae, coupled with the basic knowledge of mutation
based functional analysis in Arabidopsis thaliana and QTL mapping in Brassicas, could
greatly contribute towards a better understanding of the genetic architecture for the conserved
as well as the evolved traits of agronomic value of crop plants in Brassicaceae. Brassica nigra
has the second smallest genome size (~ 632 Mbp) among the six cultivated species of
Brassica. Approximately 25% of the documented metal hyper accumulating species are
members of the Brassicaceae and some of them are being used for phytoremediation. The
super metal accumulating capacity of Arabidopsis halleri and Thlaspi caerulescens have been
well documented. Because of their slow growth and low biomass, other fast-growing and high
biomass brassica crop plants, for example Brassica juncea and Brassica nigra have been
evaluated for their ability to hyper accumulate metals from contaminated soils.
The Diyabeker ecotype of B. nigra collected from southeastern part of Turkey was found to
be hyperaccumulator of Cu. We carried out the comparative transcriptome analysis in order to
find out the expression level of metal induced genes and transcriptome changes both in low
and high Cu treated plants. Microarray analysis showed that some of the genes were highly
expressed (several hundred fold) with Cu treated plants compared to control. Our microarray
data using Affymetrix GeneChip Arabidopsis Genome Array (ATH1-121501 Genechip)
indicate that possibly several genes including the genes in glutathione pathway, metal ATPase
and ABC transporters are involved in metal tolerances in this ecotype.

195

�1.INTRODUCTION
The Brasscicaceae family (formerly Cruciferae) consists of approximately 375 genera and
3200 species of plants, commonly known as the mustard family. Brassica contains about 100
species, including rapeseed, cabbage, cauliflower, broccoli, Brussels sprouts, turnip, various
mustards and weeds (Warwick and Black, 1991). The cultivated Brassica species are the
group of crops most closely related to Arabidopsis thaliana. Chromosome numbers in the
Brassicaceae vary from 2n = 8 to 2n = 256 (Lysak et al., 2005) A. thaliana, with 2n = 10, has
one of the smallest chromosome numbers, an advanced character representing reduction from
its ancestors in the clade including A. lyrata and Capsella rubella (both 2n = 16).
The species typically termed the "diploid" Brassica species, B. rapa (n = 10), B. nigra (n = 8)
and B. oleracea (n = 9) contain the A, B and C genomes, respectively. Each pairwise
combination has hybridized spontaneously to form the three allotetraploid species, B. napus
(n = 19, comprising A and C genomes), B. juncea (n = 18, comprising A and B genomes) and
B. carinata (n = 17, comprising B and C genomes). The genome of B. rapa is the smallest, at
ca. 500 Mb (Arumuganathan and Earle, 1991), and a genome sequencing project is under
way, with both sequences and sequence annotations in the public domain http://
brassica.bbsrc.ac.uk/.
2.Transcriptional regulation in response to Cu treatments to Brassica nigra
Arabidopsis thaliana has become a model molecular genetics system because of its extensive
genetic characterization, compact genome, known genomic sequence and compact growth
habit, and the availability of a wide variety of tools for its molecular genetic manipulation.
However, it does not accumulate metal. Interestingly, approx. 25% of the documented metal
hyperaccumulating species are the members of the Brassicaceae (Peer et al., 2006).
The heavy metal accumulating species Brassica nigra and B. juncea have received attention
due to its possible use for phytoremediation of heavy metal-polluted soils (Muthukumar et al
2007, Memon et al 2008). Tolerance to metals is based on multiple mechanisms such as cell
wall binding, active transport of ions into the vacuole and formation of complexes with
organic acids or peptides (Memon and Schroder, 2009). Here, one of the most important
mechanisms for metal detoxification in plants appears to be chelation of metals by low
molecular weight proteins such as metallothioneins and a family of peptide ligands, the
phytochelatins.
In the last decade, the tremendous developments in molecular biology and the success of
genomics have highly encouraged studies in molecular genetics, mainly transcriptomics, for
the identification of the functional genes implied in metal tolerance in plants (Hammond et
al., 2006; Muthukumar et al., 2007). These studies have already succeeded in the
identification of hundreds of genes that largely belong to the metal-homeostasis network
(Memon and Schroder 2009). To understand the genetics of metal accumulation and
adaptation, the vast arsenal of resources developed in A. thaliana could be extended to one of
its closest relatives that display the highest level of adaptation to high metal environments
such as A. halleri and T. caerulescens. Further studies could also be carried out with fast
growing, high biomass producing and economically important Brassica sps which can be used
for both for phytoremediation and for biofuel and/or industrial oil production.
In this comminication I will describe recent advances in understanding the genetic and
molecular basis of the metal induced gene expression in plants including the gene expression
work which is being carried out in my laboratory on some metal accumulating plant species in
Brassicaceae family.
196

�While surveying the flora of Cu mining areas of Southeastern Anatolia, we discovered several
endemic metal accumulator plants accumulated high amount of several metals as shown in
Table 1.
Table1. Plant species surveyed from eastern Turkey for heavy metal accumulation.
Plant species

Metal

Brassica nigra

Cu

Trigonella velutina

Cd

Onosma sericeum

Cr

Rumex scutatus

Mn

Alyssum filifome

Ni

Centaurea consanguinea

Ni, Cr

Trifolium arvense

Cd

Medicago lupulina

Zn

Lamium amplexicaule

Ni

Calodophora sps

Fe, Zn, Cu, Ni

Interestingly a Brassica nigra ecoptype found from Diyarbakir site contained a very high
amount of Cu in their shoots ( around 700 ppm Cu in their leaves) (see Fig 1) (Memon, 2006).
When plants from this ecotype were regenerated from callus culture and grown in soil culture
containing 200 ppm Cu, the shoots accumulated x3 more Cu (700 ug/g D.W.) than roots
(Yildizhan and Memon unpublished data).
This ecotype could be considered as a good candidate for Cu phytoremdiation (Memon, 2000
). Our data showed that ~ 20000 µg Cu g-1 DW was accumulated in the shoots of B. nigra
when grown at 500 µM Cu. The expression γ-ECs and PCS was also increased several times
in shoots when plants were subjected to high Cu concentration (Memon et al. 2009). Specially
the expression of key regulatory enzyme in glutathione pathway (γ-EC) was increased around
9 fold in the leaves when plants were subjected to 200μM Cu treatment (Fig 1).

197

�Fig.1. R-T(real time) PCR experiments showing γ-EC expression in roots (K), stems (G) and
leaves (Y) of Brassica nigra grown in 0 (control), 200, and 500 μM Cu (Memon et al 2008).
Comparative transcriptome analysis was carried in order to find out the expression level of
metal induced genes and transcriptome changes both in low and high Cu treated plants.
Microarray analysis showed that some of the genes were up regulated (several hundred folds)
and some were down regulated when plants were exposed to high Cu (Memon, 2009). The Cu
accumulation capacity of Diyarbakir ecotype was determined and compared with other
Brassica nigra ecotypes 6619, 6620 and 6630 obtained from different sites of Western Europe.
In these comparative studies Brassica nigra Diyarbakir ecotype was found to be a super
accumulator of Cu compare to other European ecotypes (Memon et al. 2009).
Microarray analysis showed several hundred folds up regulation of metal related genes
including the genes involved in glutathione pathway, metal ATPase and ABC transporters in
B. nigra when treated with 500 μM Cu. Currently we are carring out metabolomic studies
with metal treated accumulator and non accumulator ecotypes of B. nigra by using HPLCMS-MS inorder to identify metabolomic pattern in accumulator and non-accumulator
ecotypes. Our aim is to identify specific metabolites which are upregulated and/or down
regulated with Cu treatment in both ecotypes.
3.CONCLUSION
To understand fully the genetics of metal accumulation, the vast genetic resources developed
in
A. thaliana must be extended to other metal accumulator species that display traits absent
in this model species. A. thaliana microarray chips could be used to identify
differentially expressed genes in metal accumulator plants in Brassicaceae. The
198

