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                    <text>Field-Dependent and Field-Independent Learners Self-Efficacy Beliefs
Arif Saricoban &amp; Tugce Serbez
Hacettepe University / Ankara, Turkey
Key words: Field-dependent, Self –efficacy, Field-independent, Language-learners
ABSTRACT
Human beings live in an environment in which they encounter and learn new things in every second.They all learn
but even if they look at the same thing, can they interpret it in the same way? The answer is certainly NO.All the
people in the world think differently because they do not see the things from the same window so they all have
different perspectives of thinking.It is certainly known that each person has a learning style .There are numberless
kinds of styles but among the most researched styles, there are field-dependence and field-independence. The field
dependent individual‟s perception is strongly dominated by the prevailing field. They are likely to use the structure
or organization of the provided field.Field dependent individuals are drawn to people and liked to be with
people(Kroutter,ND).Kroutter also mentioned that „Field independent individuals perceive items as more or less
separate from the surrounding field.They are more likely to overcome the organization of the field or restructure it,
when presented with a field having a dominant organization.Moreover Hall stated that Field-independent learners
have been referred to as “analytical, competitive, individualistic, task oriented, internally referent, intrinsically
motivated, hypothesis testing, self-structuring and visually perceptive” (Hall, 2000, p. 5).Self-efficacy is a
person‟s belief in his or her ability to succeed in a particular situation. Bandura described these beliefs as
determinants of how people think, behave, and feel (Bandura, 1994).In this paper,there will be literature review to
grasp the topic deeply.Then,steps of developing methodology are given.Later, the data collection and the analysis of
the data are discussed.The purpose of this research is to find whether there is a relationship between field-dependent
(FD) and field independent (FI) learners‟ self-efficacy.In this research there will be a questionnaire which helps the
researcher to find the learners whether they are field dependent or field independent learners.

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                <text>Key words: Field-dependent, Self –efficacy, Field-independent, Language-learners  ABSTRACT  Human beings live in an environment in which they encounter and learn new things in every second.They all learn but even if they look at the same thing, can they interpret it in the same way? The answer is certainly NO.All the people in the world think differently because they do not see the things from the same window so they all have different perspectives of thinking.It is certainly known that each person has a learning style .There are numberless kinds of styles but among the most researched styles, there are field-dependence and field-independence. The field dependent individual‟s perception is strongly dominated by the prevailing field. They are likely to use the structure or organization of the provided field.Field dependent individuals are drawn to people and liked to be with people(Kroutter,ND).Kroutter also mentioned that „Field independent individuals perceive items as more or less separate from the surrounding field.They are more likely to overcome the organization of the field or restructure it, when presented with a field having a dominant organization.Moreover Hall stated that Field-independent learners have been referred to as “analytical, competitive, individualistic, task oriented, internally referent, intrinsically motivated, hypothesis testing, self-structuring and visually perceptive” (Hall, 2000, p. 5).Self-efficacy is a person‟s belief in his or her ability to succeed in a particular situation. Bandura described these beliefs as determinants of how people think, behave, and feel (Bandura, 1994).In this paper,there will be literature review to grasp the topic deeply.Then,steps of developing methodology are given.Later, the data collection and the analysis of the data are discussed.The purpose of this research is to find whether there is a relationship between field-dependent (FD) and field independent (FI) learners‟ self-efficacy.In this research there will be a questionnaire which helps the researcher to find the learners whether they are field dependent or field independent learners.</text>
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                <text>Human beings live in an environment in which they encounter and learn new things in every second.They all learn but even if they look at the same thing, can they interpret it in the same way? The answer is certainly NO.All the people in the world think differently because they do not see the things from the same window so they all have different perspectives of thinking.It is certainly known that each person has a learning style .There are numberless kinds of styles but among  the most researched styles, there are fielddependence and field-independence. The field dependent individual’s perception is strongly dominated by the prevailing field. They are likely to use the structure or organization of the provided field.Field dependent individuals are drawn to people and liked to be with people(Kroutter,ND).Kroutter also mentioned that ‘Field independent individuals perceive items as more or less separate from the surrounding field.They are more likely to overcome the organization of the field or restructure it, when presented with a field having a dominant organization.Moreover Hall stated that Field-independent learners have been referred to as “analytical, competitive, individualistic, task oriented, internally  referent,  intrinsically  motivated,  hypothesis  testing,  selfstructuring and visually perceptive” (Hall, 2000, p. 5).Self-efficacy is a person’s belief in his or her ability to succeed in a particular situation. Bandura described these beliefs as determinants of how people think, behave, and feel (Bandura, 1994).In this paper,there will be literature review to grasp the topic deeply.Then,steps of developing methodology are given.Later, the data collection and the analysis of the data are discussed.The purpose of this research is to find whether there is a relationship between field-dependent (FD) and field independent (FI) learners’ self-efficacy.In this research there will be a questionnaire which helps the researcher to find the learners whether they are field dependent or field independent learners.</text>
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                <text>FIFTH GENERATION IN LANGUAGE PROGRAM EVALUATION:  TOWARDS TRANSPARENCY, NATION-BASED STANDARDS AND  VALUE-BASED EVALUATION</text>
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                <text>Öztürk, Gökhan
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                <text>Language program evaluation is one of the key elements of systematical language education. It may  focus on many different aspects of a language program such as curriculum design, classroom processes,  teachers and students. Throughout the history, language program evaluation has been dramatically affected  by the beliefs and approaches in education. The dominant and acknowledged theories and approaches in  general education and language teaching shaped the practices and implementation of language program  evaluation in specific eras. In the literature, theses eras are called as four generations (Guba and Lincoln,  1989) which have their own principles and characteristics related with the theories of that specific era. Based  on these four generations theory and current approaches in the literature, this paper theoretically discusses  what the fifth generation will bring to language program evaluation. First, the definition of related terms,  principles of four generations and their development were presented. On the basis of the drawbacks of these  generations, what language program evaluation currently needs and potentials of the fifth generation were  revealed in line with the current literature. Finally, the study put forward some potential implementations of  the fifth generation in language program evaluation.</text>
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                    <text>Journal of Economic and Social Studies

