124 10 3494 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/5f959ca3d6b686c07110bec8a55dfd1a.docx bb7ae43be0475d8388ae0664b7d88946 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/1cea9190c1416b4ecd57d8181d793358.pdf e0899388d4bc8113394c794394dff152 PDF Text Text GEÇİŞ DÖNEMLERİ BAĞLAMINDA ARMAĞAN OLGUSU: ANADOLU VE BALKANLAR Metin EREN Mardin Artuklu Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Türk Dili Ve Edebiyatı Mardin / Türkiye Anahtar Kelimeler: Armağan, geçiş dönemleri, Anadolu, Balkanlar, ritüel. ÖZET Geçiş dönemleri ve bu dönemler etrafında uygulanan ritüeller insan yaşamını kuşatır ve belirler. Kişinin yaşamı doğumundan ölümüne kadar bu ritüel süreçlerle içi içedir. Her geçiş dönemi ferdi çevreleyen topluluğun katıldığı bir dizi törensel uygulamayı beraberinde getirir. Bu törenler, ritüelin yapılmasını gerektiren kişiler için hayatlarının yeni bir aşamaya ulaştığına dair bir bilinç oluştururken aynı zamanda bireyin toplumla ve toplumun kendi içerisinde ilişkilerini yenilemesine imkan sağlar. Armağan, insanoğlunun toplumsal bir varlık oluşunun somutlaştığı köklü olgulardan birisidir. Hediye verme bu nedenle de her toplumsal etkinlikte önemli bir yere sahiptir. Armağan, toplumsal ilişkileri düzenler ve geliştirir. Armağanın en görünür ve yaygın olduğu toplumsal etkinlikler arasında geçiş dönemleri etrafında şekillenen ritüeller vardır. Doğum, evlilik veya ölüm gibi geçiş dönemleri incelendiğinde hediyeleşme ve dayanışmanın yoğunluğu hemen gözlemlenebilir. Bu bildiri armağan olgusunu geçiş dönemleri bağlamında ve Anadolu Balkanlar örneklerinde inceleyerek benzerlik ve farklılıkları tespit etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2160 Title A name given to the resource GEÇİŞ DÖNEMLERİ BAĞLAMINDA ARMAĞAN OLGUSU: ANADOLU VE BALKANLAR Author Author EREN, Metin Abstract A summary of the resource. Anahtar Kelimeler: Armağan, geçiş dönemleri, Anadolu, Balkanlar, ritüel. ÖZET Geçiş dönemleri ve bu dönemler etrafında uygulanan ritüeller insan yaşamını kuşatır ve belirler. Kişinin yaşamı doğumundan ölümüne kadar bu ritüel süreçlerle içi içedir. Her geçiş dönemi ferdi çevreleyen topluluğun katıldığı bir dizi törensel uygulamayı beraberinde getirir. Bu törenler, ritüelin yapılmasını gerektiren kişiler için hayatlarının yeni bir aşamaya ulaştığına dair bir bilinç oluştururken aynı zamanda bireyin toplumla ve toplumun kendi içerisinde ilişkilerini yenilemesine imkan sağlar. Armağan, insanoğlunun toplumsal bir varlık oluşunun somutlaştığı köklü olgulardan birisidir. Hediye verme bu nedenle de her toplumsal etkinlikte önemli bir yere sahiptir. Armağan, toplumsal ilişkileri düzenler ve geliştirir. Armağanın en görünür ve yaygın olduğu toplumsal etkinlikler arasında geçiş dönemleri etrafında şekillenen ritüeller vardır. Doğum, evlilik veya ölüm gibi geçiş dönemleri incelendiğinde hediyeleşme ve dayanışmanın yoğunluğu hemen gözlemlenebilir. Bu bildiri armağan olgusunu geçiş dönemleri bağlamında ve Anadolu Balkanlar örneklerinde inceleyerek benzerlik ve farklılıkları tespit etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013-05-17 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2203-4548 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/1b1eb5b866662e74ffc6a15e73e9806b.pdf 130fea0b2f262639dac366147cd4249c PDF Text Text Geçmişten Günümüze Türk Dünyasında Alfabe Gelişimi Vedat KARTALCIK Türk Dili ve Edebiyatı Bölümü Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi Özet|:Türklerin metinlerle belgelenebilen tarihte kullandıkları ilk alfabe Köktürk işaretleridir. Köktürklerin Ötükendeki hâkimiyetleri sona erdikten sonra, Uygurlar döneminde farklı dinleri kabul eden Türk toplulukları tarafından Mani, Soğut, Uygur, Süryani, İbrani alfabeleri; Brahmi, Tibet yazıları gibi farklı alfabe ve yazı sistemleri kullanılmıştır. Grek alfabesi de Hristiyan Türkler ile misyoner rahip ve tüccarlar tarafından Türkçenin yazımında kullanılmıştır. X. yüzyılda İslâmı kabul eden Türkler uzun bir süre Arap alfabesini kullanmışlardır. 19. yüzyılda başlayan yenileşme hareketleriyle birlikte, Arap alfabesinin Türkçe sesleri karşılamada yetersiz kaldığı ve başka gerekçelerle Arap alfabesinin ıslah edilmesi gerektiği fikri tüm Türk dünyasında dile getirilmeye başlamıştır. XX. yüzyılın başında neredeyse çeyrek asırlık bir sürede Türk dünyası alfabe ıslahı ve yeni bir alfabe kabulü meselesi üzerinde durmuş, bu konuyla ilgili kurultaylar düzenlemiştir. Anahtar Kelimeler: Türk, Alfabe, Türk Alfabeleri Grek alfabesinin ilk işaretleri olan alfa ve betanın birleşmesinden oluşan alfabe çok eski ve uzun bir oluşum sürecinden sonra, her sese bir işaretin karşılık geldiği bugünkü fonetik biçimine kavuşmuştur. Alfabenin ortaya çıkmasına sebep olan bugün resim yazısı (pictography) olarak bilinen, mağara duvarlarına kazılmış resimler M.Ö. 2500-2000 yıllarına tarihlendirilen ilk yazı örnekleri olarak bilinirler. Bu resim yazısı zamanla fikir yazısını (ideogram) oluşturmuştur. Fikir yazıları olarak bilinen Mezopotamya, Mısır, Girit ve Hitit yazıları aslında resim, fikir ve bu yazıların daha ileri şekilleri olan fonetik yazıyı da içlerinde barındırıyorlardı.94 Fonetik yazının ilk örnekleri olarak bilinen çivi yazısı Sümerler, Akadlar, Babiller, Asurlar, Hititler, Huriler, Elamlar, Mitanniler, Luviler, Urartular ve Persler tarafından kullanılmıştır. Çivi yazısı, içinde hareketi ifade eden sembolleri, ideogramları, fonetik işaretleri ve determinatifleri barındırmaktadır. M. Ö. VII-VI. Yüzyıllarda Aramice’nin ortak iletişim dili olması çivi yazısının kullanımdan kalkmıştır.95 Antik dönemin en önemli yazı sistemlerinden biri olan Mısır yazısı (hiyeroglif) M. Ö. 4000 –M. S. 400 yılları arasında Mısırda kullanılmıştır. Bu yazının işlenmiş biçimine hieratic ve demotic adlarını alır. Hiyeroglifi ilk olarak Champollion tarafından 1822 yılında çözülmüştür.96 Ege Bölgesi yazıları da antik dönemde kullanılan yazılardandır. Resim yazısı, Linear A ve Linear B olarak adlandırılan bu yazılar M. Ö. 2800 ila M. Ö. 1600 yıllarında Kıbrıs, Girit ve Ege Bölgelerinde kullanılmıştır.97 Hindistan’ın İndus vadisinde, sonradan Brahmi yazısına kaynaklık ettiği bilinen ideografik, çivi ve hece yazıları karışımı bir yazı sisteminin M. Ö. 2500 civarında kullanıldığı bilinmektedir.98 Alfabe yazısına girmeyen bir yazı da Çin yazısıdır. Çin yazısının en eski örnekleri M. Ö. XVIII-XII. yüzyıla aittir. Bu yazının eski zamanlardaki ideogram karakterleri bugüne logogram olarak gelmiştir.99 Bugünkü bilgimiz eski çağlardaki yazı sistemlerinin zamanla yerini fonetik alfabeye bırakmıştır. Alfabenin de en eski örnekleri M. Ö. 1700-1330 yıllarında Mezopotamya ve çevresinde bulunmuştur. Alfabenin ortaya çıkışı ve yayılışıyla ilgili olarak bazı teoriler ileri sürülmüştür.100 Bu teorilerde bugünkü alfabelerin ilk ve sonraki şekilleri arasında bağlar kurulmaya çalışılmıştır. Proto Sina yazısının Mısır hiyerogliflerine ve devamında Kuzey Sami alfabesine; proto Sami alfabesinin Güney Sami, Kuzey Sami (Arami ve Kenan), İbrani, Palmira, Nasturi, Mani, Brahmi, Haroşti, Soğut, Ermeni, Gürcü, Uygur ve Tibet alfabelerine; Punik veya Pön olarak da adlandırılan Fenike yazısının Eski Libya, İberya, Grek, Slav, Etrüsk, Likya, Frigya, Pampilyon, Lidya, Karya, Kıpti, Arap ve Latin gibi alfabelerin oluşumuna kaynaklık etmiştir.101 94 Hatice Şirin User, Başlangıcından Günümüze Türk Yazı Sistemleri, Akçağ Yay., Ankara 2006, 15-16. s. Hatice Şirin User, age., 16-17. s. 96 Hatice Şirin User, age., 17. s. 97 Hatice Şirin User, age., 17. s. 98 Hatice Şirin User, age., 17. s. 99 Hatice Şirin User, age., 17. s. 100 Hatice Şirin User, age., 18. s. 101 Hatice Şirin User, age., 18-21. s. 95 363 �Bugün bile kaynağı tam olarak belirlenememiş, üzerindeki tartışmaların hâlâ devam ettiği Hint alfabeleri ve Runik alfabe gibi yazı sistemleri mevcuttur.102 Eski Türkçe Döneminde Kullanılan Alfabeler Türkçenin yazılı kaynaklarından takip edebildiğimiz ilk örnekleri Köktürk/Orhun yazısı ile yazılmıştır. Bu metinler ve yazıldıkları alfabe, Batılı Türkologlar tarafından, İskandinav bölgesinde bulunan Runik alfabeyle yazılmış belgelere benzediği için, Sibirya Run harfleri, Yenisey Run harfleri, Runik alfabe ve Türk Run yazısı olarak adlandırılmıştır. Köktürk işaretlerinin nerede ve ne zaman ortaya çıktığı üzerinde pek çok araştırma yapılmıştır. İlk olarak VII ila X. yüzyıllara tarihlendirilen Orhun ve Yenisey abidelerinde karşılaştığımız bu yazıların, Issık Köl yakınındaki Esik kurganında bulunan M. Ö. IV-V. yüzyıla tarihlendirilen gümüş bir tasın üzerinde Köktürk işaretleriyle yazılı 26 harflik bir metin yer almaktadır. Bu gümüş tas bize Köktürk işaretlerinin Milattan önceki yıllarda da kullanıldığını göstermiştir.103 Ancak tas üzerindeki 26 harflik yazının Türkologlar tarafından farklı okunması, bu yazının henüz açıklığa kavuşturulamadığını göstermektedir. Bu nedenle şimdilik kaydıyla Türkçenin en eski yazılı belgesi olarak Çoyrın yazıtı (687-692) kabul edilmektedir. Köktürk işaretleri yalnızca Köktürklerin yaşadığı Ötüken bölgesinde değil, farklı coğrafyalarda metal veya taş eşyalarla, kaya, ağaç kabuğu ve kağıt üzerlerine yazıldığını yapılan çalışmalardan öğrenmekteyiz.104 Köktürk işaretlerinin kullanımı 30 milyon km2lik bir alana yayılmıştır.105 Köktürk işaretlerinin kökeni hakkında pek çok teori ileri sürülmüştür. Köktürk işaretlerinin İskandinav Runik yazısından doğduğunu kabul eden görüş bunların ilkidir. Bu görüşün temsilcisi Heikel’dir. Daha sonra Köktürk yazısı ile Grek yazısı, hatta eski Sami yazısı ve Likya, Firikya, Hitit yazıları arasında ilgi kuran görüşler dahi ortaya atılmıştır. Bu görüşler Otto Donner, Heinrich Julius von Klaproth ve Altay Amanjolov tarafından kabul görmüştür.106 Köktürk işaretleriyle yazılmış Orhun Abidelerini ilk çözen Türkologlar V. Thomsen ve W. Radloff Köktürk işaretlerinin Aramî veya Soğut alfabelerinden geliştiğini savunmuşlardır.107 Türk millî şuuruna en yakın olan Köktürk işaretlerinin Türk damgalarından doğduğunu ileri süren görüştür. Bu teori ilk olarak Aristov ve Mallitskiy tarafından ileri sürülmüş, Ahmet Caferoğlu, Ahmet Cevat Emre, Hüseyin Namık Orkun gibi Türkologlar tarafından da kabul görmüştür.108 Bunlardan başka E. D. Polivanov, V. A. Livşiç, Köktürk işaretlerinin Türk damgalarından oluştuğunu fakat Soğut, Aramî, Pehlevî gibi yazılardan da etkilendiği görüşüne sahiptir.109 O. Pritsak ve A. Rona Tas gibi Türkologlar da Köktürk yazısının hece yazısından geliştiğini düşünmektedirler.110 Köktürk işaretleri hangi kökten gelirse gelsin Türkçenin yazımında en elverişli alfabelerden birisi olmuştur. Köktürk alfabesi 38 harften oluşmaktadır. Bu harflerden 4’ü ünlü, 31’i ünsüz 3’ü de çift ünsüzdür (ligatür). Ünsüzlerin 20 tanesi kalın ve ince olmak üzere ikili şekillere sahipken, 7 tanesi tek şekillidir. 4 harf de ünlülerle çift oluşturmaktadır. Köktürk Kağanlığı yıkıldıktan sonra yerine kurulan Uygur Kağanlığı döneminde Türkler Köktürk işaretlerinin yanı sıra, pek çok alfabe kullanmışlardır. Eski kültürlerde yazıyı icat eden toplumların ticaret yoluyla kazanç sağlama ve din misyonerliğiyle nüfus kazanma111 olmak üzere iki amacı vardır. Uygurlar konargöçer (nomad) yaşam tarzlarını değiştirip yerleşik hayata geçip şehirlerde yaşamaya başlamışlardır. Ticaret ve tarımla uğraşmaya başlamışlardır. Yeni hayat tarzından dolayı Maniheist Soğdak tüccarların ve dinî misyoner faaliyetlerin etkisiyle Bögü Kağan 692 yılında Maniheizmi devlet dini olarak kabul etmiştir.112 Yeni dinin öğretileri, dinî metinlerin yazılı olduğu alfabeyi de Uygurlar arasında kullanılır hâle getirmiştir. Maniheist 102 Hatice Şirin User, age., 22-23. s. Nejat Diyarbekirli, “Kazakistan'da Bulunan Esik Kurganı", Cumhuriyetin 50. Yılına Armağan, Edebiyat Fakültesi, İstanbul 1973, 291-304. s. 104 İsmail Doğan, Kafkasyadaki Göktürk Runik İşaretli Yazıtlar, TDK Yay., Ankara 2000.; İsmail Doğan, Doğu Avrupadaki Göktürk (Runik) İşaretli Yazıtlar, TDK Yay., Ankara 2002.; Semih Tezcan, “En Eski Türk Dili ve Yazını”, Bilim, Kültür ve Öğretim Dili Olarak Türkçe, Ankara 1994, 277; 283. s.; Talat Tekin, Irk Bitig Eski Uygurca Fal Kitabı, Öncü Kitap, Ankara 2004.; Hatice Şirin User, age., 31. s. 105 Namık Açıkgöz, “Türklerin Kullandığı Alfabelerden Göktürk Alfabesi”, Yeni Türkiye, Mayıs-Haziran 1997, yıl 3, sayı 15, 236. s. 106 Hatice Şirin User, age., 31. s.; Ahmet Caferoğlu, Türk Dili Tarihi I-II, Enderun Kitabevi, İstanbul 1984. 120. s. 107 V. Thomsen, Orhon ve Yenisey Yazıtlarının Çözümü İlk Bildiri, (Çev: Vedat Köken), TDK Yay., Ankara 1993, 49-55. s.; Hatice Şirin User, age., 33. s.; Ahmet Caferoğlu, age., 120. s. 108 Ahmet Caferoğlu, age., 121. s.; Ahmet Bican Ercialsun, Türk Dili Tarihi, Akçağ Yay., Ankara 2005, 169. s. 109 Ahmet Bican Ercilasun, age., 169. s. 110 Hatice Şirin User, age., 35. s. 111 Hatice Şirin User, age., 37. s. 112 Şinasi Tekin, “Mani Dininin Uygurlar Tarafından Devlet Dini Olarak Kabul Edilişinin 1200. Yıldönümü Dolayı İle Birkaç Not (762-1962)”, TDAY-B 1962, 6. s. 103 364 �Uygurların ve Uygur olmayan Türklerden kalan yazılı metinler Turfan ve Dunhuang bölgelerinde bulunmuştur. Mani alfabesiyle yazılan metinlerde noktalama işaretlerinin113 kullanılması dikkate çekicidir. Bu alfabeyle şiirler, hikâyeler, dua ve ilahiler, dinî kitaplar gibi eserler yazılmıştır.114 Mani inancındaki Uygurlar Mani alfabesinin yanı sıra Köktürk işaretleri, Uygur, Brahmi, Tibet ve Süryani alfabelerinin de kullanmışlardır. Mani alfabesi IX. yüzyılın ortalarına kadar Moğolistan ve Doğu Türkistan bölgelerinde kullanılmıştır.115 Soğut alfabesi, Türkler arasında yaşayan Soğut tüccarların etkisiyle kullanılmaya başlanmıştır.116 Soğutça ve Soğut alfabesinin I. Köktürk Kağanlığı döneminden itibaren kullanıldığı bilinmektedir. Çünkü 5. Köktürk Kağanı Muhan’ın mezar taşı Bugut yazıtının üç yüzü de Soğutça yazılmıştır. Bu alfabe Türkler arasında çok kısa bir süre kullanılmıştır. 117 Uygurlar döneminde IX. yüzyılda yazıldığı tahmin edilen Çince, Uygurca ve Soğutça yazılan Karabalgasun yazıtında da Soğut alfabesini görmekteyiz.118 Güney Gobi’deki Sevrey yazıtının da Köktürk işaretli Uygurcanın yanı sıra Soğut alfabeli Soğutça olarak yazıldığı bilinmektedir.119 Eski Türkçe döneminden kalan en zengin edebiyat ürünleri Uygur alfabesiyle yazılmıştır. Uygur alfabesinin Türkler arasında ne zaman kullanılmaya başlandığı konusunda net bir sonuca ulaşılamamıştır. Gabain’e göre ilk Uygur harfli metinler 750-827 yıllarında yazılmıştır. S. Çağatay kesin bir tarih belirtmenin mümkün olmadığı; S. G. Clauson, bu alfabenin VIII. yüzyıldan önce tasarlandığı; S. Tezcan Uygur alfabesinin IX. yüzyıl sonlarında kullanılmaya başladığı görüşündedirler.120 Bu görüşlerden hareketle Uygur alfabesinin VIII. yüzyıldan XVIII. yüzyıla kadar Sibirya-Yenisey, Kuzey Moğolistan, Türkistan’ın tamamı, İdil nehri kıyıları, Transkafkasya, Azerbaycan, Gürcistan ve Osmanlı topraklarını içine alan sahada kullanılmıştır. Uygur alfabesi Soğutlardan alınmış fakat Türkçe ses yapısına uydurularak millîleştirilmiştir.121 Hitay ve Moğol Devletleri Uygur alfabesini resmî alfabe olarak kullanmışlardır. Mançu, Kalmuk ve Buryat alfabelerini oluşturan din adamları, söz konusu alfabeleri Uygur alfabesinden adapte etmişlerdir.122 Uygur alfabesi sağdan sola doğru yazılır. 18 harften oluşan alfabede üç işaret ünlüleri, 15 işaret de ünsüzleri göstermektedir. Harfler seslerin içte, ortada ve sonda olmalarına göre üç şekilde yazılmışlardır. Brahmi yazısı hakkında, Sami yazısının Aramî koluna ait olduğu ve Fenike alfabesiyle bazı ortaklıkları olduğu görüşü yaygın olmakla beraber, Brahmi alfabesinin Dravidyen bir icat ya da Hintli din adamlarının resimlerden icat ettiği bir yazı sistemi olduğu yönünde de görüşler vardır.123 Bu yazı M. Ö. VIII-VII. yüzyıllarda Hindistan’da kullanılan bu yazı M. S. III-IV. yüzyıllarda Barahma adıyla anılmıştır. Uygurlar bu alfabeyi tıpkı Toharlarda olduğu gibi Budizm’e ait dinî metinlerden öğrenmişlerdir. Bu alfabeyle yazılan metinleri Gabain X. yüzyıla dayandırıken, G. Clauson bu alfabenin daha öncelerde kullanılmaya başlandığını belirtmiştir. I. Köktürk Kağanlığına ait Bugut yazıtının bir yüzünün bu alfabeyle yazılması bu düşünceyi desteklemektedir.124 Soldan sağa doğru ve alta alta devam eden bu alfabeyle yazılan 79 parçalık metinler tespit edilmiştir. Uygur Türkleri bu alfabeyi Türkçeye uygun hâle getirmek için bazı değişiklikler yapmışlardır. Brahmi alfabesinde yapılan değişikliklerle (a ünlüsü ve ya hecesi birleştirilerek aya; u ünlüsü ve yu hecesi birleştirilerek uyu) gibi ünlülerin okunmasındaki karışıklığı engelleyen bazı ligatürler ortaya çıkarılmıştır. Brahmi yazısında bulunan 28 hece işaretine Uygurlar yedi işaret daha eklemişlerdir.125 Bu yazı Türkler arasında uzun bir süre kullanılmamıştır. Bugün kütüphanelerde bu yazıyla yazılmış 100 metin bulunmaktadır. Tibet yazısının Türkler arasında yayılması, Budizm’in yanı sıra, Tibet’in Doğu Türkistan bölgesini işgal etmek istemesi gibi dinî ve siyasî nedenlere bağlanabilir.126 VIII-IX. yüzyıllarda Uygurlarla Tibetlilerin iç içe yaşadıkları Gansu bölgesinde Uygurlar Budizm’in de etkisiyle Tibet yazısını kullanmışlardır. Tibet yazısı hece ve alfabe sistemlerinin karışık olduğu bir yazıdır. Tibet yazsısında 30 ünsüz, beş ünlü, bir ters çevrik i, üç tane de harf altı ünsüz içerir.127 Bu yazı Türkler arasında çok yayılmamış, kullanım sahası da Doğu Türkistanın bazı bölgeleriyle sınırlı kalmıştır. Dunhuang’daki Bin Buda mağaralarından çıkan 14 bin parçadan oluşan koleksiyonda Tibet yazısıyla yazılmış mahdut sayıda metinler bulunmaktadır. Bunlar Paris Biblioteque National’de bulunmaktadırlar. 