�integration of resources obtained from model and wild species of the Brassicaceae
family will be of utmost importance, bringing most of the diverse fields of plant
biology together such as functional genomics, population genetics, phylogenetics, and
ecology. Further development of phytoremediation technology requires an integrated
multidisciplinary research effort that combines plant biology, genetic engineering, soil
chemistry, soil microbiology, as well as agricultural and environmental engineering.
REFERENCES
Arumuganathan K, Earle E (1991) Nuclear DNA content of some important plant species.
Plant Molecular Biology Reporter 9: 208-218
Hammond JP, Bowen HC, White PJ, Mills V, Pyke KA, Baker AJM, Whiting SN, May ST,
Broadley MR (2006) A comparison of the Thlaspi caerulescens and Thlaspi arvense shoot
transcriptomes. New Phytologist 170: 239-260
Lysak M, Koch M, Pecinka A, Schubert I (2005) Chromosome triplication found across the
tribe Brassiceae. Genome Res 15: 516 - 525
Memon A, Aktoprakligıl, D., Özdemir, A., Vertii, A. (2000 ) Gene expression of heavy metal
stress protein in plants. Turkish J. Botany 25: 111-121
Memon A, Yildizhan, Y., Demirel, U. (2006) Cu tolerance and accumulation in Brassica nigra
and development of in vitro regeneration system for phytoremediation. COST 859 WG 2 &amp;
WG 3 second Scientific Workshop, ―-omics approaches and agricultural management: driving
forces to improve food quality and safety?‖ 31 August – 2 September 2006, Saint-Etienne,
France: 38
Memon AR, Schroder P (2009) Implications of metal accumulation mechanisms to
phytoremediation. Environ Sci Pollut Res Int 16: 162-175
Memon AR, Yildizhan, Y., Keskin, BC. (2009) Transcriptome analysis of Cu responses in
metal accumulator plant Brassica nigra Diyarbakir ecotype. COST 859 Phytotechnologies to
promote sustainable land use and improve food safety April15-17, University of Szeged,
Szeged, Hungary: 63
Memon AR, Yildizhan, Y., Keskin, BC. (2008) Phytoremedıatıon of heavy metals from
contamınated areas of Turkey. 4th European Bioremediation Conference Sept 3-6, Chania,
Crete, Greece, ID04 , ISBN 978-960-8475-12-0.: 1-4
Muthukumar B, Yakubov B, Salt D (2007) Transcriptional activation and localization of
expression of Brassica juncea putative metal transport protein BjMTP1. BMC Plant Biology
7, 32: 1-12
Peer WA, Mahmoudian M, Freeman JL, Lahner B, Richards EL, Reeves RD, Murphy AS,
Salt DE (2006) Assessment of plants from the Brassicaceae family as genetic models for the
study of nickel and zinc hyperaccumulation. New Phytologist 172: 248-260
Warwick S, Black L (1991) Molecular systematics of Brassica and allied genera (subtribe
Brassicinae, Brassiceae) - chloroplast genome and cytodeme congruence. Theor Appl Genet
82: 81 - 92

199

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                <text>GENRE ANALYSIS OF A TURKISH TOURISM BROCHURE</text>
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                <text>Öztürk, Bilge
Şafak, Zafer</text>
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                <text>This study uses the genre analysis methodology to investigate the discourse patterns and features of a Turkish tourism brochure and apply the genre analysis to it within the frame of Bhatia’s (2004) movestructural model. The data used for this study consisted of one Turkish tourism brochure advertising several locations in North Aegean region, which was issued by Association of Turkish Travel Agencies (TURSAB). The data was analyzed by the application of Bhatia’s (2004) move-structural model which is based on John Swale’s (1990) genre analysis. The criterion for selecting the Turkish tourism brochure was to reveal its communicative purpose; to persuade the customers into buying the service advertised by means of applying lexico-grammatical features and visual images. The study analyzed how the brochure realizes its communicative goals and maximizes the persuasive power of the brochure.    Keywords: Move-structural model, genre analysis, persuasive communicative goals</text>
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                    <text>1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo

Genre and Gender as Byronic Subversions in Don Juan
Esma Husika
English Department at the Faculty of Philosophy
University of Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina
esma_haaa@hotmail.com
Abstract: Don Juan by Lord Byron is puzzling and engaging for a contemporary
reader because of the subversiveness of its nature manifested in transgressions of both
social and literary kind. It is classified as an epic, but it subverts every convention of
the genre, retaining only the framework. The most prominent subversion of the genre
is at the same time the subversion of gender. It is manifested in the choice, description
and action of the main hero. Within the genre which normally serves as a mirror
reflecting patriarchal society values and imposing clear-cut patterns for desired
behavior in warrior societies, Byron presents us with an effeminate version of a
notorious Spanish lover Don Juan, who gets to be chosen a hero of this unusual epic
poem. This paper aims at exploring subversive nature of the aforementioned text and
pointing out to the way gender is socially constructed and therefore changeable
category, thus bringing it into connection with ideas of Judith Butler who questions
the patriarchal discourse of power and claims that what has been sold to us as a
difference of sex was actually gender all along.
Key words: Lord Byron, Don Juan, subversion, gender construction,

Introduction
The Romantic period was influenced by the French Revolution. Its main ideas were echoed in the lives
and works of the English Romantic writers. The United Kingdom proved to be a fertile ground for their growth
and development. Natural man, society as a limiting factor, institutions as means of corruption and human
hypocrisy revolved in one form or the other in the literature of this period. Since literature is reflective of social
and historic circumstances and therefore indivisible from them, thus these ideas had different forms in different
periods of time. It is interesting to note that one and the same event, in different stages of its development
though, produced literary works of a different mood altogether and with diverse representation of its central
ideas. It ranged from excitement and an impetus to act to the disappointment in the regime that followed, which
was as oppressive as the previous one. Putting the outcome aside, we notice that the pure idea of revolution in its
essence is in fact very Romantic. Romantic writers, who, according to Shelley, are unacknowledged legislators
of the world, brought about many changes, both in the society and in the artistic world. They experimented with
the language and form, trying to produce art which strived to be democratic.
Lord Byron, the most famous Romantic writer led quite a rebellious life transgressing many boundaries.
He experimented with unbounded freedom in his personal life and was quite free to model his works in an often
subversive way, thus transgressing the accustomed conventions. In terms of breaking social conventions,
transgression is Byron‘s middle name, for he literally stretched the vision of personal freedom to its utmost ends.
Personal life, however, was not enough. The rebellious spirit was reflected in his work, as well. The concept of
Byronic hero, which survived into the modern time sprung out of his rebelliousness. He promoted changes he
thought necessary, and he lived what he preached. Being harshly criticized for his loose morals and an
incestuous relationship, and being exiled even, Lord Byron himself was a perfect epitome of the Byronic hero.
He preferred action of almost any kind, and when there was nothing he could do, he escaped. However, there
was much that Byron actually did through his writings. The society judged him and agreed with Caroline Lamb
in her description of Byron as a person who is ‗‗Mad, bad and dangerous to know‘‘ (Web). Byron returned the
stroke with the harsh satire turned to the hypocrisy of English society of the time. Although he lived by his own
moral code, which was in most cases different from the one adopted by the society and which was considered
completely deprived of any moral whatsoever, there is one matter in which he went in line with the majority. He,
as well as most of his fellow-citizens, was disappointed with the political scene at home, as well as across the
Channel.
In this tempest of contrary emotions, a defiant but heavily disappointed spirit, found the way out in
creating a work of art which respected and opposed accustomed conventions at the same time, reflecting a
romantic spirit captured in a classical form, in an epic poem, celebrating no event, for the outcome of the French
Revolution was everything but the reason to celebrate, but introducing a legendary and notorious womanizer as

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its epic hero instead, with the difference that Don Juan as a hero, is a subverted one, neither manly nor heroic,
but naive and seduced instead, very often displaying the characteristic usually associated with the feminine
gender. The fact that Don Juan fits neither masculine nor feminine gender frame, but is something third, or first,
for that matter, echoes Byron‘s personal life, who bridged the gap between masculine and feminine by
experimenting with both. Remember his obsession with weight, or his experimenting with homosexuality.