Fighting Poverty from the Street: Perspectives of Some Female
Informal Sector Workers on Gendered Poverty and Livelihood
Portfolios in Southern Ghana
Thomas Yeboah
Centre of Development Studies, University of Cambridge
United Kingdom
thomasgh32003@yahoo.co.uk
Lucy Owusu
Department of Geography and Rural Development, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science
and Technology,
Kumasi, Ghana
luci.owusu@gmail.com
Albert A. Arhin
Department of Geography, University of Cambridge,
United Kingdom
aaa72@cam.ac.uk
Emmanuel Kumi
School of Agriculture, Policy and Development, University of Reading,
United Kingdom
kumiandy3@gmail.com
Abstract: Over the last three decades or so, complex factors including the Keywords: Hawking;
implementation of neoliberal economic reforms has led to a decline in formal Gendered Poverty; Informal
sector employment in the Ghanaian economy. This together with increasing Sector; Surviving Strategies;
feminization of poverty has driven many, especially young women, to seek
Ghana.

livelihoods in the informal sector mainly as hawkers and head porters. Drawing
on qualitative interviews with approximately 40 urban poor women (aged 6-25
years), this paper reports the gendered aspects of poverty and the surviving
strategies of young women on urban streets. The cameos presented herein highlight
the experiences of poverty among street workers and how their livelihood portfolios
contribute to overcoming the poor socio-economic conditions facing them. The
paper shows that hawking and head portering significantly provides income for
upkeep of young women and their families through meeting consumption and
other needs. However, vulnerabilities manifested in unfavourable weather
conditions, vehicular dangers, exploitation from employers and customers often
due to lack of written work contracts are the major risks sturdily connected with
these surviving strategies. The paper concludes by arguing for policy interventions
such as subsidized credit schemes and organization of formal and informal forms
of capacity building for the urban street workers to enhance their livelihoods.