113 Ahmet Caferoğlu, age., 173. s. Ahmet Bican Ercilasun, age., 230-242. s. 115 Hatice Şirin User, age., 45. s. 116 Ahmet Caferoğlu, age., 165. s.; Hatice Şirin User, age., 48. s. 117 Hatice Şirin User, age., 48. s. 118 Hatice Şirin User, age., 49. s. 119 Hatice Şirin User, age., 49. s 120 Hatice Şirin User, age., 53. s. 121 R. Rahmeti Arat, “Uygur Alfabesi”, Makaleler I. C., 679. s. 122 Hatice Şirin User, age., 57. s. 123 Hatice Şirin User, age., 62. s. 124 Hatice Şirin User, age., 63. s. 125 Hatice Şirin User, age., 64. s. 126 Hatice Şirin User, age., 67. s. 127 Hatice Şirin User, age., 68. s. 114 365 �M. S. II. yüzyılda Türkler arasında misyoner faaliyetlerine başlayan Hristiyan misyonerler, ancak VII. yüzyılda amaçlarına ulaşmışlar ve Türkler arasında Süryani koluna dayalı Nasturî mezhebi yayılmaya başlamıştır. Nasturîliğe ait bazı dinî metinler sınırlı sayıda da olsa bu dönemde Uygurcaya çevrilmeye başlanmıştır. Turfan bölgesinde bulunan Nasturî kilisesinde Estrangelo yazısıyla yazılmış bazı metinler bulunmuştur. Bir de Öngüt mezar taşları bu alfabeyle yazılmıştır. Estrangelo alfabesi Suriye ve bugünkü Urfa bölgesinde yaşayan Süryaniler için geliştirilmiştir. Bu yazının en önemli kolu V. yüzyılda ilk örnekleri görülen Estrangelo alfabesidir. Estrangelo alfabesi Nasturiler tarafından Türkistan ve Çin içlerine kadar yayılmıştır. Türkçenin ses sistemine uydurulan bazı yeni harf şekiller oluşturulmuştur. İbrani alfabesi, Harun Reşid devrinde (786-809) Museviliğin Karay mezhebine giren Hazarlar tarafından kullanılmıştır.128 Fakat bugün için elimizde Hazarlara ait yazılı bir belge bulunmamaktadır. İbrani alfabesiyle yazılı metinler Hazarların bugünkü devamı olduğu düşünülen Karaylardan kalmadır. Bu metinlerin ilki XVI. yüzyıla kadar uzanmaktadır. Bugün Litavanya, Ukrayna, Kırım ve Polonya gibi ülkelerde dağınık olarak yaşayan dinî metinlerini içeren eserlerde kullanılan İbreni alfabesi, Karay Türkçesinin sözlü olarak yaşamasından dolayı kullanım alanı oldukça daralmıştır. İbrani alfabesi köken itibariyle Sami yazısının Kenan kolundan gelmektedir. Yakın Dönemde Türk Alfabeleri Grek alfabesi yakın çağda Hristiyanlığın Ortodoks mezhebine bağlı olan ve Anadolu’nun iç kesimlerinde Nevşehir, Kayseri ve Karaman gibi bölgelerde yaşayan Karamanlılar tarafından kullanılmıştır. Karamanlılar bu dönemde oldukça zengin bir yazılı edebiyat eserleri bırakmışlardır. Bu eseler arasında dinî metinler ağırlıklı olmakla beraber, gazete, dergi, ders kitabı, gramer kitabı gibi basılı eserlerin yanı sıra kilise, mezar kitabeleri gibi kutsal mekânlarda kitabeler yer almaktadır. Grek yazısı Kuzey Sami yazısından gelişen bir yazı sistemidir. Asıl gelişimini Fenike alfabesi etkisi altında tamamlamıştır.129 Alfabe, Suriye’nin Kuzeyinde kurulan Yunan sahil kolonisi tarafından geliştirilmiştir. Grek alfabesi Karamanlı Türkçesini tam olarak karşılayamıyordu. Türkçedeki ı, ü, ö, c, ç, j, ş gibi sesler farklı harf birlikleriyle ve diakritiklerle gösterilmiştir.130 Türkler, Emevi Devleti döneminden beri İslâm devletleriyle temas kurmuşlardır. Bu ilişki özellikle Abbasiler döneminde askerî güç sağlamak amacıyla paralı asker ve askerî köle edinme yoluyla devam etmiştir.131 Bu askerle İslâm dinini Bulgar, Karahanlı ve Oğuz Türklerine tanıtmışlardır. Bundan sonra Samanîler döneminde Maveraünnehir tamamen İslâmiyetin yerleştiği bir bölge olmuştur. Horasan bu bölgenin Tasavvuf düşüncesinin merkezi olmuştur. İslâmiyetin kabulü İslâm medeniyetinin taşıyıcısı olan alfabeyi de beraberinde getirmiştir. İlk zamanlar Uygur alfabesiyle yan yana kullanılan Arap alfabesi sonraları bütün Türk unsurlar tarafından tercih edilmiştir.132 Uygur alfabesinin terk edilmesi uzun yıllar almıştır. Çünkü Miraçnâme, Tezkiretü’l-Evliya, Muhabbet-nâme gibi eserler XIV-XV. yüzyıllarda Uygur harfleriyle yazılmışlardır.133 Arap alfabesinin Estrangelo yazısından geliştiğini kabul edenlerin yanında, Sami asıllı Nebati kavminin yuvarlak hatlı yazısından geliştiğini düşünenler de vardır.134 Arap alfabesi pek çok bölgede farklı milletler tarafından kullanılan yaygın bir alfabe olmuştur. Bu yaygınlığın sonucu olarak Arap alfabesini kullanan milletler alfabeye bazı sesleri ekleme yoluna gitmiştir. Farslar alfabede olmayan ç, ş ve j sesleri için (œ, © ve ¦ ) işaretlerini alfabeye eklemişlerdir. Türkçede bulunan nazal ŋ için de g sesini işaretlemede kullanılaní harfi kullanılmıştır. XI. Yüzyılda Arap alfabesinin, temel olarak 29 harfle yazıldığını görmekteyiz. Hem Türkçe hem de alıntı sözlerin imlasında kullanılan bu harfler şunlardır: [,’, –, ˜, š, ³, °, ¢,£ ¤, ¥, ¦, §, ©, «, -, ¯, à, á, å, é, ë, í, ñ, ô, ö, ø, û, ý. Arap alfabesindeki ˜, ³, £, «, -, ¯, à, á harflerinin ses karşılıkları Türkçenin ses sisteminde olmadığı için, bu harfler Türkçe kelimelerde kullanılmamıştır. Ancak « ve ¯ ilk başlarda Türkçe seslerin işaretlenmesinde kullanılmazken, sonraları kalın ünlülü sözlerde kullanıldığını görmekteyiz. Hatta Batı Türkçesi için –, §, ¯, « harfleri kalın ve ince sıradan kelimeler için kullanılırken Doğu Türkçesi için böyle bir ayrım olmamış kelime kalın da olsa ince de olsa hep –, § harfleriyle gösterilmiştir. Arap alfabesi Yakut, Çuvaş, Karay gibi Türk gruplar ayrı tutulduğunda bütün Türk Dünyası tarafından XX. yüzyılın ilk çeyreğine kadar kullanılmıştır. Bu süre içinde ünlü tabanlı bir yazı sistemine sahip olan 128 Hatice Şirin User, age., 81. s. Hatice Şirin User, age., 91. s. 130 Hatice Şirin User, age., 91. s. 131 Hatice Şirin User, age., 93. s. 132 Kutadgu Bilig, Atabetü’l-Hakayık gibi Karahanlı Türk kültür tarihinin en önemli eserlerinin bazı nüshaları Uygur alfabesiyle istinsah edilmiştir. 133 Hatice Şirin User, age., 95. s. 134 Hatice Şirin User, age., 95. s. 129 366 �Türkçenin yazımında ünsüz tabanlı bir yazı sistemine sahip olan Arap alfabesinin yetersizliği hiç tartışılmamıştır. XIX. yüzyılın başlarında başlayan yenileşme hareketleri ile birlikte Osmanlı, İdil-Ural ve Kafkasya aydınları tarafından 1850-1880 yıllarında alfabenin yetersizliği ve ıslah edilmesi gerektiği fikri tartışılmaya başlanmıştır. Bu konuda Türk dünyasının farklı coğrafyalarında ayrı tecrübeler yaşanmıştır. Türkçenin ünlülerini göstermede yetersiz kaldığı, bu yüzden eş yazılı durumların ortaya çıktığı, Arap alfabesinin zor öğrenilmesinden dolayı okuma yazma oranının düşük olduğu gibi nedenlerle dilimizdeki ünlülerin hepsinin yazılması yoluna giden; basım işlerinin ve okumayı kolaylaştırmaya yönelik ıslah çalışmaları yapılmıştır.135 Arap alfabesi bugün İran’da yaşayan Güney Azerbaycanlılar ve Doğu Türkistan’da yaşayan Uygur Türkleri tarafından kullanılmaktadır. Aziz Cyrill e kardeşi Methodius tarafından IX. yüzyılda Grek alfabesinden oluşturulan Kiril alfabesi136 Türk dünyasında Çuvaş ve Yakut Türkleri tarafından XVIII. yüzyıldan itibaren kullanılmaya başlanmıştı. Diğer Türk halkları ise Arap alfabesini kullanmaya devam etmekteydiler. Arap alfabesinin ıslah edilmesi fikrinin dillendirilmeye başlandığı XIX. yüzyılda Arap alfabesinin yanı sıra Kiril veya Latin alfabesine geçilmesini savunan aydınların sayısı az değildir. Sait Halfin, Mirza Kazem Bek, İbray Altınsarin, Çokan Velihanov ve başka Türk aydınlarının yanı sıra P. M. Melioranski, N. İ. İlminski ve S. E. Malov gibi Rus bilim adamları tarafından bu düşünce desteklenmektedir.137 XX. yüzyılın ilk çeyreğine kadar Rusya Müslümanları ve Osmanlı aydınları Arap alfabesinin ıslahı üzerine tartışırken 26 Şubat-6 Mart 1926 tarihleri arasında Bakü Türkoloji kongresi toplanmıştır. Burada görüşülen konulardan birisi de alfabe meselesidir. Türk Dünyasından bu kongreye katılan aydınların çoğu Latin alfabesine geçilmesi fikrinde birleşmişler, Tataristan delegasyonundan olan Alimcan İbrahim Arap alfabesinin muhafaza edilmesini savunmuştur.138 Ama kongrenin sonunda bütün Türk halklarının Latin alfabesine geçmesi kararı alınmıştır. Ancak Türk halklarının Latin alfabesini kullanmaları çok kısa sürecektir. 22 Haziran 1938 yılında SSCB’de çıkarılan bir kararla SSCB’deki Türk topluluklarının tamamen Rus Kiril alfabesinin kullanılması kararı alınmıştır.139 Bu kararın alınmasının ardından Azeri, Tatar, Yakut, Hakas 1939; Kazak, Kırgız, Başkurt, Karakalpak, Özbek 1940; Tuva 1943; Gagavuz Türkleri 1957 yılında Kiril alfabesiyle yazmaya başlamışlardır. Bugün Çuvaş, Yakut, Altay, Hakas, Şor, Tuva, Nogay, Kumuk, Karaçay-Balkar, Karakalpak, Kazakistan, Kırgızistan, Başkurdistan, Tataristan Türk cumhuriyetleri Kiril alfabesini kullanmaktadırlar. Latin alfabesinin en eski metinleri M. Ö. VII-VI. yüzyıllara ait olup Grek alfabesinden geliştiği fikri ağır basmaktadır. Latin alfabesi Türkler tarafından ilk defa XX. yüzyılın ilk çeyreğine rastlar. Ama Türkçenin Latin alfabesiyle yazılan ilk eseri 1303 yılında Fransiskan rahipleri tarafından yazıya geçirilen Codeks Cumanikus’dur.140 Bu eserden sonra yazılan Latin alfabeli Türkçe metinler de vardır. Macar Johann Schildtberger Ankara savaşında Aksak Timura esir düşmüş ve esaretin sonunda gezi notlarını yayınladığı eserinin arkasına Hristiyan Tatarlardan derlediği düşünülen Tatarca dua metninin transkripsiyonunu yazmıştır. Georgius adlı bir Macar esiri de 1481’de yazdığı Tractatus de moribus, conditionibus et nequitia Turcorum adlı eserde, aralarında Yunus Emre’nin manzumelerinin de bulunduğu Türkçe şiirler yazmıştır. 141 Bunlardan başka Türkçenin öğretilmesi amacıyla Batılı Türkologlar tarafından yazılmış kısa gramerler yazmışlardır. Filippo 135 Arap alfabesinin ıslahıyla ilgili pek çok çalışma yapılmıştır. Bunlarla ilgili geniş bilgi için şu eserlere bakılabilir: Hatice Şirin User, age.; Bilal Şimşir, Türk Yazı Devrimi, Ankara 1992; M. Şakir Ülkütaşır, Atatürk ve Harf Devrimi, TDK Yay., Ankara 1973; A. S. Levend, Türk Dilinde Sadeleşme ve Gelişme Evreleri, Ankara 1972; Fevziye Abdullah Tansel, “Arap Harflerinin Islahı ve Değiştirilmesi Hakkında İlk Teşebbüsler ve Neticeleri (1862-1884)”, TTK- Belleten 1953, c. XVII, Ankara 1950; Mustafa Öner, “Ortak Türk Alfabesi” Hakkında Bazı Notlar”, Yeni Türkiye, Türk Dünyası Özel sayısı I, Mayıs-Haziran 1997, yıl 3, sayı 15, 207-233; Mustafa Öner, “I. Bakû Türkoloji Kongresinde İdil-Ural Türkleri”: 1926 Bakû Türkoloji Kongresi’nin 70. Yıl Dönümü Toplantısı, TDK Yay., Ankara 1999, 13-25.s.; Mustafa Öner, “Islah Edilmiş Tatar Alfabesi ve Huca Bediî’nin Derlediği Tatar Ata Sözleri”, Türk Dili ve Edebiyatı Araştırmaları Dergisi X (Üzbek Bayçura Özel Sayısı), Ege Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fak. Yay., İzmir 2001, 213-313.s.; Mustafa Altun, “Alfabe Değişiminin Tarihsel Gelişimi Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme”, Cumhuriyetimizin 81. Yılına Armağan, (Editör: Yrd. Doç. Dr. Enis Şahin), Sakarya Üniversitesi Rektörlüğü Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılâp Tarihi Araştırma ve Uygulama Merkezi Müdürlüğü, Adapazarı, Aralık 2004, 57-63. s.; Ümit Özgür Demirci, “Arap Harfli Özbekçenin İmla Özellikleri”, http://turkoloji.cu.edu.tr/CAGDAS%20TURK%20LEHCELERI/umit_ozgur_demirci_ozbekce_imla_ozellikleri.pdf; Ümit Özgür Demirci “Türk Dünyasında Arap Harflerinin Islah Edilmesi ve Latin Harflerine Geçiş Tartışmaları”, http://turkoloji.cu.edu.tr/CAGDAS%20TURK%20LEHCELERI/umit_ozgur_demirci_harf.pdf; Mehmet Kutalmış, "Tarihte ve Günümüzde Kazakistan'ın Alfabe Meselesi", Bilig, Türk Dünyası Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 2004, 1-21. s.; 1926 Bakü Türkoloji Kurultayı Tutanakları, (Çev: Kâmil Veli Nerimanoğlu, Mustafa Öner), TDK Yay., Ankara 2008. 136 Hatice Şirin User, age., 143. s. 137 Hatice Şirin User, age., 149. s. 138 Mustafa Öner, “Bakû Türkoloji Kongresinde İdil Ural Türkleri”, Sanal Türkoloji Araştırmaları Dergisi, 2 Ocak 1999, 5. s. 139 Hatice Şirin User, age., 153. s. 140 Talat Tekin, “Avrupalılar ve Türkçenin Latin harfleriyle Yazımı”, Türk Dili, Kasım 1978, S. 326, 590-594. s.; Annemarie von Gabain, “Codex Cumanicus’un Dili” (çev. Mehmet Akalın): Tarihî Türk Şiveleri, Ankara 1988, 67-109.s. 141 Hatice Şirin User, age., 361. s. 367 �Argenti tarafından 1533’ te yazılan Regola del parlare turcho’ adlı eser Osmanlı Türkçesinin öğretilmesi amacıyla yazılmış bir kılavuzdur. Guillaume Postel 1522’de De la République des Turcs adlı eserini yazmış; esere 1575’te “Instruction des mots de la langue turquesque les plus communs” başlıklı bölümü eklemiştir. Türkçenin öğretimi için hazırlanan bu ekte, Türkçe sözlerin Latin harflerine transkripsiyonu da bulunmaktadır. 1611’de İtalyan Cizvit papazlarından Pietro Ferraguto, Grammatica turchesca adlı Türkçe gramer kitabını yazmıştır. 1612’de, yine bir papaz olan Hieronymus Megiser Leipzig’de Institutionum linguae turcicae libri quatuor adındaki Türkçe gramer kitabını yayımlar.142 Türkçenin Latin alfabesiyle yazıldığı örnekler, Türk aydınlarını Arap alfabesinin yerine Latin alfabesinin kullanılabileceği fikrine götürmüştür. Latin alfabesinin Türkler arasında kabul edilmesi süreci Türk Dünyası için iki farklı yolla olmuştur. Bunlardan birincisi SSCB’nin, Rusya Müslümanları ve Osmanlı Devleti arasında önemli bir kültür bağı sağlayan Arap alfabesinin değiştirilerek yazı birliğini Rusya Türkleri lehine değiştirme siyasetidir. Bu nedenledir ki Stalin 1926 Bakû Türkoloji Kurultayında alınan “Latin alfabesine geçişin her cumhuriyetin kendi iç işidir” sonucuna varılmasını desteklemiştir. Türk halkları açısından da bu karar, toplu olarak Latin alfabesine geçiş hem yazı birliğini koruyacak hem de eğitimi kolaylaştırarak okuma yazma oranın artmasına katkı sağlayacaktı. Bu sayede Rusya Müslümanlarının çağdaşlaşması da mümkün olacaktı. İkinci yol ise Osmanlı Devletinin yıkılması sonucu her yönüyle yeni ve modern bir devlet oluşturma çabalarıdır. Diğer bir nedeni de toplu olarak Latine geçen Türk Dünyası ile ortak alfabeyi sağlama düşüncesidir. Bakû kurultayının ardından 11 Mayıs 1927’de Yeni Alfabe Bütün Birlik Merkez komitesi kurulur.143 Tüm Türk halklarının ortak bir alfabe oluşturma çalışmaları için her cumhuriyetten temsilciler seçilir ve alfabe projeleri yapılır. 34 işaretten oluşan ortak Türk-Latin alfabesine geçiş süreci 1945 yılına kadar tamamlanacaktır. Ama durum hiç de öyle olmaz Stalin yönetimi daha 1938 yılından itibaren her Türk halkına farklı olacak şekilde Kiril alfabeleri hazırlatmaya başlar. Yakutlar tarafından 1917 yılından beri kullanılmaya başlanan Latin alfabesinin Rusya Türkleri arasında kullanılması, 1938’de başlayan Kirilleştirme süreciyle son bulmuştur. Bu kısa süre içinde: Yakut 1917-1939; Azerbaycan 1922-1938; Hakas 1229-1939; Şor 1930-1939; Gagavuz 1932-1957; Türkmen 1928-1940; Kırım 1929-1938; Nogay 1928-1938; Kumuk 1928-1938, Karaçay-Balkar 1924-1936; Karakalpak 1928-1940; Kazakistan 1929-1940; Kırgızistan 1928-1940; Başkurt 1928-1940; Tatar 1927-1939; Özbek 1930-1940 yılları arasında Latin alfabesiyle yazmışlardır. Bu Türk Cumhuriyetlerinin bazıları 1991’de tekrar bağımsızlıklarını kazandıktan sonra yeniden Latin alfabesine geçmişlerdir. Bugün Azerbaycan, Gagavuz, Kırım, Türkmen, Özbek Türkleri 1991 yılında Marmara Üniversitesinde yapılan Alfabe toplantısının da etkisiyle Latin alfabesine geçmişlerdir. Latin alfabesine geçmek isteyip de geçemeyen Tataristan Özerk Cumhuriyeti Rusya’nın baskısıyla karşı karşıyadır. Bugün Kazakistan’da Latin alfabesine geçiş çalışmaları sürdürülmekte, bu konuda Türkiye’nin de tecrübelerinden yaralanmak için Kazak ve Türk bilim adamları 11-15 Haziran 2007 tarihleri arasında Türk Dil Kurumunda bir toplantı yapmışlardır. Türkler bugüne kadar ister ticarî ister dinî amaçla veya siyasî dayatma sonucu olsun pek çok alfabe kullanmıştır. Ama bunların arasında Türklerin yaratması olan Köktürk İşaretleri ile modern ve çağdaş bir ulus yaratma endişeleriyle kullanılan Latin alfabesi hepsin farklı bir yere sahiptir. Kaynakça 1926 Bakü Türkoloji Kurultayı Tutanakları, (Çev: Kâmil Veli Nerimanoğlu, Mustafa Öner), TDK Yay., Ankara 2008 Açıkgöz, Namık, “Türklerin Kullandığı Alfabelerden Göktürk Alfabesi”, Yeni Türkiye, Mayıs-Haziran 1997, yıl 3, sayı 15, 236. s. Altun, Mustafa, “Alfabe Değişiminin Tarihsel Gelişimi Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme”, Cumhuriyetimizin 81. Yılına Armağan, (Editör: Yrd. Doç. Dr. Enis Şahin), Sakarya Üniversitesi Rektörlüğü Atatürk İlkeleri ve İnkılâp Tarihi Araştırma ve Uygulama Merkezi Müdürlüğü, Adapazarı, Aralık 2004, 57-63. s. Caferoğlu, Ahmet, Türk Dili Tarihi I-II, Enderun Kitabevi, İstanbul 1984. 