Don Juan: Subverted Epic
The work which comprises transgressions of both social and literary kind is Byron‘s ‗‘Don Juan‘‘. First
and the most obvious Byronic subversion in ‗‘Don Juan‘‘ is his subversion of genre. Byron classifies this work
of his as an epic which leads our expectations in the direction quite opposite of the one he really takes. What he
respects of epic conventions is the framework, and even that, to some degree only, for within every convention
applied to this epic poem, there is a corresponding subversion, which is demonstrated as such through the
comparison with corresponding epic elements in ‗‘Beowulf‘‘, a typical traditional oral epic. Playing with the
expectations in terms of subverting the conventions of the epic genre is only a prelude to the real theme and a
major subversion of this work, namely the subversion of gender which is incorporated into genre subversion and
will therefore be analyzed as such.
In terms of length, Byron respects conventions, for ‗‘Don Juan‘‘ is quite a lengthy poem of some ‗‘16
000 verses‘‘(Dizdar, 1999: 184). It includes journeys and it has episodic structure. Conventionally, journeys in
epics often include elements of spiritual quest or some kind of sacrifice. Beowulf, for example, comes from
Geatland to Denmark, to help the Danish king Hrothgar, who suffers loses due to a monster called Grendel.
However, journeys in ‗‘Don Juan‘‘ have more elements of trips or even wanderings than of proper epic journeys.
Don Juan does not even leave willingly, but he gets expelled as most of Byronic heroes end up being because
they do not accept values and norms imposed by the society they live in. The story about Don Juan begins in a
quite unconventional way. Byron explains that conventionally epics begin 'in medias res' and then somewhat
later, the hero retells what had happened before in an episode. Not surprisingly, Byron decides to take different
course and he says: ‗‘That is the usual method, but not mine / My way is to begin with the beginning‘‘ (Dizdar,
2002: 564) Interestingly, he speaks about the beginning in the 6th stanza, so can it really be considered a proper
beginning?
After this ‗second‘ beginning Byron continues with the convention applied convention subverted
pattern and he gives us a sort of lineage, a story about Don Juan‘s parents, Don Jose and Donna Inez.
Conventionally, lineage is the most important didactic part of an epic poem, because it traces all the male
ancestors of a hero, placing them as role models for the young males of the tribe. At the beginning of Beowulf,
we are also presented with the lineage of the Danish king Hrothgar. However, in this lineage mother is not
mentioned; it neither ends with Hrothgar's father, nor it merely counts his predecessors and ancestors, but it
traces his ancestry through several generations and tells about their great deeds, establishing a model of a hero
for the next generations. From this example we see that the lineage, being a very detailed description presented
at the beginning, served the purpose of establishing code of behavior in a heroic society. It had all the important
qualities of a perfect hero stressed, because it was very important to educate the future warriors in both the battle
and tribe-management skills. The survival of the tribe depended upon the strength and courage of the warriors
and the wisdom of their leader. Another issue that can be read into this example is the fact that from the very
beginning of human history the community and nation have been a part of patriarchal discourse which
marginalized women.
In that sense Byron‘s lineage is a serious transgression of conventions. He introduced Don Juan‘s father
in a single stanza, whereas he described his mother in detail. However, Byron is not very fond of Donna Inez and
he actually mocks her by saying that she pretends to be intelligent, learned and able, whereas in reality, she is
none of that. He criticizes her 'learned' shallowness and the society which falls for her tricks. This attitude is
probably rooted in Byron‘s personal life, and the frustration caused by his learned wife, Annabella Milbanke,
referred to as ‗‘Princess of Parallelograms‘‘ (Web). When explaining how learned Don Juan‘s mother was, he
says: ‗‘She knew Latin – that is, 'the Lord's prayer' / And Greek – the alphabet – I'm nearly sure‘‘ (Dizdar, 2002:
566). This quotation, although short, demonstrates two other subversions as elements of Byron‘s peculiar
narrative style and technique. The irony contained in it shows that the tone is quite different from the one
expected in an epic. An epic tone is supposed to be elevated and solemn, in order to correspond to the content. A
poem dealing with the deeds of wise and courageous leaders had a sort of sacred value for the participants of the
culture it originated from. The tone of ‗‘Beowulf‘‘ for example, is not just solemn, but it gets depressing at
times. It ends with Beowulf‘s funeral, so its tone becomes elegiac. The subjects mourn for the best of kings, who
lived and died honorably.
The tone of ‗‘Don Juan‘‘, on the other hand has completely opposite characteristics. It is neither
solemn nor elevating, but, corresponding to the content, it has a relaxed, casual character. In the sixth canto, the
narrator clearly stated that his intention was to sing carelessly about interesting and adventurous topics. With the

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irony and satire underlying ‗‘Don Juan‘‘, the tone becomes comic quite often. This comic effect is achieved
mainly through witty and ironic comments of the narrator.
The role of the narrator in ‗‘Don Juan‘‘ is yet another Byronic subversion to deal with. Typically, epic
is narrated in the third person and the focus is never on the narrator. In ‗‘Beowulf‘‘, for example, we have a third
person omniscient narrator, who jumps in whenever an explanation is needed and who makes sure that his
listeners get the message he is trying to convey. In ‗‘Don Juan‘‘ the narrator is often more important than the
hero himself. Witty comments, colloquial language, and first person narration make the poem Byronic in tone
and comments and the narrator the central point of the poem. Such a narrator and quite an unusual hero lead us
to a conclusion that one way or another there is always Byron in the image of a hero, sometimes in the
foreground, sometimes not, yet always present and important. As Hadley J. Mozer (2005) suggests: ‗‘By taking
the notorious seducer and philosophical libertine Don Juan-a sort of alter ego of himself-as the hero of his epic
poem, Byron took another important step toward becoming the creature of his own imagining, the "hero" he so
longed to be‘‘. This quotation brings us to another important subversion underlying ‗‘Don Juan‘‘, and that is its
hero and the process of choosing one, which is dealt with in the first canto of the poem. In order to be able to
develop a fruitful discussion concerning this subject it is necessary to depict an image of a conventional epic
hero, to describe his traits and his role both in the society and in the epic poem celebrating such a society.
The central figure of an epic is its hero, being an idealized representation of virtues important for heroic
society rather than a real person. Since the society depicted in epics is a patriarchal and warrior society, the hero
is always a male, the embodiment of manliness, to be precise. He possesses a remarkable physical strength and is
extremely courageous. Yet, he is not simply a brute designed to kill. Quite the opposite, he shows dignity,
loyalty and readiness to sacrifice in order to protect his tribe and to be a servant of the good in the eternal fight of
the good against the evil. Furthermore, a hero is supposed to possess wisdom, the noblest of virtues, in order to
be a good leader. All these characteristics are comprised in Beowulf. He is brave and extremely strong. In fact, it
is said that Beowulf possessed the strength of thirty men. Being a fearless and dominant male figure, he perfectly
fits into the image of an epic hero. He is ready to do extraordinary tasks to prove his courage and over time, he
matures and gains wisdom, which makes him an excellent king. However, as any other human being, he must
die. But his death, corresponding to his life is noble. Although being aware of the fact that he cannot go out of
the battle with the dragon alive, he decides to take the risk and sacrifice himself in order to live up to the
standards of a perfect hero, a role model for generations to come.
Don Juan as an epic hero is completely different and unconventional in several aspects. The very
opening of the poem and introduction of its hero is subversive.
I want a hero: an uncommon want,
When every year and month sends forth a new one,
Till, after cloying the gazettes with cant,
The age discovers he is not the true one;
Of such as these I should not care to vaunt
I 'll therefore take our ancient friend Don Juan—
We all have seen him, in the pantomime,
Sent to the devil somewhat ere his time. (Dizdar, 2002: 562)
The situation which Byron‘s narrator is facing is quite strange. Writing an epic, with a vacant place of a
hero is extraordinary. One usually writes an epic primarily because of the hero, to describe heroic deeds and
praise virtues. Another unusual, even shocking occurrence is the fact that although writing an epic poem, he
rejects contemporary high-ranking military officials as possible heroes. It took him three stanzas to enumerate
famous military officials, both English and French, who should have suited for such a place, but, according to
Byron, they did not. He mocks them openly, by saying that they are not true heroes. Nelson, ‗‘Britain‘s greatest
admiral of the Napoleonic wars‘‘ (Dizdar, 2002: 209), was not a true hero. Nor were ‗‘the important persons and
politicians form the French Revolutions like Barnave, or La Fayette‘‘ (Ibid.). However, this is logical to some
extent, since it comes from a Romantic poet, who dreams about idealized society and advocates freedom in a
time of general disappointment in the outcome of the French Revolution and the tragicomic situation with
George III in England. What is not so logical at this stage is the fact that the hero he chooses is not real either,
but a fictional character, a womanizer from the 17th century, ‗‘our ancient friend Don Juan‘‘ (Dizdar, 2002: 562)
One possible explanation reveals itself in the identity of a hero. It is quite clear that it has autobiographical
connotations, since Byron was deemed immoral and had a reputation of a womanizer as well, and like Don Juan,
he was ‗‘sent to the devil‘‘ (Ibid.) by his fellow-citizens.
It can also be observed simply as a Romantic choice celebrating freedom and opposing the institutions
of society. According to the legend (Web), Don Juan was a notorious Spanish lover who has had over a thousand
sexual conquests, before meeting the unattainable and therefore fatal, Donna Ana. If we examine the idea
carefully we will see that it comprises main tenets of Romanticism. It disregards social conventions because it