Volume 5 Number 1 Spring 2015

JEL Classification: I32, I14,

I31

Article History

Submitted: 15 November 2013
Resubmitted: 28 March 2014
Accepted: 7 May 2014

http://dx.doi.org/10.14706/JE
COSS11511
239

�Thomas Yeboah, Lucy Owusu, Albert A. Arhin, Emmanuel Kumi

Introduction
Over the past three decades or so, globalization and widespread economic
restructuring fuelled by the adoption and implementation of neoliberal economic
reforms have facilitated an increase in the growth of the informal employment sector
and has also changed the way people are connected to the formal labour market
(Bacchetta et al., 2009). At the same time, the world has witnessed increasing
political and resource attention to poverty reduction (which is seen as the primary
development objective of the century), particularly following the adoption of the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Much of the global efforts towards
poverty reduction are embedded in the market-based Structural Adjustment
Packages in the 1980s and the subsequent Poverty Reduction Strategy Programmes
in the early 2000s (Kumi et al., 2014). While private sector-led policy strategies of
the neoliberal thinking are making some modest strides in relation to economic
growth, the increasing emphasis of reduced role of government in directly creating
employments has contributed significantly to the growth of the informal economy of
several developing countries (Aryeetey et al., 2000; Bryceson and Pol8tts, 2006).
Ghana has a large informal sector which is said to constitute approximately 90% of
its over 7.7 million labour force (Clarke, 2005). This sector consists of varied
industries comprising enterprises which are normally categorized as small or medium
based on their asset base, number of employees and turnover (Aryeetey, 2008; OseiTutu et al., 2010). It has been observed that the implementation of structural
adjustment policies have marginalized the urban poor resulting from declines in
formal employment and provisions of subsidized social services, and the widening
wage gaps between skilled and unskilled employments (Konadu-Agyemang, 2000;
Briggs and Yeboah, 2001; Owusu, 2012).
Additionally, the production of agricultural in many rural economies has also been
impinged on by the neoliberal reforms as “the growing of export crops divert
subsidies, land and labour from traditional subsistence agriculture to the modernized
sector while opportunities for nonfarm employment has also decreased” (Briggs and
Yeboah, 2001:5). This has not only resulted in driving many urban women to seek
multiple and diverse sources of livelihood in the informal sector but has also led to
increasingly unceasing flows of young girls from rural areas who migrate with an
idealized vision of securing employment in the already choked informal sector in
urban areas (Charmes, 2011). A multiplicity of economic activities can be found in
the informal sector. In the Ghanaian context, participants of this sector are
240

Journal of Economic and Social Studies

�Fighting Poverty from the Street: Perspectives of Some Female Informal Sector Workers on
Gendered Poverty and Livelihood Portfolios in Southern Ghana

essentially low-skilled and are involved mainly in activities such as shoe mending,
hairdressing, photography, commercial pay phone services, barbering, mechanical
repairs, dressmaking, food preparation and sales, manufacturing and repair work
including garment, watch and clock repairs as well as hawking and head portering
(Heintz and Pickbourn, 2012). While street hawking and head portering as
components of the informal sector contribute immensely to the development of the
social and economic lives of people all over the world, systematic research exploring
ways through which they contribute to livelihood strategies for urban poor youth
remain very inadequate (Awumbila and Ardayfio-Schandorf, 2008; Oberhauser and
Yeboah, 2011). This study aims to address this knowledge gap.
This paper examines the gendered aspect of poverty and how hawking and head
portering, an informal sector activities serve as livelihoods for urban poor young
women in the streets of Kumasi, the second largest city in Ghana. In particular, the
paper pays attention to examining the poverty conditions of urban poor women
engaged in street hawking and how their livelihood portfolios and surviving
strategies contribute to overcoming household poverty. We draw mainly on
qualitative interviews with some 10 female head porters and 30 urban poor women
hawking to secure their basic needs. We make no claims of generalizability of our
data due to the small nature of our sample and as such the findings reported herein
should be interpreted with some caution. However, we are particularly interested in
learning from young women themselves how they understand and experience
poverty as well as how their livelihood portfolios contribute to overcoming the
gendered dimension of poverty in urban Ghana.
The next section presents a brief literature on head porters and hawkers in Ghana.
We then present our conceptual framework/model underpinning the study. This is
followed by the research methodology. The findings and discussions of the study
predominantly feature in section four while the last section concludes by
summarizing our main arguments and its broad policy ramifications for future
development.