120. s. Demirci, Ümit Özgür, “Arap Harfli Özbekçenin İmla Özellikleri”, http://turkoloji.cu.edu.tr/CAGDAS%20TURK%20LEHCELERI/umit_ozgur_demirci_ozbekce_imla_ozellikleri. pdf. 142 Hatice Şirin User, age., 362-363. s. Ayrıca buraya alamadığımız diğer gramer kitaplar ve sözlükler hakkında geniş bilgi için aynı eserin 1116. dipnota bakılabilir. 143 Hatice Şirin User, age., 364. s. 368 �Demirci, Ümit Özgür, “Türk Dünyasında Arap Harflerinin Islah Edilmesi ve Latin Harflerine Geçiş Tartışmaları”, http://turkoloji.cu.edu.tr/CAGDAS%20TURK%20LEHCELERI/umit_ozgur_demirci_harf.pdf. Diyarbekirli, Nejat, “Kazakistan'da Bulunan Esik Kurganı", Cumhuriyetin 50. Yılına Armağan, Edebiyat Fakültesi, İstanbul 1973, 291-304. s. Doğan, İsmail, Doğu Avrupadaki Göktürk (Runik) İşaretli Yazıtlar, TDK Yay., Ankara 2002. Doğan, İsmail, Kafkasyadaki Göktürk Runik İşaretli Yazıtlar, TDK Yay., Ankara 2000. Ercialsun, Ahmet Bican, Türk Dili Tarihi, Akçağ Yay., Ankara 2005, 169. s. Kutalmış, Mehmet, "Tarihte ve Günümüzde Kazakistan'ın Alfabe Meselesi", Bilig, Türk Dünyası Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 2004, 1-21. s. Levend, Agah Sırrı, Türk Dilinde Sadeleşme ve Gelişme Evreleri, Ankara 1972 Öner, Mustafa, “I. Bakû Türkoloji Kongresinde İdil-Ural Türkleri”: 1926 Bakû Türkoloji Kongresi’nin 70. Yıl Dönümü Toplantısı, TDK Yay., Ankara 1999, 13-25.s. Öner, Mustafa, “Islah Edilmiş Tatar Alfabesi ve Huca Bediî’nin Derlediği Tatar Ata Sözleri”, Türk Dili ve Edebiyatı Araştırmaları Dergisi X (Üzbek Bayçura Özel Sayısı), Ege Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fak. Yay., İzmir 2001, 213-313.s. Öner, Mustafa, “Ortak Türk Alfabesi Hakkında Bazı Notlar”, Yeni Türkiye, Türk Dünyası Özel sayısı I, MayısHaziran 1997, yıl 3, sayı 15, 207-233. s. Şimşir, Bilal, Türk Yazı Devrimi, Ankara 1992 Tansel, Fevziye Abdullah, “Arap Harflerinin Islahı ve Değiştirilmesi Hakkında İlk Teşebbüsler ve Neticeleri (1862-1884)”, TTK- Belleten 1953, c. XVII, Ankara 1950 Tekin, Şinasi, “Mani Dininin Uygurlar Tarafından Devlet Dini Olarak Kabul Edilişinin 1200. Yıldönümü Dolayı İle Birkaç Not (762-1962)”, TDAY-B 1962, 6. s. Tekin, Talat, Irk Bitig Eski Uygurca Fal Kitabı, Öncü Kitap, Ankara 2004. Tezcan, Semih, “En Eski Türk Dili ve Yazını”, Bilim, Kültür ve Öğretim Dili Olarak Türkçe, Ankara 1994, 277; 283. s. Thomsen, V., Orhon ve Yenisey Yazıtlarının Çözümü İlk Bildiri, (Çev: Vedat Köken), TDK Yay., Ankara 1993, 49-55. s. User, Hatice Şirin, Başlangıcından Günümüze Türk Yazı Sistemleri, Akçağ Yay., Ankara 2006. Ülkütaşır, M. Şakir, Atatürk ve Harf Devrimi, TDK Yay., Ankara 1973 369 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 412 Title A name given to the resource Geçmişten Günümüze Türk Dünyasında Alfabe Gelişimi Author Author KARTALCIK, Vedat Abstract A summary of the resource. Türklerin metinlerle belgelenebilen tarihte kullandıkları ilk alfabe Köktürk işaretleridir. Köktürklerin Ötükendeki hâkimiyetleri sona erdikten sonra, Uygurlar döneminde farklı dinleri kabul eden Türk toplulukları tarafından Mani, Soğut, Uygur, Süryani, İbrani alfabeleri; Brahmi, Tibet yazıları gibi farklı alfabe ve yazı sistemleri kullanılmıştır. Grek alfabesi de Hristiyan Türkler ile misyoner rahip ve tüccarlar tarafından Türkçenin yazımında kullanılmıştır. X. yüzyılda İslâmı kabul eden Türkler uzun bir süre Arap alfabesini kullanmışlardır. 19. yüzyılda başlayan yenileşme hareketleriyle birlikte, Arap alfabesinin Türkçe sesleri karşılamada yetersiz kaldığı ve başka gerekçelerle Arap alfabesinin ıslah edilmesi gerektiği fikri tüm Türk dünyasında dile getirilmeye başlamıştır. XX. yüzyılın başında neredeyse çeyrek asırlık bir sürede Türk dünyası alfabe ıslahı ve yeni bir alfabe kabulü meselesi üzerinde durmuş, bu konuyla ilgili kurultaylar düzenlemiştir Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2009-06 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed L Education (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/ade7a18c75428674ecfc5e3dd90f7eaa.docx 61c2310475df798f0b0b9e4b53956ce9 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/73e1caac47b231cc4c87322013191f98.pdf b1c23c7f540082e636259d867baf12c6 PDF Text Text Gender (in) equality in Political Participation in Bosnia and Herzegovina AzraBičo International University of Sarajevo Bosnia and Herzegovina azrabico@hotmail.com NerkezOpčin International University of Sarajevo Bosnia and Herzegovina nerkezopacin@gmail.com Abstract: The focus of this paper is on the distribution of gender and their political participation on a cantonal level of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Three leading parties in Canton Sarajevo are going to be analyzed: the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the Union for a Better Future of Bosnia and Herzegovina (SBBBIH). The analysis in this study will first start with a comparison of the number of candidates to be elected at the municipal and the cantonal level and their genders. Furthermore, by using descriptive analysis we aim to show gender inequality in three leading parties, according to the results of the local elections held in 2012. Also, by using descriptive analysis we will compare the number of candidates who were nominated and the number of candidates who were elected according to genders, to find the possible cause. Results show that the problem lies in the overall low political participation of females on the political scene in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition, we will analyze and discuss economic and social political reasons for such low political participation of females. Several suggestions are going to be made through a positive example of a rather small political party in B&H, NašaStranka. Keywords:Gender Inequality, Political Participation, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Descriptive Analysis, Political Parties, Canton Sarajevo 44 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2476 Title A name given to the resource Gender (in) equality in Political Participation in Bosnia and Herzegovina Author Author BIČO, Azra OPČIN, Nerkez Abstract A summary of the resource. The focus of this paper is on the distribution of gender and their political participation on a cantonal level of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Three leading parties in Canton Sarajevo are going to be analyzed: the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the Union for a Better Future of Bosnia and Herzegovina (SBBBIH). The analysis in this study will first start with a comparison of the number of candidates to be elected at the municipal and the cantonal level and their genders. Furthermore, by using descriptive analysis we aim to show gender inequality in three leading parties, according to the results of the local elections held in 2012. Also, by using descriptive analysis we will compare the number of candidates who were nominated and the number of candidates who were elected according to genders, to find the possible cause. Results show that the problem lies in the overall low political participation of females on the political scene in Bosnia and Herzegovina. In addition, we will analyze and discuss economic and social - political reasons for such low political participation of females. Several suggestions are going to be made through a positive example of a rather small political party in B&H, NašaStranka. Keywords:Gender Inequality, Political Participation, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Descriptive Analysis, Political Parties, Canton Sarajevo Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014-04-24 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2303-4564 H Social Sciences (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/cd77733f410ac34dac92f16a97f41e25.docx 266734a539258f9f240ff43789d4528b https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/76b9cce01a39d36a24e6744e28572e8c.pdf f3ad1bd869602d6a4d5982776fb416b1 PDF Text Text Gender as a Predictor of Learning Styles among Iranian Male/Female EFL Learners Masoumeh Rahimi Islamic Azad University/ Bushehr, Iran Key words:Gender, Learning styles, VAK typology ABSTRACT According to VAK typology in learning styles, some learners are visual, some auditory, and the others kinesthetic. Knowing this fundamental point in teaching process is very useful both for foreign language Learners and teachers to improve their learning and teaching and make the lessons more successful for themselves and also for curriculum. This study takes in consideration the differences of individual learning style between Iranian EFL male and female Learners. To this end, the practical part of this study deals with the identification of VAK typology in two particular groups: 30 males in one group and 30 females in another at Zabansara English Language Institute in Bushehr, Iran. Nearly all the participants belonged to the age group of 13-16. They were chosen randomly and all learning English at intermediate levels. One research instrument was utilized to gather the needed data for this study: VAK learning styles test was given to two groups of males and females. Correlation Coefficient was used to analyze the collected data. The findings indicated that there are more visual females than males but more auditory and kinestethic males than females. Taking account the results of differences between males and females, teachers and learners can benefit from such relationships. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1843 Title A name given to the resource Gender as a Predictor of Learning Styles among Iranian Male/Female EFL Learners Author Author RAHIMI, Masoumeh Abstract A summary of the resource. Key words:Gender, Learning styles, VAK typology ABSTRACT According to VAK typology in learning styles, some learners are visual, some auditory, and the others kinesthetic. Knowing this fundamental point in teaching process is very useful both for foreign language Learners and teachers to improve their learning and teaching and make the lessons more successful for themselves and also for curriculum. This study takes in consideration the differences of individual learning style between Iranian EFL male and female Learners. To this end, the practical part of this study deals with the identification of VAK typology in two particular groups: 30 males in one group and 30 females in another at Zabansara English Language Institute in Bushehr, Iran. Nearly all the participants belonged to the age group of 13-16. They were chosen randomly and all learning English at intermediate levels. One research instrument was utilized to gather the needed data for this study: VAK learning styles test was given to two groups of males and females. Correlation Coefficient was used to analyze the collected data. The findings indicated that there are more visual females than males but more auditory and kinestethic males than females. Taking account the results of differences between males and females, teachers and learners can benefit from such relationships. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBU Publishing Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013-05-03 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 3401 Title A name given to the resource GENDER DIFFERENCES IN LANGUAGE USE: DO MEN AND WOMEN USE LANGUAGE DIFFERENTLY? Author Author SOFOVIC, Dina Abstract A summary of the resource. Gender exerts a powerful influence on all facets of human communication and raises many profound social issues. General usage of the term gender began in the late 1960s and 1970s, increasingly appearing in the professional literature of the social sciences. The term helps in distinguishing those aspects of life that were more easily attributed or understood to be of social rather than biological origin. When we encounter people from other societies or cultures, we may fail to understand them for many reasons, including differences in language, values, gestures, emotional expression, norms, rituals, rules, expectations, family background and life experiences. Differences in the ways that man and women use language have long been of interest in the study of discourse. For men and women, communication can be a very long drive, using different roads, often to get to the same place. Much of language is ambiguous and depends on context for its interpretation, a factor far more important than gender. The idea that men and women differ fundamentally in the way they use language to communicate is a myth in the everyday sense. But it is also a myth in the sense of being a story people tell in order to explain who they are, where they come from, and why they live as they do. Whether they are true or not in any historical or scientific sense such stories have consequences in the real world. They shape our beliefs and influence our actions. The word woman does not share equal status with man; terms referring to a woman have undergone pejoration. If we examine pairs of gender-marked terms such as lord/lady, baronet/dame, Sir/Madam, master/mistress, king/queen, we can see how the female terms may start out on an equal footing, but they become devalued over time. Men and women language differ in many ways. We learn those rules and an appropriate way of using language since we start using the language. In other words, a verbal language, a nonverbal language, and an emotional display vary depending on the gender. Generally, these keep changing more and more with future because surrounding environment encourages each gender to develop more perfectly to adapt to new change. Keywords: Gender, Gender differences, Communication, Language Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed PE English https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/c45b2ddb1e01ee2cdf0310360b892875.pdf d84a7cb00d0dac65dd17a33f1814c5b9 PDF Text Text Gender Differences in Political Discourse Marijana Sivrić, University of Mostar Dijana Jurčić University of Mostar Abstract Public speakers have always had a sense of authority and power upon them, and this area was male area for a long time. Together with different social changes such as Women’s Movement, women became more emancipated, participating in public sphere to a larger extent influencing thus the area of political discourse too. Key question is whether gender and supposed gender characteristics and differences connected to interaction styles and public speaking affect creation of political discourse and differences in its structure between male and female politicians or they are not an important factor for political discourse. In other words, does gender affect a person’s political subjectivity? The thesis is that gender specific differences in language use and use of syntactic, semantic, pragmatic structures, lexical style and rhetorical strategies create differences in political discourse between male and female politicians. Can these differences help the hegemonic construction of female identity in political discourse? The aim of the paper is to analyze language differences in connection with supposed gender characteristics and place them into context of political discourse. Key words: gender, discourse, political discourse, language, interaction, female identity Article History: Submitted: 12.04.2014. Accepted: 17.11.2014. DOI Number: 10.14706/JFLTAL152227 �1. Introduction From the age of ancient civilizations up to present time, language has been and will continue to be a source of power and control. For example, Aristotle makes a very important connection between language and society by calling human beings “zoon politikon”. He emphasizes cultural and social role of language, not just its communicative purpose. Concept of politics in everyday communication is mostly presented as negative due to various social attitudes connected to politicians and their work. Politics and political discourse depend on the use of language, both for formulating their ideas and passing them onto their audience. Politicians must choose the right time and right manner in passing their ideas and beliefs onto the audience so that the process would have maximum effect. This can be done at the micro and macro level. Chilton analyses both levels: “At the micro level there are conflicts of interest, struggles for