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promotes ‗natural‘ love and opposes marriage. Sexual instinct is a natural thing, what constraints and directs it is
the institutionalized idea of love, or in other words marriage, which is designed to make love practical and useful
for an orderly society, rather than passionate and wild, as Romanticists perceived it. Common perception of
marriage is some kind of secured future, rather than an introductory chapter to a passionate love novel. Although
Byron changed legendary Don Juan substantially, he retained the idea that natural and passionate feeling is
above institutionalized love. Anne Crow (2007) explains it in the following manner: ‗‘ To Byron, it did not
matter that the lovers were not married in church; it was enough that they were in love, and that genuine feeling
blessed their union and made it holy.‘‘
Subverting the idea of marriage was just another brick in the wall of Byronic subversions. However,
there is a deeper layer within Byron‘s text of ‗‘Don Juan‘‘, the one that recalls Shelley‘s notion of poets as
unacknowledged legislators of the world. For Byron acted not only as a critic of his society, but as a sociologist,
as well, sensing an important social phenomenon that emerged as such in the 20th century. Crowning his highly
subverted epic with the subversion of gender, he designed his epic hero in a way that twisted accustomed notions
of gender roles. In the words of Vladimir Guerrero (Web) Don Juan from the legend was ‗‘the absolute male
chauvinist.‘‘ Many would agree with Guerrero, when it comes to original Don Juan. When speaking of Byron‘s
Don Juan, this statement would be completely out of place, because, contrary to epic conventions, Byron‘s Don
Juan comprises both masculine and feminine characteristics.
Byron‘s Don Juan is quite original in that he is different from both legendary Don Juan and a
conventional epic hero. Both the legendary Don Juan and an epic hero display manliness on a large scale,
whereas Byron‘s Don Juan behaves in a manner that is considered to be feminine. As Vladimir Guerrero (Web)
explains: ‗‘The character of Don Juan has two main components, the pursuit of pleasure and a total disregard for
codes of religion and society.‘‘ Guerrero is speaking about the character from the legend, but this can also be
applied to our Don Juan, as well, because the framework is the same. However, the core is different. Legendary
Don Juan takes an active role in his pursuit of pleasure, not to say, process of seduction, whereas our Don Juan is
always a passive victim of seduction. He somehow gets into a trap of more mature and sexually experienced
ladies, like Dona Julia, for example, and being young and naïve he ends up as a victim of both social conventions
and a heartbreaking romance, because, in the end, he is the one who gets expelled, for being in the wrong place
at the wrong time. Indeed, the only mistake the society acknowledged as such was the fact that he was not
careful enough and was therefore caught. The fact that he participated in adultery was irrelevant as long as the
affair was well hidden.
Why does Byron play with both epic and social conventions? One of the possible answers is to return
the stroke to the hypocritical English society which expelled him and abhorred his eccentric and immoral way of
life, for Byron experimented and explored his sexuality to the maximum, enjoying both male and female lovers,
changing them very often, and as a crown to the whole matter, he had an incestuous relationship with his halfsister Augusta Leigh. Indeed, he lived a scandalous life of a celebrity, but unfortunately, he was ahead of his
time, and therefore he had to pay the price. What bothered him was the fact that those who judged him were
immoral too, maybe not to the same extent as himself, but they were all actors of a big play, where everyone
knew what the other did, but considered it appropriate as long as there was a veil hiding it. Byron, on the other
hand detested veils. He loved to shock his fellow citizens and was completely open in his immorality. However,
he, as an individual, could not defeat the society. This notion of a doomed struggle between the individual and
the society was echoed in ‗‘Don Juan‘‘. Guy Steffan concludes that: ''Taken all together, Juan's adventures
become a coherent set of variations on a pessimistic idea about the relationship between the individual and
society‘‘ (West, 1963: 100).
Indeed, neither Byron, nor his Don Juan could have fought the society successfully, as individuals never
can, but what they could do and what they subsequently did was depicting a society as it was at the time, with an
emphasis on its many flaws and peculiarities. One of them was the satirical portrayal of upper class women.
Legendary Don Juan conquered women as trophies, observing them as passive objects made just for his pleasure.
And objects they were, in a patriarchal, male-centered 17th century Spanish society (Guerrero, Web). Two
centuries later, English women also lived in a patriarchal society, which considered them commodities possessed
by men and ranked them by the male established criteria. If there were no Byron and his satirical epic, maybe we
would think that 19th century English women were in the same position as the 17th century Spanish women,
since the framework remained the same. The world out there was still modeled by the image men projected.
Women were still financially dependent and marriage was still the only way to gain financial security and a
position in the society. For women, virginity before marriage was still a must. Yet many things changed, at least
with the upper class women, those that Byron was acquainted with, since he was a member of the upper class,
the one that was his inexhaustible source of satire. These women started modifying an image of passive and
submissive wives whose main goal was to satisfy their husbands. Long before Simone de Beauvoir and feminist
movement women began behaving as was at the time socially acceptable for men only in order to approach the
allegedly unattainable position of independence and freedom enjoyed by men. Lord Byron sensed this change

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and he documented it through the subversion of gender in his Don Juan. Now it becomes clear why his hero is
passive, naïve and seduced and why all the women in the epic are experienced, mature and in pursuit of pleasure.
Byron‘s satire was not directed towards English women only, although they were the most prominent
targets of it. The main hero changed countries and lovers quite often, due to lack of respect towards social
conventions, not to say total disregard of them. However, there was a constancy, repeating in every country, and
that is the reversal of the accepted and acknowledged gender roles, according to which men picked and chose,
and women obeyed and provided pleasure. The women Don Juan encountered across the wide globe were
neither passive nor submissive, at least when it comes to satisfying their sexual appetites. The part in which
Byron masterfully painted the game of power and subverted socially constructed and acknowledged gender roles
is the episode with the sultana Gulbeyaz. Don Juan ended up as a slave of this whimsical woman who got used to
get everything she wanted. When describing her Byron says:
‗‘To hear and to obey‘‘ had been from birth
The law all around her; to fulfill
All phantasies which yielded joy or mirth,
Had been her slaves‘ chief pleasure as her will (Byron, 2007)
Her will was respected as if she was an absolute dictator rather than a woman. Sultana is described in
terms that are even today associated with males and manliness. She is commanding, dominant, powerful and
determined to get whatever she wishes for. Upon seeing Don Juan, she felt a strong wish to possess him so her
eunuch came up with a marvelous plan of tricking the Sultan by smuggling Don Juan into sultana‘s chambers
dressed up as a woman. When he was asked to do so, not knowing the reason Don Juan replied: ‗‘I‘m not a
lady‘‘ (Byron, 2007) pointing out to the fact that clothes is an important gender marker. He eventually complied
with the request, being forced into dressing as a woman to save his life and the main marker of his sex. To make
the transformation complete Byron dressed his hero in silk and lace, so that in the end his hero ‗‘looked in almost
all respects a maid‘‘ (Ibid.) At the beginning he just looked like a maid, but was quite clumsy and did not really
know how to behave dressed in that strange way. He was irritated by the situation and was ready to use his fists
to defend his manliness in case someone would mistake him for a woman, when he looked like one.
Furthermore, he refused to pay respects to the Sultana in the usual manner, that is by kneeling and kissing her
foot. As if the situation was not complicated enough with an epic hero dressed as a woman, standing in front of a
commanding woman, whose property he was, he dared to refuse to obey her, saying that: ‗‘It grieved him, but he
could not stoop/To any shoe, unless it shod the Pope‘‘ (Ibid.) And just when you think that you got the idea of
what is Byron doing, he acts contrary to your expectations, by making Sultana ask such a sentimental question:
‗‘Christian, canst thou love‘‘ (Ibid.) to which Don Juan reacts in a correspondingly sentimental way, with tears,
which had been, are and probably will be part of exclusively feminine mannerism. Sultana, is taken aback by this
reaction, but she does not know how to react and console him since that was the first time she felt sympathy,
otherwise being merciless, which is yet another quality normally associated with men. It seems that Byron
shared Freud‘s view that the fate of women is predetermined by their sex (LeńiĤ et al., 2006), for he describes her
reaction in the following way:
But nature teaches more than power can spoil,
And, when a strong although a strange sensation
Moves—female hearts are such a genial soil
For kinder feelings, whatsoe'er their nation,
They naturally pour the 'wine and oil,'
Samaritans in every situation;
And thus Gulbeyaz, though she knew not why,
Felt an odd glistening moisture in her eye. (Byron, 2007)
Sultana‘s condition was paradoxical since she, as a favourite Sultan‘s wife had the power that was not
usually bestowed upon women, but on the other hand she herself was in the position of a slave to the Sultan.
Anyway, she could have had Don Juan killed for not complying with her wish to love her, but she decided not to.
The reason of her reaction, was, as Byron explains, rooted in her ‗female heart‘, which was by nature prone to
tears. ‗‘To them t is a relief, to us torture‘‘ (Ibid.) , says Byron, pointing out to the difference in perception of one
and the same phenomenon depending on whether it is done by males or females. The fact that his hero cries
because of love in front of a woman is thus justified with the explanation that tears are weakness in women and
torture in men. So, it must be about the clothes. Don Juan defended his manliness in the beginning of this
episode, but after being exposed to an important feminine gender marker for a bit too long, he started behaving
like a woman, as if his looks were not just an appearance, as if the clothes really determined his gender.