Poverty, Street Hawking and Head Porterage in Ghana:
A Short Literature Review
Ghana is a tropical country located on the west coast of Africa. It has 10
administrative regions and 216 decentralized districts. According to the most
Volume 5 Number 1 Spring 2015

241

�Thomas Yeboah, Lucy Owusu, Albert A. Arhin, Emmanuel Kumi

recently held Population and Housing Census, in 2010 the country has a population
of 24.87 with females accounting for 51.2 per cent and 48.8 million being males.
The country is administered by a democratically elected executive president with an
elected parliament and independent judiciary. A map of Ghana showing the regional
boundaries is shown in figure 1.
Figure 1: Map of Ghana showing administrative regions. The blue area indicates
where the field aspect of the research was undertaken

242

Journal of Economic and Social Studies

�Fighting Poverty from the Street: Perspectives of Some Female Informal Sector Workers on
Gendered Poverty and Livelihood Portfolios in Southern Ghana

Ghana has made exciting progress in growth and poverty reduction in the last two
decades, and has met or has a chance of meeting the MDGs on income poverty and
education (Annim et al., 2012). The Ghana Living Standard Survey 5 report shows
that poverty rates in Ghana is falling, having fell from 52% in 1991/92 to 28.5% in
2005/06 while extreme poverty rates also fell from 36.5% to 18.2% during the same
period (GSS, 2008). It is further argued that between 2000 and 2006, the nation
had recorded a 90% rate of progress in halving the number of people subsisting on
less than US$1.25 per day (Coleman, 2012). Additionally, a significant
improvement in other non-income related MDG indicators such as gender equality,
education and access to safe water has also been recorded in the Nation (World
Bank, 2011), and in some quarters, Ghana has been labelled as the ‘star’ of Africa in
terms of poverty reduction and human development (Nicola et al., 2009).
This significant progress achieved in the country has partly been through various
(social) policy initiatives by the Government. Archetypal of these include the
National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS) established in 2003 which provides
equitable health insurance for all; the Education Capitation Grant (ECG), the
School Feeding Programme (SFP), the National Youth Employment Programme
(NYEP)1 which provides jobs for the unemployed and underemployed youth; and
the Livelihood Empowerment Against Poverty (LEAP) (Nicola et al., 2009).
However, a cursory look at these policy initiatives shows that the informal sector has
largely been sidelined in terms of benefitting from these Governments interventions.
As a result, about four of every ten Ghanaians, mostly in the informal sector, still
lived in poverty (GSS, 2000). Many of them are young women who work in micro
and small enterprises, or finding a survival income as hawkers in the informal
economy. Others are also engaged in the agricultural sector, mostly as food crop
farmers. Indeed, two-thirds of the working population outside agriculture is active in
the informal economy. Many are unremittingly poor, particularly women (ILO,
2004). Amuzu et al. (2010) aptly show that poverty and vulnerability in terms of
lack of opportunities in the formal sector and deprivation in Ghana has a gendered
dimension. Thus the incidence and severity of poverty in the country are higher
among females compared to their male counterparts. Many poor women in Ghana
lack access to productive resources and asset. Moreover, many also are confronted by
heavier time burden of going about their domestic activities while others have not
had the opportunity to complete formal Senior High School. Researchers such as
Ardayfio-Schandorf argues that feminization of poverty in the Ghanaian context is
rising having risen from 25.7% to 33% between 1960 and 2003 (ArdayfioVolume 5 Number 1 Spring 2015