dominance and efforts at co-operation between individuals, between genders, and between social groups of various kinds” (Chilton 2004:3). This can be applied to everyday communication whereby people persuade or try to persuade other people to follow their opinions and approve their perceptions of various situations. Macro level requires specific use of language, language which will persuade masses and audience that beliefs and concepts of a certain party are right. This claim implies that there are certain strategies through which these aims are realized and they require specific use of language. Chilton and Schaffner (1997:211-15) introduce three strategic functions, namely coercion, legitimization and delegitimization and representation and misrepresentation. Coercion includes not only linguistic acts but it is closely connected to the power of speaker and different kinds of resources connected to this power such as laws, commands, edicts or other kinds of sanctions. Legitimization and delegitimization is connected to presentation of the ‘Self’, the inner group and the ‘Other’, world outside the Self. Actions and beliefs of the inner group must be perceived as right and proper, while the actions of the ‘outer’ group must be delegitimized, made wrong and inappropriate. Different linguistic and semantic ‘tools’ are used for this purpose and shall be further discussed later. As politics presupposes communication, it requires language use, which is also necessary to persuade the audience. This connection works both ways as language reflects conditions of the community and social changes, which again connects to the politics influencing social changes. New questions come out of these claims: what kind of language is used in politics and by politicians? What are the linguistic “tools” used? How does this specific language use operate within a wider social context? Sunderland (2004:7) discusses this in post-structuralism discourse context, expanding the definition of discourse: “Discourses are not themselves visible. However, as a ‘way of seeing the world’ a given discourse may be recognizable to analysts and other language users through its manifestation in characteristic linguistic ‘traces’ in talk or written text, i.e. speakers’ and writers’ own words.” Different discourses can thus be connected to various social area and phenomena, i.e. gender discourse, ideology discourse, legal discourse, political discourse etc. each having its own specific features, ‘rules’ and linguistic, semantic and lexical characteristics. Apart from political discourse, gender discourse is also brought to attention as a field which has quickly become an issue of everyday communication. Study of gender is relatively new, but views and perceptions of gender, gender differences and differences in speech between men and women were pointed out and emphasized for a long time before actual scientific study of gender. We will refer here to later work on language and gender which has produced three �frameworks: deficit, dominance and difference. The views of these three frameworks vary from men’s language seen as a norm (Lakoff 1975), through men dominating the world and thus dominating language (Spender 1985) to men and women perceived as two different cultures (Gumperz 1982, Tannen 1991). As for their conversational style differences, women are connected to their feminine side, acting sympathetic and listening to their interlocutor, they are supportive in conversation, accept the topic and help it with various linguistic tools. On the other hand, men are connected to their ‘primal role’ of showing strength and problem solving, whereas their conversational style is seen as public, which would possibly mean an advantage in public speaking. Sunderland (2004:170) claims that gender can be constructed through specific use of discourse, thus meaning intentionally constructed, not visible from certain ‘characteristics’ as earlier research proposes. Each person could create a wanted perception of themselves, also being able to create a gender for themselves. Matching of political discourse to gender discourse should be observed through media created identities of politicians. Not only do the media mediate the identities of public figures to their mass audiences, they also have an active role in creating these identities, which Bucholtz and Hall (2005:588) call emergent identities. According to them identity is viewed as “the emergent product, rather than the pre-existing source, of linguistic and other semiotic practices, and therefore as fundamentally a social and cultural phenomenon.” Identity is therefore not considered as a characteristic of an individual, it is a product which emerges gradually during discursive interaction, and can be modified at any stage of it. The creation of a political identity involves the collaboration of media and politician but the emergent identity does not necessarily correspond to the self of the politicians when they are not in the media. The emergent identity is not simply determined by politicians, but is a joint product, as the media search for an identity they can sell to the public. As Bucholtz and Hall (2005:606) put it, identities are understood to be “in part an outcome of others’ perceptions and representations.” It remains to see through the analysis of discourse samples how gender identity functions in relation to discourse and how it is constructed in the context of political discourse. 2. Method and Material The method we are going to apply in the analysis of political discourse examples is Critical discourse analysis (CDA). Van Dijk (2005:1) defines it as “a type of discourse analytical research that primarily studies the way social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context.“ Fairclough (1995:5) states that CDA is special because it explores the tension between socially shaped language use and socially constitutive language use, rather than opting for one or the other. As CDA addresses social problems, it deals with power, dominance and inequality between social groups. Different ideologies use different linguistic, lexical, semantic, pragmatic and other tools to explain their goals. Discourse and language used for creating discourse can be seen as a mirror image, a reflection of ideology which created it. This is the reason why discourses can be recognized, analyzed and positioned within a certain social context or social group. Political discourse can be seen as a presentation of politics behind it and thus it carries its main characteristics and agendas in it. All of these can be recognized, analyzed and explained through �interpretation of discourse and it is crucial to look at power and power relations from this perspective. For this purpose we have analyzed six speeches delivered by six politicians. There are three speeches delivered by male politicians and three speeches delivered by female politicians and they are ordered chronologically. Politicians are from Croatia and the United States of America, namely: George Bush, Hillary Clinton, Condoleezza Rice, Ivo Josipović, Jadranka Kosor and Franjo Tuđman. All of the speeches were delivered upon important occasions where some kind of action or social change was included and had to be passed onto the wider audience. Focus of this analysis will be political discourse as such, paying special attention to gender differences in political discourse, if there are any present. The goal is also to show how different language elements and strategies found in these examples help to promote politics behind the discourse, and whether the discourse differences, if they exist, are based on gender. The speeches are analyzed through the following categories: syntactic structures (word order, topicalization); semantic structures (explicit and implicit, detail and level of description, e.g. what is said and what is actually meant, what is not said but is in the discourse); lexical style (positive and negative words, use of pronouns, use of specific vocabulary); rhetoric (understatement and overstatement, euphemisms, repetition, metaphors); pragmatics (assertion and denial; assertive and directive speech acts); ideological square (description of the ‘inner’ and ‘outer’ group) and gender (supposed gender characteristics and differences in interactional styles). The key question is whether gender and supposed gender characteristics and differences connected to interaction styles and public speaking affect creation of political discourse and differences in its structures between male and female politicians or they are not an important factor in political discourse. This paper will try to analyze these differences in connection with supposed gender characteristics and place them into context of political discourse. 3. Results and Discussion Discussion will follow categories of analysis identified in the previous chapter aiming at differences mentioned. Syntactical level of analysis shows no differences between male and female politicians. They both equally use strategies of different word order, topicalization, different tenses, personal, possessive, relative and indefinite pronouns fitting them into aimed purposes of discourse such as emphasizing certain parts, erasing identity, positively evaluating actions of in-group etc. What is especially emphasized in this respect is the use of forms of address, i.e. the use of ‘we’ and ‘you’ to refer to the audience, soldiers or all the people together on one side against the ‘enemy’, e.g.: ’My fellow citizens, on my orders, to all the men and women of the United States armed forces now in the Middle East, the peace of a troubled world and the hopes of an oppressed people now depend on you, I want Americans and all the world to know, for your sacrifice you have the gratitude and respect of the American people’ (Bush) “Siguran sam da će današnja presuda biti poticaj, Naši generali nisu krivi za zločine koji im se stavljaju na teret, svi zajedno smo opet ovdje; bili ste žrtve nepravedne optužbe; nosili ste teret nečijih tuđih zločina.” (Josipović) “Obraćam Vam se u ovom dramatičnom i sudbonosnom trenutku Hrvatske, Na našu se domovinu sručio val neprijateljske velikosrpske soldatesk; Mi smo željeli mir u slobodi i demokraciji, To smo pravo izvojevali na našim prvim demokratskim izborima…” (Tuđman) �“Mi smo snaga koja jamči, nećemo posustati, obećala sam da će Hrvatska završiti pregovore do kraja lipnja 2011., Ja želim jak HDZ koji će biti uvijek spreman slušati glas svojeg naroda, Jer sam ja predsjednica Hrvatske demokratske zajednice, a HDZ ispunjava svoja obećanja.” (Kosor) “How could this happen in a country we helped liberate, in a city we helped save from destruction[…] and we will not turn our back on that, nor will we rest until those responsible for these attacks are found and brought to justice” (Clinton) “I traveled last week to the region, I consulted widely with our many friends and allies, and I am pleased to have this opportunity to share with you, we want to help the Palestinians to lay the political foundations of a successful state; we supported the free and fair election in January 2005” (Rice) Semantic levels of discourse show slight differences in usage. There are more implicatures found in female political speeches which can be connected to female need for being superpolite and not using harsh vocabulary, but it could also be connected to characteristics traditionally pinned to female gender speech style. Condoleezza Rice’s discourse is especially good example of this implicit meaning use as in her political speech much more is implied than said explicitly: I realize that the continuing problems of security are also a great challenge for many Palestinian-Americans living in Gaza and the West Bank – and for so many others, including many of you, who travel there often, who work for greater tolerance and understanding, and who invest your time, and your knowledge, and indeed your capital in the Palestinian territories. People like you have a vital role to play in the Middle East, and I will continue to do everything in my power to support your good work.” Hillary Clinton and Jadranka Kosor also imply a lot, especially when it would be insulting to do otherwise: Neki ne mogu oprostiti što se više ne ide u Beograd po dozvolu i što novac koji mi ovdje zaradimo ne ide u Beograd.’ (Kosor) But let me be clear – there is no justification for this, none. And as long as there are those who would take innocent life in the name of God, the world will never know a true and lasting peace. (Clinton) Male politicians also tend to use detailed descriptions, language feature not characteristic to supposed male gender speech style: A campaign on the harsh terrain of the nation as large as California could be longer and more difficult than some predict and helping Iraqis achieve a united, stable and free country will require our sustained commitment. (Bush) Siguran sam da će današnja presuda biti poticaj da gradimo Hrvatsku koja voli svoje ljude i brine se o njima, ali da se brine i o tome da svatko nevin bude oslobođen i svatko tko je počinio zločin da ga kazne. (Josipović) This is especially seen is Tuđman’s speech whose descriptions are at times purely poetic with usage of archaic Croatian words: No oni nisu mogli – niti će ikada moći – ubiti našu žudnju za slobodom i potrebom da živimo u ljudskom dostojanstvu, u miru sa sobom i sa slobodnim narodima Europe. Za ovo pravo i za svetu svoju zemlju spremni smo i mrijeti. Not to get confused, both male and female use combination of implicit and explicit meaning and detailed descriptions but some cases like Tuđman’s are particularly unusual for perceived gender speech styles. �Lexical style also shows common characteristics as there are no significant differences in the use of vocabulary. Vocabulary and words are equally strong in discourse for both male and female politicians, and vocabularies are usually connected to war, peace, freedom, slavery, terrorism, family relations etc.: …troubled world and the hopes of an oppressed people now depend on you, meet that threat now with our army, air force, navy, coastguard and marines, decisive force’ (Bush) I can only tell you that I, too, have a personal commitment to that goal because I believe that there could be no greater legacy for America than to help to bring into being a Palestinian state for a people who have suffered too long, who have been humiliated too long, who have not reached their potential for too long… (Rice) Usprkos tomu što je demokratski svijet stao na stranu Hrvatske, agresori, ne samo da nisu obustavili svoje napade već su ih iz dana u dan, iz mjeseca u mjesec pojačavali rabeći sve bezobzirnija, razornija i neljudskija sredstva sile i uništavanja.(Tuđman) Dan kada smo dobili i sudsku potporu, da je pravda pobijedila i da naši generali nisu krivi za zločine koji im se stavljaju na teret.’(Josipović) What is different is greater tendency in female political discourse to make contrasting images with help of this vocabulary, especially good examples are Clinton’s and Rices’s speeches, full of such images. Male politicians are prone to using strong vocabulary, in Tuđman’s case even poetic, but not contrasting as much as female politicians. Kosor’s lexical style is also interesting because of usage of vocabulary connected to war while delivering speech upon future elections. Her lexical style is also quite aggressive even if measured against criteria of male gender speech style: Naši neprijatelji ne mogu nam oprostiti pobjednički duh. Nema što nam nisu radili kako su nas blatili kao što su radili i Franji Tuđmanu jer misle da će nas tako skršiti. E neće!’ As far as rhetoric is concerned, use of metaphors, understatements and overstatements, and repetition are equal in discourses of both male and female politicians. These rhetorical strategies are equally present and serve similar purposes, depending on the context of speech. A campaign on the harsh terrain; our nation enters this conflict; we will meet that threat’. (Bush) …the United States must be a force for peace and progress in the world, that these aspirations are worth striving and sacrificing for.’