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Through the game of reversed gender roles, Byron tackled an important and sensitive issue. His
intention was to amuse his readers, and to expose upper class women to harsh satire. He demonstrated to what
extent gender is socially constructed and therefore changeable category. Unlike sex, which is fixed, gender is
something that is done and undone by the society as a whole. When saying that tears are part of feminine nature,
Byron is reflecting fixed gender role mannerism. Both males and females are biologically capable of producing
tears, and in childhood both use this ability extensively. But from the early childhood children are taught that
girls cry and boys do not, as well all the other important gender markers, such as appropriate male or female
clothes, behavior and occupation. Children in the kindergartens know that girls cry and use make-up, that boys
have short hair and that mummies cook lunch, while daddies go to work. Gender roles, however, have been
undergoing great changes. Yet, it is still very important to mark them as clearly as possible, because they
determine our social roles. And if those are questioned or changed, the society is not as orderly as it is supposed
to be. In order for the society to function properly, there must be a clear distinction of who does what, what are
whose rights and what are the responsibilities. In this division someone is always restrained. Men are not
‗‘allowed‘‘ to cry or wear pink clothes, but women are those who were traditionally marginalized in the society.
The sad thing is that the unfair treatment was justified by the biological difference between men and women, as
if sex was responsible for created boundaries and restraints. The fact that a woman is capable of giving birth
does not contain any assumptions that it is the only thing she is capable of. The assumption that women are
household queens is a part of gender construction. Sex has nothing to do with it. According to Judith Butler, sex
has never had anything to do with it. It was gender all along (During, 1999).
In connection to gender-sex opposition, Butler also questions the notion of gender as a binary
phenomenon, saying that: ‗‘there is no reason to assume that genders ought also to remain as two‘‘ (Ibid.)
Judging by clothes, as one of the most important gender markers, it seems that the number has been reduced to
one. The clothes is becoming prevalently androgynous and it is no longer a marker which helps you place person
into one or the other gender category. Quite the opposite, it confuses you very often, by displaying something inbetween masculine and feminine. It is not only the clothes that is combining both masculine and feminine and
creating something third. Just like Byron, who played with the accustomed gender roles, by shaping his hero in
both masculine and feminine terms, the society today is doing gender by promoting some of the traditionally
feminine features as desirable in males and vice versa. Men are advised to be calm, sensitive and talkative,
whereas women are advised to be strong, independent and self-confident. Byron was able to achieve comic
effect with his reversal of gender roles, because masculine and feminine was essentially different. Today, this
reversal is really happening and who knows where it will take us. In terms of clothes it could result in monotony,
but in terms of sending an important message of gender equality it could be a small step that is a giant leap.

Conclusion
‗‘Don Juan‘‘ by Byron is the right choice for those who enjoy in amusing, funny and complicated texts
which offer series of relevant discussion topics. While reading Byron one always has to think twice in order to
figure out what is he really saying, because Byron himself was not always sure which path he wanted to follow.
He simply let the spontaneity lead him in his ironic commentary on the social stage in the 19th century. It led
him into an interesting game of respecting and opposing conventions of the epic genre at the same time. He
classified his work as an epic, and then he modeled it as something quite different. ‗‘Don Juan‘‘ is in fact a
mixture of genres with the subverted epic domineering. It only follows the framework of an epic. It is long
narrative, written in verse with episodic structure. These are basically its all clearly epic characteristic.
Everything else belongs to the epic genre only nominally. Deep down it is simply Byronic and subversive; genre
is unimportant, it only serves as a basis for subversion.
Only its subversive nature can account for the fact that the epic hero is a legendary character, a
womanizer, who embodies everything opposite of an exemplary behavior for the next generations. His
adventures are told in an ironic and comic way, so as to amuse the readers, rather than to instruct them about
important social matters. However, Byron‘s intention was not just to amuse his readers. His text contains a
deeper layer which is supposed to reveal, to be ‗‘a satire on the abuses of the present states of Society and not a
eulogy of vice‘‘ (Crow, 2007). Byron felt free to go that far and seriously jeopardize the central characteristic of
an epic hero, his manliness. He played very skillfully with the sensitive notion of gender roles, shaping his hero
not as a seducer or womanizer, but as the one who repeatedly gets into traps of more mature ladies. Furthermore,
he presented gender as a socially constructed category, by using clothing and mannerism as colours of his
masterfully painted reversal of gender roles. He played with the gender marked notion that women are weak and
submissive, whereas men are strong and dominant in order to satirize upper class women, who were not as
submissive as they pretended to be. That is why his Don Juan, dressed as a woman, cries in front of the sultana,
whose slave he is. This episode shows what a great role mannerism and clothes had as important gender markers,
placing one into one of the two categories. It is also a link to the present situation, in which we still have quite
rigid gender standards of what is considered appropriate for males and females. However, things have changed

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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
and they are constantly changing, since gender is a mutable category. Judging by clothes, it seems as if we are
heading in a new direction, which tries to erase the existence of gender as binary phenomenon, but instead it
promotes neutral path, trying to equalize men and women so much that one could not make a distinction between
the two anymore. Gender as binary phenomenon has provided an opportunity for the domination of one and
marginalization the other. Maybe this reduction will show that there is no essential difference between men and
women which could justify such treatment and hopefully it will lead us into the world of equal opportunities.

References
Byron,
G.
G.
(2007).
Don
Juan.
(http://www.gutenberg.org/files/21700/21700.txt.)

The

project

Gutenberg

(Ebook

#

21700),

Byron‘s wife: Anne Isabella Milbanke, (http://englishhistory.net/byron/wife.html)
Caro: The Lady Caroline Lamb Website (http://www.sjsu.edu/faculty/douglass/caro/index.html)
Crow, A. (2007). Byron: cynic or Romantic? Anne Crow explores the first four cantos of Byron‘s Don Juan, one
of
the
choices
for
AQA‘s
Romantic
poets.
The
English
Review
(http://find.galegroup.com/gps/start.do?prodld=IPS&amp;userGropupName=ussd)
Dizdar, S. (1999). Poezija engleskog romantizma, Sarajevo: TKD ŃahinpańiĤ.
Dizdar, S. (2002). SazvjeţĎa romantizma, Antologija poezije engleskog romantizma. Sarajevo: TKD ŃahinpańiĤ.
During, S. (ed.) (1999). The Cultural Studies Reader. London: Routledge.
Guerrero,
V.
Gender,
Class,
Theology,
(www.duo.uio.no/roman/Art/RF2000.2/Guerrero.pdf)

and

The

First

Don

Juan.

LeńiĤ, KapidņiĤ-OsmanagiĤ, KatniĤ-BakarńiĤ, KulenoviĤ. (2006) Savremena tumačenja knjiţevnosti i
knjiţevnokritičko naslijeĎe xx stoljeća, Sarajevo: Sarajevo Publishing.
Mozer, A. J. (2005) ‗‘I WANT a hero‘‘: Advertising for an Epic Hero in Don Juan. Studies in Romanticism
2:239
The Legend of Don Juan, (http://tacit.caltech.edu/hell/djplot.html)
West, P. (ed.) (1963). Byron: A Collection of Critical Essays. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice-Hall, Inc.

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                <text>Don Juan by Lord Byron is puzzling and engaging for a contemporary  reader because of the subversiveness of its nature manifested in transgressions of both  social and literary kind. It is classified as an epic, but it subverts every convention of  the genre, retaining only the framework. The most prominent subversion of the genre  is at the same time the subversion of gender. It is manifested in the choice, description  and action of the main hero. Within the genre which normally serves as a mirror  reflecting patriarchal society values and imposing clear-cut patterns for desired  behavior in warrior societies, Byron presents us with an effeminate version of a  notorious Spanish lover Don Juan, who gets to be chosen a hero of this unusual epic  poem. This paper aims at exploring subversive nature of the aforementioned text and  pointing out to the way gender is socially constructed and therefore changeable  category, thus bringing it into connection with ideas of Judith Butler who questions  the patriarchal discourse of power and claims that what has been sold to us as a  difference of sex was actually gender all along.</text>
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                    <text>2nd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, June 8-9, 2010 Sarajevo

Gentrification in Question: The Case of Bursa, Turkey
Doğan Biçki
Department of Sociology, 18 Mart University, Canakkale, Turkey
doganbicki@comu.edu.tr | doganbicki@gmail.com
Serhat Özgökçeler
Department of Labor Economics and Industrial Relations, Uludag University, Bursa, Turkey
serhat@uludag.edu.tr | sozgokceler@gmail.com
Abstract: Gentrification can be interpreted as a return of the affluent people to the
city. This process is supported by authorities both due to the contributions it could
make to the city in many ways. The studies concentrating on the subjective and
cultural motives prioritize the characteristics that can be called “positive attributes”
of gentrification in general, such as the conservation of the historical architecture by
the renewal efforts as a positive outcome. While accepting the advantages provided
by the gentrification for urban renewal, it can be claimed that it brings about social
problems. The opportunity of cheap housing in the city center is lost as a
consequence of the gentrification, and therefore the low-income groups holding jobs
in the center are forced to move to distant locations. In this scope, the goal of the
study is to identify whether the urban renewal observed in the Tophane, Hisar district
in Bursa, one of the historical cities in Turkey, could be analyzed through the concept
“gentrification”.
Key Words: Urban Renewal, Gentrification, Housing, Globalization, Rant Gap,
Urban Poor.

Conceptual Framework
Gentrification includes the partial or complete take-over of the ancient, historical and cultural texture in
the city center by the high-income groups such as doctors, lawyers, and company managers of the low-income
groups. This process is supported by national and local authorities both due to the contributions it could make to
the city in many ways and to the increases it could cause in the tax income (Hackworth &amp; Smith, 2001, p.467).
There are many factors leading to the process of gentrification that can be interpreted as a return of the
affluent people to the city. There is an emerging tendency towards the city center due reasons such as
transportation facilities and proximity to the workplace (Cole, 1985, p.152); accessibility to cultural activities
such as theatre, cinema, opera, exhibition, street shows (Butler &amp; Robson, 2003, p.1791); the opportunity to
express one’s own individuality and the state of being different from others (Redfern, 2003, p.2364); the feeling
of belonging to the area and society resulting from the experience of living there or a similar place before
(Bridge, 2003, p.2550); an atmosphere of freedom encouraging the social diversity of the society (Ley, 2003,
p.2540).
It is possible to consider all of the factors of “gentrification” in question in the category of subjective or
cultural motives. The studies concentrating on the subjective and cultural motives prioritize the characteristics
that can be called “positive attributes” of gentrification in general, such as the emergence of an interactive space
creating social diversity; the conservation of the historical and public architecture by the renewal and restoration
efforts as a positive outcome and many more similar reasons. Slater (2006, p.741) regards the discourse
depicting the cultural advantages of the process as the sugar coating that can conceal the pitfalls.
While accepting the advantages provided by the gentrification process for urban renewal is inevitable, it
can be claimed that it can bring about other social problems. In addition, the opportunity of cheap housing in the
city center is lost as a consequence of the gentrification process, and therefore the low-income groups holding
jobs in the center are forced to move to distant locations which also cost more. According to Slatter (2006,
p.752), gentrification, which should be defined as the colonization of areas by social classes, is also a factor that
expands the social inequality because it ends the housing stock for rent to which working classes have access.
With reference to Canadian practice, Slatter (2004, p.3229) claims that gentrification does not create an
environment of social unity and social interaction but social tension and homelessness.
On the connection between homelessness and gentrification, some writers make a distinction between
the private and public sectors. In their study where they demonstrated the renewal made in Glasgow and
Edinburgh as an example, Bailey and Robertson (1997, p.576) reported that the renewal carried out by the
private sector aims at the owners of the houses individually unlike those by social sectors which prioritize the

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community. They concluded that these efforts by the private and public sector succeeded in terms of the physical
renewal of the district and the houses. However, they also concluded that, while the approach followed by the
private sector caused gentrification, population exchange, the elimination of the settled groups and their
displacement, the public sector allowed low-income groups to continue living in their current residence without
being influenced adversely.
The Rant Gap Theory developed by N. Smith sees gentrification not as the return of the people to the
city centers but as the return of the capital. Therefore, in the process of gentrification lies the rant gap
representing the difference between the value of the central real estate in the present time and the more values it
will possibly gain in the future. The capital holders who invest in the physical structure of certain areas of the
cities plan to possess this rant difference with the settlement of the affluent groups in these regions, which makes
them the initiators of the gentrification process (Smith, 1979, p.545). Gentrification, as a rule, is known to
involve the place in a city center, but it is also claimed to exceptionally involve the suburbs (Niedt, 2006, p.99–
120).
The Rant Gap Theory and the studies supporting this theory to a partial or large extent interpret this
process as based on capital accumulation logic and as an adverse process by which the poor are displaced
(Atkinson, 2004: 126). Therefore, it turns out that there are two perspectives on which gentrification is theorized.
One is the liberal humanist camp which tends to account for the process with reference to concepts such as
lifestyles, culture, and consumption and demand (Clark, 1992, p.359).
The other is the structural Marxist view that explains the process as based on capital accumulation,
production for classes and demand. This view is compatible with those approaching the process in relation to
class and seeing it as the spatial realization of the emerging middle class which carries out the functions of global
capital (Bridge, 1995, p.239).
Lees (2000, p.392) claims that both approaches are restrictive and the gentrification practice in the
1990’s should be re-analyzed considering globalization Lees conceptualized gentrification-which he also called
super gentrification- based on financers. On the other hand, H. Smith &amp; Graves (2005, p.421) also analyzed the
process as part of the expansion strategies of global companies. Accordingly, the Bank of America supported the
gentrification in the city centers because of the competitive superiority that it will have in the global labor and
the respect it will be shown rather than the financial benefit it will bring. According to Zukin (1987, p.131), who
defines the process as spatial and social differentiation, gentrification has been supported by the governments
which plan to create an economic revival for the real estate investors and landowners in the city centers in the
years 1970–75, when the prices of petrol in the Western Europe and America and the inflation rates and the costs
of the building increased. In the period in question, there was also a change in the urban renewal policies of local
authorities. This change was in the supply of the financial assistance encouraging the houses to be restored
instead of their elimination. This period can be regarded as the beginning of gentrification based on the smallscale restorations. Though gentrification is a process realized by private financing in theory, the support given by
the local authorities made it easier for the credit providers to be involved in the process (Zukin, 1987, p.132).
The involvement of the local authorities in the process is directed towards expanding their own local tax
potential because they can only cover 13 per cent of the sources they will use to produce service from the
national budget. When considered that this proportion is close to 75 per cent in England, it is necessary to enrich
the socio-economic potential of the city as well as enhancing the environmental quality in American cities
(Atkinson, 2003, p.2345).
The discussion of the scope and the quality of the gentrification process has ended, but what is slightly
agreed upon is that space-specific differences may arise in different locations. Gentrification may come in a
variety of forms and at different intensities in different cities, even in different places of the same city. There is
still a need for a new categorization, as a comprehensive and foolproof definition has not yet been made (Clark,
1992, p.358).
Criekingen &amp; Decroly, considering the examples of Montreal and Brussels, analyzed gentrification in
the scope of urban renewal. To them, gentrification is not an ultimate stage that happened step by step through an
evolutionary development of the process. Authors rejected the idea of uni-dimensional foolproof gentrification
and proposed urban renewal processes based on a set of different motives, each being unique to itself. These
include gentrification, marginal gentrification, upgrading neighborhood renewal and incumbent upgrading.
Gentrification is the transformation of the poor settlement where low-income people live into renewed, rich
settlements created by artificially beautified environment and settled by the middle class as a result of the
displacement of the poor. These transformations are observed in the cities home to the emerging middle class
people as a consequence of global financial activities. On the other hand, marginal gentrification refers to the
spatial and social renewal process arising as a result of the gathering of people, rich in cultural capital, but
relatively limited in financial capital (2003, p.2451; p.2456). For example, the transformations occurring due to
the preferences of artists, travelers, cosmopolitans, single and childless couples and sometimes gays can be seen
in this group.