(Clinton) Such strategies are of great help for different presentations of in- and out-group in ideological square, this showing to be their main purpose in the six speeches. Rice’s case is especially interesting as she uses these strategies for creating compassion and sympathy but actually only creating this illusion in order to make better contrasts and present in-group’s actions in positive light: I believe that there could be no greater legacy for America than to help to bring into being a Palestinian state for a people who have suffered too long, who have been humiliated too long, who have not reached their potential for too long, and who have so much to give to the international community and to all of us. There is a combination of assertive and directive speech acts in all speeches delivered. Usually many assertive speech acts precede one or two directive speech acts. This is done for creating an image of state of things which is usually chaotic and then calling in action through �directive speech acts. All of the examples show equally strong directive speech acts and equally descriptive assertive speech acts, not depending on gender at all. It follows certain pattern, respected by both male and female politicians in the discourses analyzed. Difference is in creating contrasting images and implicit and explicit meanings used to create positive and negative presentations: The friendship between our countries, borne out of shared struggle, will not be another casualty of this attack. A free and stable Libya is still in America’s interest and security, and we will not turn our back on that, nor will we rest until those responsible for these attacks are found and brought to justice. (Clinton) In this conflict America faces an enemy that has no regard for conventions of war or rules of morality. (Bush) Use of disclaimers is common to both male and female politicians with difference in their creation. When it was time for parliamentary elections earlier this year, we again supported the Palestinians’ right to choose their own leaders, and as you know, a plurality of voters cast their votes for Hamas. (Rice) Mi smo željeli mir u slobodi i demokraciji, a nametnut nam je prljavi i razorni rat. (Tuđman) Sometimes, disclaimers can be found only at the level of implicit meaning. Male politicians are prone to standard use and creation of disclaimers, while female politicians tend to ‘mask’ this into implicit meaning and sometimes even in the following paragraphs. Focus on gender differences, gender talk and interactional styles showed interesting results. Male and female politicians mix these styles; there was not a politician with clear male or female gender speech style. Male politicians tended to use characteristics of female gender speech style and vice versa, at times even abandoning their ‘supposed’ gender speech style. 4. Conclusion Discourse analysis, more precisely political discourse analysis has shown gender differences as very interesting leaving enough space to be perceived through various aspects. Thesis from the beginning has been confirmed as there are differences between male and female politicians in political discourses, differences connected to different interactional styles and different use of syntactic, rhetoric, semantic, lexical, pragmatic and ideological structures. Bush can be seen as an aggressive speaker, he uses strong vocabulary and claims property and right to act against the enemy. He also uses a lot of metaphors, overstatements and euphemisms, rhetorical and also often literary resources, which can be connected to perceived female gender speech style. His discourse aims at problem-solving, he lectures about the events and crisis’ preferable values for American citizens which are also characteristics of male gender interactional speech style. Bush takes leader position through constant use of pronoun I. His style is oppositional, again perceived style connected to male gender speech style. Bush’s political discourse can be described as mainly having characteristics of male gender speech style but also showing traces of female gender speech style. Kosor’ s political discourse shows some characteristics specific to male gender speech style, such as strong vocabulary, aggressive performance, emphasis of independence and open oppositional beliefs in relation to other parties. She claims her position and status freely which is �obvious from her discourse. There are also some of the characteristics of female gender speech style, such as frequent aiming at sympathy and emotions in the audience making connections to glorious fatherly figure of the past - Franjo Tuđman. Her discourse shows combination of male and female gender speech style, with greater number of characteristics specific to male gender speech style. Tuđman’s political discourse shows characteristics of male gender style such as lecturing to the audience and maintaining status and authority. Discourse of his political speech is full of problem-solving, with clearly defined problem and offered solutions. There is a great deal of independence vocabulary and claiming independence, also a supposed characteristic of male gender speech style. Interesting and unusual feature of Tuđman’s political discourse is use of language which is at times poetic, almost as in heroic poetry with metaphors and archaic Croatian words. There are also parts supposed to evoke emotions in the audience, emotional parts describing Croatian battle and history which could be perceived as characteristics of female gender speech style. Such political discourse can be seen as consisting of elements of male gender with a significant amount of characteristics connected to female gender speech style. Clinton’s discourse has characteristics of presidential style, claiming her status and position of a ruler from the beginning, which are supposed characteristics of male gender speech style. There are parts of discourse which could be labeled as intimate, full of sympathy and supportive, but in this case it seems as a carefully chosen strategy to provoke emotional reaction from the audience. A striking feature of this political discourse is her aggressive manner of talking about future actions and strong vocabulary while condemning actions of the out-group. Both of these are perceived as characteristics of male speech gender style, and her political discourse can be defined as having more male gender speech style characteristics than female gender speech style characteristics. Josipović’s political discourse does not show many characteristics of supposed male gender speech style. He shows sympathy and support, creating intimate and private atmosphere, and makes connections between past and present, this way also making a connection between Croatian people and liberated generals. Overall impression is quite emotional, which is done through constantly showing respect, gratitude and talking about troubled past. This emotional component is also perceived as characteristic of female gender speech style. Josipović does not try to claim his status nor is he acting in an oppositional way, characteristics connected to male gender speech style. His political discourse can be labeled as having numerous characteristics of female gender speech style outnumbering male gender characteristics, although delivered by a male president. Rice’s political discourse shows characteristics of clear male gender speech style. From the beginning to the very end of discourse she establishes her position and status, using report to talk about state of things and lecturing on changes that have to be made. She shows clear opposition to the out-group and aims at problem solving through many directive speech acts in her discourses. Only elements of supposed female gender speech style are connected to creating intimate, supportive and sympathetic image of American government, but this is done out of rhetorical purpose solely and its aim is to achieve as positive representation of in-group as possible. What is especially interesting is that binary division cannot be made as speech styles and gender characteristics overlap in all speech samples. Some male politicians show characteristics of female gender speech style in their political discourse and vice versa. Generally, the examples �of political discourse analyzed cannot be clearly labeled as either male gender speech style or female gender speech style. It can be concluded, however, that overlapping and mixing of gender characteristics in connection with different contexts and occasions are the result of emergent identities, i.e. identities created in those particular situations or contexts and it is not clear how much they can be a result of female or male politician’s style. However, it is obvious that female politicians more frequently use the discourse strategies which are typical for male politicians than vice versa. We can connect it to the idea that you are not a successful politician if you do not show strength in your speech, as well as in the actions. The factors which influence and provoke such mixing of gender characteristics in political discourse can be grounds for further research in this field. 5. References Brown, G. and Yule, G. (1983). Discourse Analysis, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Bucholtz, M. & Hall, K. (2005). “Identity and Interaction: a Sociocultural Linguistic Approach” in Discourse Studies, vol. 7 (4-5), pp. 585-614. Cameron, D. (1996). “The language-gender interface: challenging co-optation“ in Bergvall, Bing & Freed (Eds.), Rethinking Language and Gender Research: Theory and Practice, Addison Wesley Longman, New York, pp. 31–53. Chilton, P. (2004). Analysing Political Discourse: Theory and Practice, Routledge, London. Chilton, P. & Schäffner, C. (1997). “Discourse and politics” in T. van Dijk (ed.) Discourse as Social Interaction, London, Sage, pp. 206-230. Chomsky, N. (1975). Reflections on Language, Pantheon, New York. Fairclough, N. (1995). Media Discourse, Redwood Books, Trowbridge. 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Tannen, D. (1991). You Just Don't Understand, London: Virago �Van Dijk, T.A. (2003). Ideology and Discourse, Discourse in Society <www.discourses.org> (8.7.2013.) Van Dijk, T.A. (2005). Critical Discourse Analysis, Discourse in Society <www.discourses.org> (8.7.2013.) Verschueren, J. (2012). Ideology in Language Use, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. http://free-zg.t-com.hr/zdeslav-milas/FT/ft-08.htm http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2003/mar/20/iraq.georgebush 8.7.2013. www.jutarnji.hr/gotovina-i-markac-su-slobodni--haaski-sud---nije-bilo-udruzenog-zlocinackog-pothvata--/1066689/> 8.7.2013. http://www.politikaplus.com/novost/43107/video-jadranka-kosor-necemo-stati-dok-borba-protivkorupcije-ne-dode-i-do-sdp-a-hns-a-i-ids-a >8.7.2013. http://www.weeklystandard.com/blogs/hillary-clintons-address-us-deaths-libya_652240.html> 8.7.2013 http://www.americantaskforce.org/keynote_address_secretary_state_condoleezza_rice_atfp_inau gural_gala> 8.7.2013. Dr. Marijana Sivric is an Associate Professor at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Mostar where she teaches courses in Sociolinguistics, Syntax, Introduction to Discourse Analysis and Language and Gender. Dr.Sivric received her doctoral degree at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Zagreb in March 2008. Her research interests include critical discourse analysis and sociolinguistics and she is primarily focused on language and gender and political discourse. Dijana Jurčić is a high school Latin language teacher currently teaching at Grammar school Mostar. She graduated English language and literature and Latin language and Roman literature at the Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of Mostar. Her research interests include critical discourse analysis and sociolinguistics, primarily focused on language and gender studies. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2839 Title A name given to the resource Gender Differences in Political Discourse Author Author Sivrić, Marijana Jurčić, Dijana Abstract A summary of the resource. Public speakers have always had a sense of authority and power upon them, and this area was male area for a long time. Together with different social changes such as Women’s Movement, women became more emancipated, participating in public sphere to a larger extent influencing thus the area of political discourse too. Key question is whether gender and supposed gender characteristics and differences connected to interaction styles and public speaking affect creation of political discourse and differences in its structure between male and female politicians or they are not an important factor for political discourse. In other words, does gender affect a person’s political subjectivity? The thesis is that gender specific differences in language use and use of syntactic, semantic, pragmatic structures, lexical style and rhetorical strategies create differences in political discourse between male and female politicians. Can these differences help the hegemonic construction of female identity in political discourse? The aim of the paper is to analyze language differences in connection with supposed gender characteristics and place them into context of political discourse. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014-04-12 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed JA Political science (General),JC Political theory,P Philology. Linguistics Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 3484 Title A name given to the resource GENDER DIFFERENCES IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE Author Author Sivrić, Marijana Jurčić, Dijana Abstract A summary of the resource. Public speakers have always had a sense of authority and power upon them, and this area was male area for a long time. Together with different social changes such as Women’s Movement, women became more emancipated, participating in public sphere to a larger extent influencing thus the area of political discourse too. Key question is whether gender and supposed gender characteristics and differences connected to interaction styles and public speaking affect creation of political discourse and differences in its structure between male and female politicians or they are not an important factor for political discourse. In other words, does gender affect a person’s political subjectivity? The thesis is that gender specific differences in language use and use of syntactic, semantic, pragmatic structures, lexical style and rhetorical strategies create differences in political discourse between male and female politicians. Can these differences help the hegemonic construction of female identity in political discourse? The aim of the paper is to analyze language differences in connection with supposed gender characteristics and place them into context of political discourse. Keywords: gender, discourse, political discourse, language, interaction, female identity Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed PE English https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/aca149e4c78f3a6e415b6093e40296ac.docx e3db4faf776db19905a0055f7e784b11 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/ea228f76edd7dd7b41cdab2d506b66ce.pdf 30f8b904ba912e35307c297d2a4c66f1 PDF Text Text Gender in the Written Media: A Comparative Study between English and B/C/S Selma Kešetović University of Tuzla/ Tuzla, Bosnia and Herzegovina Key words: gender, stereotype, advertisement, culture, media ABSTRACT The paper deals with the relationship of gender stereotypes and advertising language in women’s magazines in particular. First, some general theoretical background of gender and stereotype issues will be given. Types of stereotypes along with their classification will be elaborated on, though the focus will be on gender stereotypes. How women and men see themselves but also how they see each other is important in the process of identity and society formation. We attempt to make a connection between cultural stereotypes and their representation in the media. Does the media stimulate already existing stereotypes or produce new ones are questions we intend to answer in this paper. What is gender and does it influence the media and the language of media are some of the points that will be discussed in this paper as well. Further, research will be conducted on advertisements in both the English and B/C/S corpora, and compared and contrasted. Are there any differences and similarities between the two cultures? If yes, what they are and what messages they convey are also working issues of this paper. Gender advertising is set on two patterns. Firstly, socially accepted behaviour of women and men differs significantly. Secondly, the notion of men's dominance and woman's passiveness is culturally influenced and deeply embedded in consumers' minds. Sexual objectification of women just adds to this theory. Masculine roles in advertising are highly valued and appreciated. Feminine roles in advertising are, contrary to that, devalued and derogatory. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1966 Title A name given to the resource Gender in the Written Media: A Comparative Study between English and B/C/S Author Author KESETOVIC, Selma Abstract A summary of the resource. Key words: gender, stereotype, advertisement, culture, media ABSTRACT The paper deals with the relationship of gender stereotypes and advertising language in women’s magazines in particular. First, some general theoretical background of gender and stereotype issues will be given. Types of stereotypes along with their classification will be elaborated on, though the focus will be on gender stereotypes. How women and men see themselves but also how they see each other is important in the process of identity and society formation. We attempt to make a connection between cultural stereotypes and their representation in the media. Does the media stimulate already existing stereotypes or produce new ones are questions we intend to answer in this paper. What is gender and does it influence the media and the language of media are some of the points that will be discussed in this paper as well. Further, research will be conducted on advertisements in both the English and B/C/S corpora, and compared and contrasted. Are there any differences and similarities between the two cultures? If yes, what they are and what messages they convey are also working issues of this paper. Gender advertising is set on two patterns. Firstly, socially accepted behaviour of women and men differs significantly. Secondly, the notion of men's dominance and woman's passiveness is culturally influenced and deeply embedded in consumers' minds. Sexual objectification of women just adds to this theory. Masculine roles in advertising are highly valued and appreciated. Feminine roles in advertising are, contrary to that, devalued and derogatory. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBU Publishing Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013-05-03 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1004 Title A name given to the resource Gender on the Sphere of Written Text; in Persian and English Short Fictions Author Author Rashed , Siamak Heidari Kahkesh, Reza Abstract A summary of the resource. This article is a field study that tries to verify the effect of gender on the scope of Persian and English written texts. Variables such as color terms, swearing, hedges, intensifiers, tag questions, adjectives of approximation and adjectives are considered for analysis in the study of selected literary texts in the corpus. The findings of this study show that in terms of color terms, both English and Persian female story writers use more color terms in their stories. Male writers are generally supposed to use more swearing in their stories. In terms of the use of hedging devices in the stories, it is shown that hedging expressions are found more frequently in female authored texts. The study of intensifiers (up graders, boosters) in Persian and English stories shows that, the use of intensifiers is more common within women's writing style. In spite of the very infrequent use of tags in the stories, male authored texts provide more examples of tag questions. Challenging tags are more frequent in men's writing; female writers on the other hand prefer the use of epistemic tags. Frequency of the use of adjectives of approximation is not a good criterion to differentiate female authored texts from male authored ones in Persian corpus. On the other hand the use of this linguistic feature in English corpus demonstrates that female authored texts use these adjectives more frequently. The study of the use of adjectives in English and Persian corpus shows that female writers use adjectives more frequently in their writing. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2012-05 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed P Philology. Linguistics https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/7cc10b38582f2d18d615d94cb20f246c.pdf a8f2229d2706b36221ed788c3fb815fc PDF Text Text Journal of Economic and Social Studies Gender Responsive Budgeting as Smart Economics: A Comparative Analysis between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of Macedonia Merima AVDAGIĆ Innova Management Consulting avdagic.merima@gmail.com Faruk HUJIĆ Innova Management Consulting faruk.hujic@innova.ba Abstract: This paper addresses a comparative analysis of two different KEYWORDS: frameworks for inclusion of gender in fiscal economics through gender responsive budgeting(GRB) initiatives that took place over one decade from 2000 till 2010 in two former Yugoslavian republics: Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Republic of Macedonia (Macedonia). Namely the comparison of two countries with two different methods for GRB is depicted: a) Case of BiH where GRB was introduced through overall public finance management (PFM) reform within the realm of program based budgeting, versus b) Case of Macedonia where GRB was introduced through specific program level initiatives and interventions without an overall integration with budgetary system and performance budgeting as a baseline concept. The paper analyzes these two approaches, and provides an argument and evidence for concluding that the introduction of gender sensitive budgeting through an overarching PFM reforms a more practical and comprehensive mechanism. It suggests that GRB can be used as a tool for more efficient and equitable policy and budget making decisions, and that the capacity level directly affects the absorption capacity, level of implementation and overall sustainability. Furthermore, due to the transition from social regime toward open market parliamentary democracies that Balkan countries are experiencing, integration of GRB practices within the PFM reforms is an attractive model given that those reforms are already taking place. Gender equality through GRB mainstreamed through PFM reforms supports contributes to overall socio-economic prosperity. Gender Responsive Budgeting, Public Finance, Development JEL code: G 31 ARTICLE HISTORY Submitted: 18 April 2012 Resubmitted: 15 September 2012 Resubmitted: 22 October 2012 Resubmitted: 7 November 2012 Accepted: 24 December 2012 197 �Merima AVDAGIĆ & Faruk HUJIĆ Introduction and context “Forget China, India and the internet: Economic growth is driven by women” (Anonymous, 2006, p.3). When it comes to acknowledging the importance of gender equality and the significant role it plays within economic development, there is quite a consensus at the official level. Gender equality plays a crucial part in stimulating growth, generating employment, and contributing to capital generation and poverty alleviation. In order to integrate gender perspective in the policy, gender mainstreaming is applied. The Council of Europe defined gender mainstreaming as “the (re)organization, improvement, development and evaluation of policy processes, so that a gender equality perspective is incorporated in all policies at all levels and at all stages, by the actors normally involved in policymaking”(Quinn & Council of Europe, 2009, p.3). Thus, this is a preventive approach, with an objective of strengthening equality between men and women. In societies where significant gender gaps exist, disparities persist in men’s and women’s access to and control of human, economic, and social assets, and gender based inequality limits economic growth and diminishes the effectiveness of poverty reduction efforts. Namely, many development strategies rely on, among other things, raising household and individual income. “To achieve the economic expansion we all seek, we need to unlock a vital source of growth that can power our economies in the decades to come… By increasing women’s participation in the economy and enhancing their efficiency and productivity, we can have a dramatic impact on the competitiveness and growth of our economies,” said the United States Secretary of State, Hilary Clinton (2011) at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Summit (p. 1). However, to achieve gender equality, gender mainstreaming is not enough as practice often demonstrated. Degraef (2002) found that in spite of the clear commitment on the application of gender equality to all policy areas and programs, policy fields that relate to finance, capital markets and technical fields are still predominantly male occupied. Nevertheless, the acceptance of gender notion within the economy heavily picked up over the past decade. Recently, Prime Minister of Britain, David Cameron (2012) promoted the increase of the number of women in 198 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Gender Responsive Budgeting as Smart Economics: A Comparative Analysis between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of Macedonia roles of responsibility in industry by saying that “It’s about quality, not just equality…if we fail to unlock the potential of women in the labor market through equal access to resources, we’re not only failing those individuals, we’re failing our whole economy” (p.2). Therefore, in order to bridge the concepts of gender equality and budget, and introduce women as both contributors and users of public budgets, the notion of GRB was introduced as a way to close the gap between gender responsive policy making introduced through gender mainstreaming and budget planning and allocation processes. The integration of gender perspective into public policies implies that it requires financial resources, which in fact is GRB concept. Thus, GRB requires a more transparent, effective and targeted use of public resources – i.e. being responsible for outputs achieved with public resources, without which, the gender mainstreaming could remain only a tool expressed on the paper. Research objective Although principles of gender equality and GRB are quite universal declaratively, practice demonstrated different approaches in South Eastern Europe (SEE) region. This paper explores two different frameworks for inclusion of GRB through a comparative case study analysis of BiH and Macedonia. Specifically, BiH introduced GRB through overall PFM reform within the realm of program based budgeting, while Macedonia introduced GRB through specific program analysis (policy and budget analysis) and interventions without an overall integration with budgetary system and performance budgeting as a baseline concept. These two countries pose for an interesting comparative case analysis given that they were both part of the socialist regime within the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), and share similar demographic, social, economic and cultural background. Although they both realized the importance of gender equality for the overall growth and prosperity, different implementation approaches were taken in this transition process toward market oriented parliamentary democracy. This comparative research analysis will contribute to defining ‘best practice’ framework for implementation of GRB within the developing countries and countries in transition – as is the case with Balkan countries and SEE region in general. 199 �Merima AVDAGIĆ & Faruk HUJIĆ Literature review As Elson, Budlender, Hewitt and Mukhopadhyay (2002) highlighted in their research, over the past 25 years, the movement toward gender equity has gained momentum in countries throughout the world. The international community has publicly committed itself to promoting gender equity, reflecting the realization that the equality of men and women is essential for sustainable economic growth and full social development (Hewitt and Mukhopadhyay, 2002; Klase, 1999). However, gender responsive budgets are neither referenced in the public budgeting and finance literature (Orosz, 2001), nor in the emerging literature on feminist approaches to public administration (Public Administration Review, 2005, Vol. 65, No. 3). The literature outside public administration is more extensive in its work on GRB. However, GRB is still a relatively new topic, reliant on relatively few researchers. Debbie Budlender, Diane Elson, and Rhonda Sharp are three prominent contributors to the gender budgeting concept, both in terms of policy and practice, and they are cited extensively throughout the gender budgeting literature. In 1997, the UN General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), often referred to as ‘international bill of rights for women', while in 1995, representatives of 171 governments at the 4th UN World Conference on Women held in Beijing, identified the equal treatment of women and men in government budgets as central to the achievement of gender parity. The Beijing platform called for incorporating gender perspective into the design, development, adoption and execution of all budgetary processes in order to promote equitable, effective and appropriate source allocation and establish adequate budgetary allocations to support gender equality. Although several terms since then have been used to describe inclusion of gender perspective into public budget processes, including engendered budgets, gender sensitive and gender responsive budgets, they all have the same idea: planning and implementing development having in mind needs of both men and women, and making sure that the development benefits and gender equitable. Almost all of the research related to gender-responsive budgeting has taken a normative approach, promoting its use as a way to advance gender equality. Cagatay et al. (2000) convey that the ultimate goal of these various gender budget initiatives 200 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Gender Responsive Budgeting as Smart Economics: A Comparative Analysis between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of Macedonia is to come up with reprioritization of both expenditures and revenue raising methods in order to promote social justice. Traditionally, budget has been viewed as a simple collection of revenues and expenditure, serving as a technical instrument of PFM. Over the course of past three decades, many countries experienced a movement toward a performance and program oriented budgeting, motivated by transparency, efficiency and accountability for public resources. This shift is based on integration of performance indicators in the budget process, as a way to measure outputs and thus base the budget decisions according to expected results. The notion of GRB fits well with performance and program based budgeting as it promotes the notion that budget resources are evaluated per final results in accordance with specific policy, meaning that if the policy is gender sensitive due to the process of gender mainstreaming, budgets should be gender responsive simply by implementing those policies that result in specific outcomes. In order to bring the discussion of GRB into the mainstream of debate in the public finance community and in the community of public administration scholars and practitioners, Marilyn M. Rubin and John Bartle (2005) described gender responsive budget as a “government budget that explicitly integrates gender into any or all parts of the decision-making process regarding resource allocation and revenue generation” (p.259). Combined with the different roles in the economy, gender becomes relevant for income-earning at the household level. Gender inequality limits growth and decreases both household and individual income, if the women are not participating in the paid economy. Since the household and the market economies co-exist and are interdependent, trade-offs and linkages may be very significant, especially when it comes to assets and labor constraints faced by poor individuals and households. The interdependence of the market and household economies brings to light: (i) shortterm inter-sectoral and inter-generational trade-offs within poor asset and labor constrained households; and (ii) positive linkages/externalities, whereby investment in the household economy will benefit the market economy in terms of improved efficiency, productivity, and, hence, growth. The trade-offs are compounded by intra-household inequality and the complexities of intra-household relations. This relationship between the household and economy, as well as impact on the well being of society is well represented in the following image (Alvarez, 2010, p.16). 