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David Ley, who investigated the role of the artists as well as of the anesthetizing of historical places in
the process of gentrification, indicated that the aesthetic appearance and the historical nature of the places near
Canadian cities constitute an important cultural heritage and a highly symbolic value, which creates an economic
asset. Accordingly, the aestheticisation of the places cause the prices of real estate to rise and the artists are
forced to move to cheaper places (Ley, 2003, p. 2540). The artists, in turn, become the victim of the renewal
process to which they contribute.
Upgrading Neighborhood Renewal is typically observed in the bourgeois settlements owned by elderly
people from middle and elite classes for an extended period of time. In these settlements, the renewals made on
the buildings are limited to trivial changes that are to meet the special needs of those new comers. Incumbent
Upgrading, considered to be one of the fundamental ways of urban renewal in the 1970s, is often implemented in
places where people from the middle class have their own houses. For this reason, Incumbent Renewal causes
little or no population displacement (Criekingen &amp; Decroly, 2003, p.2456).
The designs of the writers for Urban Renewal show that all the ideal types are not performed at the
same density and in the same way everywhere and that there are now new models and conceptualizations taking
into account the socio-spatial peculiarities. With reference to the models proposed by Criekingen &amp; Decroly, this
study, accordingly, investigates social and spatial characteristics of the renewal around Bursa, Hisar,Turkey.

Methods of the Research
In this study, qualitative research analysis based on interviews was employed. To this end, the
interviews were recorded and then transcribed. In addition, during the interviews, structured question forms were
used. The open-ended questions in the form were directed to the interviewees to guarantee the coherence of the
interview. The form included questions to reveal the demographic features of those living in the building and to
test the hypothesis of the theories related to gentrification.
The data for the study was collected between the 7th and the 30th of March, 2009 from 24 participants –4
females and 20 males– who are the owners of the buildings located around Molla Gurani, Kavakli, Osmangazi
and Alaaddinbey and Kale Street, the oldest streets and districts of Bursa near Tophane-Hisar. These regions are
especially investigated because they preserve their historical texture, and they are those where renewals
restorations were carried out. The names of the interviewees were used as pseudo names in the paper. In
addition, a general manager of a firm, which has long carried out projects as developers in the regions, was also
interviewed. The data from the interview shows the significance of the role that the developers play in the
renewal of the region:
We have been performing projects of building engineering in Bursa since 1989 and
we have been involved especially in architectural projects since 1997. We have
completed about 40 restoration and reconstruction projects since then. We can
classify our projects into three groups: (1) the customer buys the house and has us
do the restoration, (2) we buy the house and restore it to sell (3) we restore the house
as in the original state. Another option is that we replace a house with a larger land
around with a similar one to the original one and build one more in the rest of the
land.
(Interview, 14th September 2006).
The interview with the developer firm yielded the first indications as to whether the urban renewal
observed around Tophane can be associated with the concept of gentrification. Within the three years after the
first interview, it was decided that the sustainability of the renewal process be observed and that field work be
carried out.
Findings
Demographic features:
Native Population
When the birth places were considered, 18 of the 24 interviewees were born in Bursa and the others
were born in other places and moved to Bursa for a variety of reasons. More specifically, two thirds of them
were native settlers. Being a native to the country or city is regarded as an important feature in the theory of
gentrification. It was reported that, especially at the end of the gentrification process experienced in West Europe
and America, foreigners left the district and the natives started to live there more dominantly. However, in the
context of Tophane, it seems possible to talk of a “nativization” arising from an exchange of natives with
foreigners. It is also understood that native residents of the district are disturbed by this change:

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�2nd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, June 8-9, 2010 Sarajevo
Affluent people who are not originally from here such as doctors and jewelers have
started to settle here gradually recently....
(TmX, 69)
If you asked the old state of this district, I should say that it was a place where the
old natives settled and was a place of choice. This part (Ortapazar) of Hisar was a
place where the most prominent people of Bursa lived such as merchants, tradesmen,
high rank officials. However, I do not know what it is like now. Until very recently,
you could not tell who was rich and who was poor. However, this is changing....
(RmY, 57)
The native of the district is complaining about the newcomers. This complaint demonstrates that the
uniformity of the city is gradually being eliminated and the general texture tends gradually to diversify and that
the class disintegration is inevitably to occur (Alver, 2007: 58). In fact, the narrations of the recent gentrifiers
support the concern expressed above:
Unfortunately, we are not in close contact with the neighbors around. We have been
here for almost two years, but we can come together only with some people. At the
same time, these people are affluent enough, and they come from the same cultural
environment.
(AñZ, 39)
Age profile
The ages of those interviewed were in their forties and fifties, mostly in the middle-aged groups. Apart
from this group, the number of people in their 20s and 30s equaled to those in their 60s and above. Most of the
people in the elderly group are, as expected, originally from Tophane and have long been living in their own
houses. People between 25–55 were living in the two-third of houses classified as gentrified ones, which means
almost all of the young people in the study live in the gentrified houses.
Marital status and number of children
Most of the people who live in these houses are often married and have a nuclear family. One-fourth of
them were single, and the others are married. Four of the six people coming from other cities to Bursa are
married, and three of them have only one child. Those originally from Bursa often have two children.
When evaluated from a broad perspective, the percentage of single people in Bursa is above the Turkish
national average of 12.8% and the number of children seems below the average. This does not support the idea
that part of the new arrivals involved in the process of the gentrification consists of women living alone and
couples without any children as indicated in the literature (Bondi, 1991, p.191) because of the changing gender
roles of the women and their participation in the working life. In fact, in this study there are only two femaleheaded households among all the home owners.
Indications about education
It is claimed in the literature that gentrifiers have high cultural capital and therefore have jobs with high
status (Bridge, 2001, p.206). The basic idea that gentrification is the replacement of a low-income status group
with a high income-status group is deeply related with educational status. This information found in the literature
is quite in line with the case in Tophane. 18 residents born in Bursa (except three) are graduates of high school
and university. Those coming from other cities to Bursa are all graduates of university. The education profiles of
the interviewees reveal that those interested in such houses are rich in culture and education. The study of N.
Uzun (2006, p.352) on the gentrification of Cihangir–Kuzguncuk, Istanbul and their neighbors indicates the high
education levels of gentrifiers. The results of these two studies show the relation between the demand for the
gentrified houses and the education level.
Profession profile
One of the main arguments in the theory of gentrification is the displacement of the dominant
settlements of workers with the groups having professional jobs with high statuses and high income. The
profession profile of the interviewees is consistent with those in the literature. Among them are the professionals
such as administrators, technicians, accountants, architects, doctors, and engineers as well as jobs of commerce
and service with high income such as jewelers, representatives, and textile businessmen.

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Though professional status is an important signal in terms of gentrification, it is far from sufficient, for
there is no possibility of knowing whether a change in the status has occurred in the profession unless it is
known whether the house has been sold before and how long the owner of the house has lived there. Therefore,
there is also a need for investigation as to whether houses have been sold before and when.

Ownership status:

From the data of the field work, a model with three categories emerged that shows whether the house
has been exchanged recently and whether those living in the houses are landowners or tenants. These categories
include tenants, those still owning the house they inherited from their family, and those previously sold and
typically gentrified.
Tenants
Five of the twenty-four houses interviewed were tenant occupied. The landowners sometimes have the
renovations of the houses completed for rent. The tenants live in the same block as their landowners. Some
tenants have been living in Tophane for 20–25 years. There is a similarity in the sense of belonging and in the
interpretation of the neighboring relationships between the old dwellers in Tophane as tenants and those living in
their own houses for a long time. However, the relatively new comers have different views on the sense of
belonging and on the neighboring relationships.
There is a complete coldness in the relations of friendship and neighborhood rather
than a warm approach.
(FfQ, 28)
Those inheriting the house from their family and still owning it
This group consists of elderly people who are originally from Bursa and who can afford the renewal of
their own houses. The number of such houses is 7. Except for the tenants, there are people living in more than
one-third of the houses (7/19) who have afforded to have the house partially reconstructed. These people see it as
a firmly-attached identity worth being praised about to say that they are from Hisar or Tophane:
We say we are from Hisar. This is an important case. We have the same opinions as
my wife and my children. Therefore, I have always said that I can’t live anywhere
else. One of the things that makes this district resemble us or makes it us is the vivid
neighboring relations). It seems that what makes this district so vivid is its being one
of the old Ottoman places.
The narrations of the commitment to the residence sometimes imply how hard it is to sustain this
identity or include challenges.
If affluent people offered me millions, I would not sell my land here, though. Here is
my heart, my life. We can never allow our Hisar to be replaced by blocks.
(ßfQ, 65)
Perouse (2006) indicates that the regions having a cosmopolitan identity such as Fener-Balat, Galata,
and Kuzguncuk, Đstanbul are more suitable to being gentrified and that the non-Muslim identity here is more
attractive, more universal and more prominent for elites and middle classes. To him, “those seeking cosmopolite
traces in historical districts” actually would also like to have the sense of belonging in the case of Kuzguncuk
(Behar &amp; Islam, 2006, p.84, 85). The non-Muslim history of Đstanbul seems parallel to the “Ottoman” past of
Hisar in Bursa. The sense of belonging to the district in Hisar is expressed through an “Ottoman” identity,
functioning as a collective memory. The associations of this identity, far from being a reality and close to
imaginary vision, are remarkably valued not only by those living here for a long time but also by those who have
recently settled.