201 �Merima AVDAGIĆ & Faruk HUJIĆ Figure 1. Gender equality in the context of economic performance Gender Equality in rights, resources, and voice Household Household resources and task allocations, fertility decisions Economy & Markets Society Access to land, financial services, labor markets Civic and political participation Aggregate economic performance (poverty reduction & growth) Stephanie Seguino (2009), a Professor at Department of Economics, University of Vermont, conducted significant work in the field of connecting gender and economics, with the most recent paper addressing the global economic crisis, its gender implications and policy responses. Specific attention was given to potential approaches to address the global economic crisis via transformational fiscal policies, where a system in which growth is compatible with equality is a key goal, rather than approaches that are dependent on inequality for growth – as this has proven to be an unsustainable strategy (Seguino, 2009). 202 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Gender Responsive Budgeting as Smart Economics: A Comparative Analysis between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of Macedonia The implementation of GRB: Case Studies of BiH and Macedonia Implementation of GRB as part of the PFM reform: Case of BiH Overview Bosnia and Herzegovina is a country with very complex and turbulent past that continues to evolve. Throughout its recent history, BiH went from its position within the federal system of the SFRY, through the devastating impact of the 199295 war, post-war state of independency, rebuilding and stabilization, to its current state which can perhaps best be described as transitional. As the result of war and due to slow reconstruction and development after the war, BiH is a disintegrated community, and this is evident in its political, social and economic structures. Reforms resulting from Dayton Peace Agreement placed Bosnia and Herzegovina in economically and politically disintegrated administrative system of municipalities, cantons, two entities, one district and a distant central government. This is evident in country’s key lawmaking and executive mechanisms, and PFM structures are no exception. Serious fiscal problems continue to challenge the development of BiH, exacerbated by uncontrolled spending as well as the current global economic crisis. The economic environment of BiH is at present characterized by a small, underdeveloped market that is regulated through a partially reformed legislature, a slow privatization process, a negative trade deficit and persistently high rates of unemployment. The overall business environment remains unfavorable and unattractive to investors due to the red-tape of restrictive regulations and inefficient administration, which results in reduced investment and, subsequently, leads to reduced job creation and labor opportunities. Labor market policies are not significantly developed despite the fact that the rate of unemployment remains alarmingly high, 27.6% in 2011 (BiH Agency for Statistics, 2011, p.6). Given these alarming poverty indicators, BiH addressed the issue of poverty reduction in its first Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper in 2003, followed by Country Development Strategy in 2010. At the same time, the issue of gender equality emerged on the agenda of BiH institutions, invigorated by politicians, civil society and European Union (EU) community. As is the case throughout the Western Balkans, BiH has started its EU integration process and is on the path toward accession. This, among other factors, is leading to public sector reforms, one of its key dimensions being the strengthening of the PFM towards a more complete, accountable and transparent financial 203 �Merima AVDAGIĆ & Faruk HUJIĆ resources planning, management, auditing and reporting that respond the governments’ development initiatives, and gender responsive PFM mechanisms. In 2007, National Human Development Report published by United Nations Development Program estimated that over 50% of the population was socially and/or economically excluded (health, education, employment and/or participation in society), with gender adding a transversal and intrinsically related layer of vulnerability (Papic, 2007, p.1). Women with disabilities, single mothers and girls suffer severe social exclusion in an environment where scarcity of resources is combined with a patriarchal belief system. This results in women becoming secondclass members of communities. These remarks, along with the fact that BiH has the lowest percentage of women participating in the labor market in SEE region, only 35% (Papic & Fetahagic, 2010, p.3), signaled a growing problem that needs to addressed systematically, one of the ways being equitable distribution of public finances aimed at progressive, gender sensitive development. Case study Bearing in mind that the public budget is largely made up tax payers' money, it is necessary that the budget, in a simple manner, represents the results of the allocation and budget consumption through easily identifiable and measurable outputs. Based on the output, the quality and effectiveness of specific government initiatives is measure, helping determine whether the government's decision to invest in certain program reflects an adequate value for consumed money. Accordingly, the basic principles of effective mid-term budgeting include i) establishing affordable budgets - fiscally and economically responsible, ii) the allocation of scarce resources on the most important priorities of economic and social policy - setting priorities for resource allocation, and iii) focusing on the results of the allocated budget monitoring the efficiency and effectiveness of results and measuring of the value received for money invested. In order to prepare a responsible budget, a medium-term budget planning system, based on principles of transparency, participation and accountability is necessary. The medium-term budget planning system is supported by mid-term budget framework paper, which includes clearly defined schedule of budgetary responsibilities, affordable fiscal strategy, the budget priorities based on the most 204 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Gender Responsive Budgeting as Smart Economics: A Comparative Analysis between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of Macedonia important objectives of economic and social policies, predictability of budget policies and budget cycle which encourages more effective and efficient use of public funds while improving transparency and accountability of government policies, programs and decision-making process. The medium term budget planning process has a key role in linking the government priority policies with outputs, which can be clearly seen from the following diagram: Figure 2. The concept of medium term budget planning The best practice in medium-term budget planning process uses program budgeting or results budgeting as a basis for decision making regarding budget policy and the allocation of budgetary resources in line with government's strategic priorities. Program budgeting is budgeting by performance results i.e. submission of information on the results through the budget process, which should streamline the decision making and resource allocation processes. Program budgeting presents budget information in a manner that clearly connects the budgetary resources with the ultimate results of government policies, and promotes accountability for resources used, services rendered, and end results achieved. Over the past decade, there has been a worldwide trend towards performance and results oriented budgeting, and SEE is no exception. Although BiH is hindered by state of ineffective and complicated four-level federation, significant PFM reform progress based on program budgeting has been made. With an understanding that the planning and distribution of public finances strengthens good intentions of 205 �Merima AVDAGIĆ & Faruk HUJIĆ government to responsibly manage the assets of public spending, serve citizens, and promote equitable development no matter what is their racial, religious, sex, etc. orientation, and that it is a serious task for any public administration authority, starting in 2005 BiH engaged in a PFM reform. The PFM reform involved State institutions of BiH, as well as the entity, cantonal and Brcko District level governments’ institutions, engaging them on the path of series of reforms in the budget process in order to strengthen the planning and management of public funds. The overall purpose of these reforms is to build a strategic basis for the allocation of funds reflecting priority policies, objectives and planned results which will be achieved through public spending, ensuring that public finances are increasingly effective at delivering the national priorities of the governments in BiH. The reform institutionalized the principles of effective planning, allocation and monitoring of the budget, and as part of these reforms, the government adopted a medium-term approach to planning and budgeting based on performance (i.e. program budgeting), which links budget to implementation of government policy priorities. BiH adopted the 'Program budgeting process in 10 steps' that includes planning and budgeting timeframe that is aligned at State, entity and cantonal levels of government. As such, budget became an instrument of government policy and the means by which government policies are converted into programs and services for the benefit of its citizens. Program budgeting in BiH is yet to be introduced at the local level, although some progressive gender responsive, program budgeting initiatives are taking place within local communities and work of municipalities. The most significant shift in the establishment of gender mechanisms in BiH happened when Centers for Gender Equality in both entities were established (in 2000 and 2001 respectively). Adoption of the Law on Gender Equality at the State level in 2003 consolidated gender equality policy measures, which was followed by establishment of Central Agency for Gender Equality as an umbrella institution for the harmonization of initiatives for gender equality in public and private life throughout the country. In addition to national policy framework, BiH ratified CEDAW in 1993. Despite the establishment of relatively progressive legal and institutional framework in the field of gender equality in BiH, in reality the situation 206 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Gender Responsive Budgeting as Smart Economics: A Comparative Analysis between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of Macedonia was worrisome. Gender gaps continued to exist and are particularly notable in the areas of political representation and participation of women in decision making process, employment and social protection. Therefore, it is evident that the commitments to women’s rights and gender equality often remain on paper and do not properly translate into action and equitable development. Since budget reflects the values, the notion of power and political, economic and social priorities in the community, advocacy of gender equality through the budget is an attractive model for GRB implementation. “There seems to be a direct and logical link between performance based budgeting and GRB as both focus on results and a broader cycle of policy planning, implementation and evaluation” (Klatyer, 2008, p. 12-13). Klatyer further comments that enhanced accountability is an issue for both approaches, and that equally, better governance structures, transparency, enhanced participation and democracy are elements in both. With the help of international donors, namely Department for International Development (DFID) that supported the PFM reform and United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) that supported the GRB implementation, a partnership was formed with key gender mechanisms, Ministries of Finance and several line ministries at entity level who were eager to link program and gender budgeting and address the needs of all citizens equitably. The consensus was reached that the best gender equality will be achieved through concrete programs, which means that they need to be combined with budget allocations, and thus be part of the systematic PFM reforms. Consequently, UNIFEM, DFID and local counterparts combined their efforts toward amending the standard budget templates and introducing a more gender responsive approach. Specifically, Budget Framework Paper now includes a section on GRB, which means that the gender equality issues and participation of women is considered in the process of long term economic planning. “Framing gender issues in terms of an economic disclosure, gender budgeting ‘liberates’ gender and gender mainstreaming from the ‘soft’ social issues arena and raises it to the level of macroeconomics, which is often thought of as technical, value-free and gender neutral” (Holvoet & Universitaire Instelling Antwerpen, 2003, p. 68). Furthermore, budget instruction documentation, in which budget users define their initial budget requests was modified to require from users to undertake the gender analysis in order to demonstrate the impact of any new spending on men and women (although this 207 �Merima AVDAGIĆ & Faruk HUJIĆ is still poorly developed due to lack of local capacities). Capacity building assistance aimed at increasing knowledge and skills related to GRB, in particular gender analysis, were provided to Ministries of Finance and budget users by local and international consultants. The training emphasized (Varbanova, 2010, p.7): • • • The need to consider gender needs and priorities that are provided annually to all budget users by the Gender Agency and Gender Centers; That sex disaggregated statistics released by the statistical institutes should be examined when developing policy priorities, and gender related performance indicators used for each specific sector; That existing and new policies and programs should be examined to identify gender aspects. Discussion and corresponding recommendations BiH used budget reform processes as an instrument to advance gender equality. The GRB was initiated as part of the regular budget planning and distribution practice, which implies that the process has been mainstreamed and GRB can be used as an instrument of analysis and control. Nevertheless, certain challenges and complexities continue to exist. Below is a list of key challenges that need to be addressed when choosing this approach for GRB implementation. • • 208 The experience suggests that it takes a number of years to fully achieve all the benefits of performance budgeting, and therefore, require long-term commitment of governments, ministries of finance, local levels of government and all users of budgetary resources. Capacities need to be build in order to link the budget cycle and gender equality properly, with heavy focus on Ministry of Finance staff, line ministries as well as all budget users in order to analyze gender impacts of proposed programs. Capacity gaps continue to exist for a long time after the GRB initiation through the budget process commenced. These capacity gaps need to be addressed systematically and through continuous technical assistance efforts in order to ensure program budgeting is practiced in way that addresses the needs of both men and women. This is often a problem if the local institutional mechanisms are not strong enough to carry out this mission, and donor assistance which is most often project based, ends at some point in time. Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Gender Responsive Budgeting as Smart Economics: A Comparative Analysis between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of Macedonia • Complexities of governance structure, as is the case in BiH poses challenges to the implementation of PFM reforms, and thus GRB practices through PFM reforms. PFM reforms are implemented faster and more effectively in an efficient administrative governance set up, where there is no duplication of responsibilities within different levels of government (for example, BiH has 14 Ministries of Finance, and all of them along with their budget users need to be trained on program budgeting and GRB). Implementation of GRB as part of program intervention: Case of Macedonia Overview When Macedonia declared its independence in 1991 from SFRY, it was the least developed of the Yugoslav republics, producing a mere 5% of the total federal output of goods and services (Central Intelligence Agency, 2012, p.1). An overall poor development, an absence of infrastructure, UN sanctions on the downsized Yugoslavia, and a Greek economic embargo over a dispute about the country's constitutional name, heavily hindered economic growth until 1996. In 2001, during a civil conflict, the economy shrank again, but from 2003 to 2008 growth that averaged about 4.5% per year was recorded (Central Intelligence Agency, 2012, p.1). Currently, Macedonian economy is marked by small, open economy which makes the country vulnerable to economic developments in Europe and dependent on regional integration and progress toward EU membership for continued economic growth. Macedonia has maintained its macroeconomic stability with low inflation, but it has so far lagged the region in attracting foreign investment and creating jobs, despite making extensive fiscal and business sector reforms. Official unemployment remains high, which in the wake of the global economic crisis marked by decreased investment, low capital flow, and a large trade deficit, posed quite a problem. From the public administration viewpoint, Macedonia functions with State level government and municipalities as the local government. A formal EU candidate status was granted in 2005 and the accession negotiations are underway. Implementing a responsible and disciplined budget policy, as the main principle for responsible treatment of public finances and regular and adequate use of the funds, is a priority for Macedonia government in the mid-term period for year 2011 – 2015. 209 �Merima AVDAGIĆ & Faruk HUJIĆ Although some significant reforms happened for example, audit, financial system, budgeting, Public Internal Financial Control and internal audit, Macedonia still needs further improvements in relation to adequate mid-term budget framework which links development strategy with budget, formulation of performance indicators or some other way of tracking the value received for usage of public resources (Macedonia is still in most instances doing a traditional line budget), internal and external audit, internal financial control, as well as overall improvements of the oversight and scrutiny of budget and financial information by the parliament (i.e. what is the value for money invested in certain activities financed by public budget). The GRB activities have been initiated both on central and local level as part of the National Action Plan for Gender Equality (NAPGE) 2007 – 2012, but have not been integrated with the overall PFM system. Case study Just like BiH, Macedonia ratified CEDAW convention in 1991, and the right to non-discrimination is upheld in the country’s Constitution. As an accession country, the gender mainstreaming represented one important segment of EU policy and conditionality set up by the EU Treaty of Amsterdam. Through the signing of the Beijing Platform for Action, Macedonia recognized the need and committed to the implementation of an overall gender mainstreaming policy. On the national side, specific gender equality policies represent a significant step toward ensuring equal opportunities, including Law on Equal Opportunities adopted in 2006 (Stojanoska, 2008). Nevertheless, the situation on the ground was still ruled by social stereotypes and was far from equitable, and concerns regarding equitable access to resources increased. „Despite equal rights and liberties, though, citizens' are diverse in their physical, material, social and cultural traits and consequently have different opportunities to convert their formal rights in substantial freedoms” (Stojanoska, 2008, p.34). Although the gender neutral citizenship formula entitled women and men to same rights and liberties, inequalities were registered in Macedonia not only between both genders but also within these social categories in the exercise of their political, civil and social rights. The low presence of women in the structures of decision-making, their increased unemployment and economic inactivity in a period 210 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Gender Responsive Budgeting as Smart Economics: A Comparative Analysis between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of Macedonia of economic recession, their progressive lagging behind in the level of education or in vocational training were not considered as a causal combination of circumstances or a free expression of choices. Although roots of these problems often went back to examination of social and cultural factors, concern with disparate opportunities was evident, and it was to be addressed through making sure that resources are shared equitably between men and women. Coupled with strong advocacy at all levels of government, a NAPGE 2007 – 2012 was adopted, which specifically entails the „inclusion of methods of gender budgeting at national and local level” (Trajanov et al., 2007, p. 4). Thus, GRB is to be carried out as a cross-sectoral approach, while the Ministry of Labor and Social Policy (MLSP) is the key institution responsible for the implementation, with specific focus on employment, social protection and equal opportunities. These responsibilities of the LMSP are also stipulated in the Law on Equal Opportunities „...promoting the equal status of women and men in all areas of society and gender mainstreaming in government policies, programs and strategies” (Trajanov et al., 2007, p.3). Rather than placing the norms of gender quality within the budget structure, although they clearly require resources, more focused analysis of specific policy areas of intervention was conducted. Simultaneously, capacity building efforts were carried out, as the MLSP expressed interest in doing GRB within its own Ministry. Supported by UNIFEM, in 2009 the MLSP identified key interventions that were needed, namely i) establishing a GRB task group and developing its capacities, and raising awareness of the gender equality coordinators as the focal points in the line ministries on the need to introduce GRB, ii) developing methodology and conducting analysis of selected MLSP programs, and iii) developing advocacy strategy for more sustainable integration of gender into policy making and budgetary processes (Varbanova, 2010). It is evident that even at this stage, the Ministry realized the potential challenges with not including the PFM structure in this initiative, and moving the gender concepts within the budget making framework. Specific activities were carried out aimed at analyzing six programs identified by the MLSP which were acknowledged as programs for addressing high unemployment rate and country's dependence on social assistance. They were seen as particularly relevant from a gender perspective given high level of economic inactivity among 211 �Merima AVDAGIĆ & Faruk HUJIĆ women (Varbanova, 2010). The programs were analyzed from the policy and resource level perspective, assessing the extent to which these policies and measures contribute toward gender equality. Although this analysis exercise, combined with capacity building for the task group, generated substantive results, key challenge in this process was noted – gender needs to be considered within budget making decisions since that is where the resources are divided. Based on these findings, the MLSP put substantive efforts in raising awareness among high level government officials and MPs about GRB and placing it within the realm of budget framework rather than just the program analysis level. In 2010, an official communication was sent out to the Government, detailing that the involvement of Ministry of Finance officials is necessary in order to understand the logic and usefulness of GRB as an instrument for equitable and effective public resource planning and spending (Varbanova, 2010). Since then, various advocacy efforts were carried out in order to bring gender concepts closer to the budgetary process, pointing to concrete examples of GRB success, and presenting examples from other countries in the region as well as EU member states. Nevertheless, enhancing the budget call circular by including specific gender related requirements for budget users still remains just a goal on paper. Discussion and corresponding recommendations Macedonia introduced gender equality and GRB concepts as separate initiative as part of the NAPGE. While setting up the initial implementing structures, they focused on the MLSP as the key institution charged for implementing the Law on Equal Opportunities, without involving the budget making structures in this process. Although significant conclusions were made from the program based analysis approach, they were difficult to carry out without direct interference with the Ministry of Finance and budget making institutions. Below is a list of key challenges that need to be addressed when choosing this approach for GRB implementation. 212 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Gender Responsive Budgeting as Smart Economics: A Comparative Analysis between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of Macedonia • The experience suggests that it is important to involve Ministry of Finance and/or other PFM mechanisms into the GRB game, since that is where the resource distribution decisions are made. The involvement of Ministry of Finance, perhaps first as an observer and then as an active participator, can help deepen the understanding of the usefulness of GRB as an instrument for more efficient, effective and equitable public spending. This is especially important because once the gender program analysis is well underway, it is difficult to involve the budget institutions at this later stage due to lack of capacities and already heavy workloads. • Despite training and capacity building assignments, capacity gaps continue to exist, and GRB is often seen as an additional requirement to already extensive workload. This is even more visible when introducing GRB as separate initiative for specific programs, as opposed to introducing it systematically through already established PFM processes. The experience of Macedonia suggests that capacity building needs to be carried out simultaneously within all stakeholders – line ministries to conduct substantive policy analysis and mainstream gender in their budget requests, MLSP high level commitment to GRB as a crucial method for implementing gender equality, and Ministry of Finance commitment to GRB analysis as one the key decision makers for resource planning and distribution. Without placing GRB within the budgetary framework, the process is not sustainable, and each time the new gender analysis on the program level is carried out, it is seen as a new/additional activity. • 213 �Merima AVDAGIĆ & Faruk HUJIĆ Conclusion Perhaps the best way to summarize the role of women in economy is by quoting Robert B. Zoellick (2007), President of the World Bank Group “Gender equality is smart economics”. Therefore, the question is not whether women play a role in the economy, but what is the best way to do so. It is necessary to design a strategy and unlock internal resources in order to enhance growth and stability – and one of the inevitable strategies is the implementation of GRB. With women being acknowledged worldwide as a powerful economic entity that can contribute to enhanced economic growth, decreases unemployment, and elevated poverty, GRB is an excellent way to ensure that gender is considered when it comes to generation, control and utilization of public resources, and that all these processes are carried out in an equitable manner that pertains to the needs of men and women. Due to the economic, political and social environment in transition countries that are moving from social regime toward open market parliamentary democracies, as is the case with most countries within SEE region, integration of GRB practices within the PFM reforms is an attractive model for contributing to gender equality and overall socio-economic prosperity. Since various reform processes are already taking place in most of these countries, and many of them are moving toward performance based fiscal planning, it is beneficial to tie GRB to these ongoing trends as opposed to new intervention initiatives and programs. The reform environment offers perfect opportunities for systematically addressing gender equitable resource planning and allocation through linking the gender equality principles and policies with the budgetary processes. This will ensure systematic approach and application of GRB across all areas that dictate public funds allocations, as well as enable sustainability of GRB concept, since it will be carried out on an annual basis with well established budge cycle schedule. Thus, GRB can be established as a tool for more efficient and equitable policy and budget making decisions. This model is demonstrated in the case of BiH although capacity gaps continue to pose problems (however capacity gaps pose challenges for both approaches – in BiH and Macedonia). It is important to keep in mind that this process requires donor 214 Journal of Economic and Social Studies �Gender Responsive Budgeting as Smart Economics: A Comparative Analysis between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of Macedonia involvement, national partners’ commitment, and advocacy groups’ efforts including CSOs in order to bring the change. It takes public policy leadership, commitment through budget expenditure management, extensive monitoring, and above all, continuous coordination and commitment of different stakeholders involved. Without adequate cooperation between government and non government sector, often including the donor community, scarce resources available are spent in less efficient manner, often without gender balance. The synchronization of all stakeholders involved, i) strong, focused and committed government with adequate capacities, ii) well developed and action oriented CSO sector with strong government ties and effective partnerships, and iii) donor community with commitment to GRB within the PFM process, since donor community often drives the public administration reform processes within transition countries. All these stakeholders need to develop simultaneously, interacting and reinforcing each other toward common goal of gender equitable development. Once GRB is initiated through PFM system, it needs to be regulated within gender and budget policy frameworks, contributing to public administration structure that properly addresses concerns about welfare, equity and equality between the gender and macroeconomic policy, reducing the gender gaps on many levels. 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United Nations Development Fund on Women, 7. 217 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1394 Title A name given to the resource Gender Responsive Budgeting as Smart Economics: A Comparative Analysis between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republic of Macedonia Author Author Merima, Avdagić Faruk, HUJIĆ Abstract A summary of the resource. This paper addresses a comparative analysis of two different frameworks for inclusion of gender in fiscal economics through gender responsive budgeting(GRB) initiatives that took place over one decade - from 2000 till 2010 in two former Yugoslavian republics: Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Republic of Macedonia (Macedonia). Namely the comparison of two countries with two different methods for GRB is depicted: a) Case of BiH where GRB was introduced through overall public finance management (PFM) reform within the realm of program based budgeting, versus b) Case of Macedonia where GRB was introduced through specific program level initiatives and interventions without an overall integration with budgetary system and performance budgeting as a baseline concept. The paper analyzes these two approaches, and provides an argument and evidence for concluding that the introduction of gender sensitive budgeting through an overarching PFM reforms a more practical and comprehensive mechanism. It suggests that GRB can be used as a tool for more efficient and equitable policy and budget making decisions, and that the capacity level directly affects the absorption capacity, level of implementation and overall sustainability. Furthermore, due to the transition from social regime toward open market parliamentary democracies that Balkan countries are experiencing, integration of GRB practices within the PFM reforms is an attractive model given that those reforms are already taking place. Gender equality through GRB mainstreamed through PFM reforms supports contributes to overall socio-economic prosperity. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2012 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed H Social Sciences (General),HB Economic Theory,HG Finance