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The houses whose owners were changed and typically gentrified
Of all those interviewed, the number of such houses under investigations is the majority. According to
the calculation, excluding the tenants, 12 of the 19 houses have had several different owners so far. It seems
interesting that 5 of them and the others have had different owners and were restored or reconstructed in 1980–
1987 and 1995–2003 respectively. The statements of the manager of the firm working as a developer in the
region give insight into the timing of the socio-spatial renewals in Tophane:
In the very beginning of the 1990s, there started a trend to prefer houses with garden
rather than living in blocks of apartments. They, for example, moved to Bademli (a
kind of “garden city” 20 km far from city centre). For the last few years, people have
tended to live in the city centre. This is because around Bademli there is a shortage
of some social services such as schools, hospitals, etc. due to the limited population
and those working in the city center need to travel a long distance, and there is also
a traffic problem there.
Another reason for returning to the city center is the fear of an earthquake. Those
moving into the apartments in the 1970s and 1980s and stayed there felt the need for
their old houses in the wake of the 2001 earthquake. The floor of these houses cannot
be more than 9.5 meters tall according to the laws. There are a few blocks built
before the region was taken in the scope of protection, which can be considered an
exception.
In the field study, it was learnt that of the twelve houses, three were reconstructed and nine were
restored and used. One of the buildings surviving through the restoration –a historical one– is now run as a
boutique hotel and changed its property/owner last year. Before the change in ownership of the property, the
hotel that was owned by a well known architect of Bursa can be thought to a leading role in the renewal of the
region. This hotel changed its owner but is run by its former manager.
One of the other buildings which create attraction in the
gentrification of the region is a building, some part of which is used as a
cafeteria and some part to run a painting course. The building owned by
a couple, an architect and an art teacher, contributes to the revival of the
region through the workplaces. Similarly, in the literature, there are also
studies investigating the transformation of the workplaces in the process
of gentrification with the renewals of the buildings (for example, see.
Patch, 2004, p.181).
This model, which investigates what the property statuses of
Tophane residents are and how the houses in the region are gentrified, is
consistent with the model of Van Criekingen &amp; Decroly (2003), except
for marginal gentrification. In the last section, it will be questioned
whether the gentrification displaced the poor residents.
Results of property ownership change
Most of the articles in the literature of gentrification focus on
the displacing effect, which emerges as a social problem. In this respect,
whether an influence has occurred or not is interpreted from what the
interviewee has told in the field work. There is an agreement among all the interviewees on the fact that the
renewals have increased the value of the houses in a way. However, there is a more dominant understanding that
these houses have not been purchased for rent but for owner residence for a long period.
There is a high expectation that, when such houses have been bought, restored, and
used, they will increase in value.
(ÑfQ, 51)
Yes, there may be a rent expectation in the long run, though not in the short. The rent
value is doubled after the restoration. People usually restore such houses to live in
and they do not have an intention to sell it right after the restoration. They invest
money in the building just for the house and for living in it. You cannot see anyone
expecting a rent here. You can see such expectations in Ayvalık, which is a tourist
town. It is out of question that a house is restored by the support of TOKĐ (Housing
Development Administration) and sold in two years. I mean people restore their
houses to dwell in.

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(MfQ,43)
Those who have been living in the same house for an extended period of time and the tenants cannot see
a relation between the abandonment of the region by the low-income people and the value increase in the houses
following the renewal. However, nearly half of those settling in the region and those working as developers there
can see that there is a relation:
While the old buildings in the districts, such as Pınarbaşı and Kavaklı, are renewed,
the poor tenants living here were sent away because the houses increased in value.
Therefore, people had to move into other districts.
(TmX, 69)
The houses have been sold and bought. There are people coming outside. They force
the old residents living here and especially the tenants to move into other places.
(MmT, 34)
For example, when we moved here, there were tenants living here. They had to move
into a street behind. I mean they went on living in Hisar. There are many similar
families.
(AñZ, 39)
Those who could not afford to restore their houses had to sell them and go away.
This condition also forces the poor tenants to move as well. There are also many
others living in the poverty, which have to leave when the inheritors sell the houses.
(Interview, 14th Sept., 2006)

Conclusion
As Lefebvre said, city center is the locus of urban life (1988, p.15). The return to the city may have to
do with the expectations that the economic theories claimed. However, this relation is for the developers, not for
the residents. It is not that developers are trailing the residents because they are investing in a region of the city.
What happens is that a region is rediscovered which lost its attraction and fell into disrepute for any reason as it
harbors invaluable social values. In other words, an already gentrified city is re-gentrified. In the process of regentrification, the new residents of the district do not think of substituting the former ones because they have
connections with a wider cultural environment though they enjoy the historical texture and the nativity of the
neighbors there. The way those that gentrify their houses perceive the area is laden with the associations of
senses of acquaintance and the houses of those involved in the gentrification process serve for creating a history
through the considerable use of the area.
As for the tenants to whom the former residents of the places entrusted their houses for a variety of
reasons:
Unfortunately, the tenants have great trouble in the houses before they are restored.
I mean, these poor people have to live in conditions where mice and insects abound.
On the other hand, if these houses are restored with some financial sources, then the
landowners may start to live there. I think tenants live there before restoration, but
after the restoration the landowners settle in these places.
(MfQ, 43)
According to the witness of the residents, it seems highly likely that the tenants living in the old houses
waiting to be renewed will not go on living there for longer time. If the house is well protected and continually
renewed by its owner, then the rent value will rise and therefore low-income people will not be able to afford to
live there. The solution is to organize low-cost housing systems in places not far from city center for low-income
groups or to optimize the transport systems in ways not to increase the costs for those in the suburbs.
On the other hand, in the renewal of Hisar, except for a few, families renew their houses with their own
financial budgets over a period of time. However, there are also those who cannot do so neither with their own
money nor with credits. Therefore, these houses should be put under protection directly by the public sector and
should be sustained with the people inside. To this end, on condition that the original state is not spoilt, these
buildings should be made to function as boutique hotels, art galleries, and private museums which can be thought
of as an important solution in terms of the speed of the renewal process.
In conclusion, in the case of Tophane, Bursa the process of gentrification is still continuing in some
places. Due to this process, it is highly likely that the low-income people will have to leave their houses for the
newcomers in the wake of the renewals. However, it should not be interpreted that there is a population
exchange between the tenants and the landowners. After all, the houses in the district are predominantly used by

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the landowners. A possible adverse effect of the gentrification for the low-income people is that the old districts
where there are some cheap alternatives for housing for the poor class will no more be an alternative for them.
However, this does not mean that the old houses should be left to the poor people with all its deficits. Rather, as
we indicated before, alternatives such as affordable housing systems should be increased for the urban poor.

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Özgökçeler, Serhat</text>
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                <text>Gentrification can be interpreted as a return of the affluent people to the  city. This process is supported by authorities both due to the contributions it could  make to the city in many ways. The studies concentrating on the subjective and  cultural motives prioritize the characteristics that can be called “positive attributes”  of gentrification in general, such as the conservation of the historical architecture by  the renewal efforts as a positive outcome. While accepting the advantages provided  by the gentrification for urban renewal, it can be claimed that it brings about social  problems. The opportunity of cheap housing in the city center is lost as a  consequence of the gentrification, and therefore the low-income groups holding jobs  in the center are forced to move to distant locations. In this scope, the goal of the  study is to identify whether the urban renewal observed in the Tophane, Hisar district  in Bursa, one of the historical cities in Turkey, could be analyzed through the concept  “gentrification”.</text>
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