243

�Thomas Yeboah, Lucy Owusu, Albert A. Arhin, Emmanuel Kumi

Schandorf, 2006 cited in Amuzu et al., 2010). Thus, it is right to argue that many
young women continue to experience the burden of poverty and vulnerability
especially female headed urban households in Ghana even though statistics indicate
gradual decline in the occurrence of poverty (GSS, 2008; Annim et al., 2012;
Coleman, 2012).
Over the past half century or so, street trade hawking and head portering have
emerged as surviving strategies for many youth especially in the era where there is
virtually little government support for many young women in terms of gaining
employment in the formal sector. Street hawking is primarily about selling retail
goods directly on busy city streets while the business of head (load) porterage
involves carrying goods of a customer on heads for a negotiated fee. Head porterage
is almost entirely practiced by young women and teenagers migrating from the
northern to the southern part of Ghana (Awumbila and Ardayfio-Schandorf, 2008).
While hawking and head porterage are distinct and separate economic activities, it is
largely the informal nature of them and frequent engagement with the street that
connect the two businesses (Anarfi and Kwankye, 2005). In this study, we have used
street hawking and head porters interchangeably due to the fact that large number of
the children spoken to also worked as head porters. Usually, it is the economically
active youth and in many cases children who move from rural areas to urban areas to
engage mostly as hawkers and head porters. For many, these activities provide a
source of livelihood as well as opportunities to supplement their families' income
although their activities are often done in the most hazardous circumstances.
While a number of factors such as minimal role of government in directly creating
employment, the lack of employable skills and rural-urban migration have been
identified as the causes of both street hawking and head porterage (Aryeetey et al.,
2000; Boafo-Asare, 2010), poverty is seen as the fundamental driving cause (Anarfi
et al., 2003; Awumbila and Ardayfio-Schanorf, 2008). The gendered nature of street
hawking and head porterage has been marginally explored by some researchers (e.g.
Mitullah, 2005; Awumbila and Ardayfio-Schandorf, 2008). In one comparative
study, Mitullah (2005) finds that, the majority of street hawkers are women made up
of all marital status groups – the married, single, widowed and divorced.
Head (load) porterage is almost exclusively reserved for girls, although the recent
times have seen boys/men briskly engaging in it. While both men and women are
involved in the activities of street hawking, men tend to join street hawking while
young and leave early for other jobs, women join the street trade later in life and
244

Journal of Economic and Social Studies

�Fighting Poverty from the Street: Perspectives of Some Female Informal Sector Workers on
Gendered Poverty and Livelihood Portfolios in Southern Ghana

continue. Of course, children of both sexes are now increasingly engaged in both
economic activities. In one extensive study, Anarfi (1997) found that more than a
third (36%) of street children was involved in street hawking. These children often
migrate independently to urban centres for street hawking or begin as hawkers for
other people including relatives and thereafter decide to remain on the street to take
care of themselves when they could no longer live on the wages paid to them by
those they worked for. At present, several city authorities in Ghana including the
Accra and Kumasi Metropolitan Assemblies are investing huge resources in evicting
street hawkers in particular from the street on the ground that they cause danger,
traffic, and obstruction to pedestrians and motorists alike. Whether these eviction
exercises will be effective and their implications on poverty are now gaining
considerable research attention (Boafo-Asare, 2011), and thus remain outside the
scope of this research. In this study, our emphasis has been on highlighting the
experiences of poverty among street workers as well as how their livelihood portfolios
contribute to overcoming the poor socio-economic conditions facing them.
Conceptual Framework for the Study
Our framework for understanding the poverty conditions and livelihood activities of
head porters and hawkers dwell largely on the concept of multi-dimensionality of
poverty and the reasons adduced for how peoples participation/engagement in
informal work remain an effective strategy in reducing poverty levels. Broadly
conceived, poverty - from a macroeconomic policy perspective - has conventionally
been measured mainly in terms of income and consumption dimensions with
poverty threshold indicators, such as living on less than $1.25 a day (Kiely, 2005),
which have been widely used to define who is poor and who is not as there is a
presumed high correlation between income and other measures of human wellbeing
such as health status and educational outcomes (White, 2008). This approach is
deeply rooted in classical economics of utilitarianism, which conceptualizes poverty
primarily in monetary terms and views less productivity and low economic growth as
the main structural cause of poverty. This tradition views the causes of poverty from
an individual and micro level perspective, arguing that the most influential factor in
producing poverty in many economies is low productive capacity of people which
results in low income and consumption - and hence low economic growth. However
this approach fails to capture other elements of human wellbeing and thus have
received criticisms in explaining the nature, causes and extent of people’s poverty.
Indeed poor people may not always use income in conveying what poverty actually
means to them. Gordon et al (2003) for instance argue that setting an arbitrary
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income threshold is somehow untenable and would lead to erroneous policy
conclusions due to the fact that the extent of people’s poverty is not just dependent
on income but also on the provision of certain important services, such as health,
education, sanitation and vulnerability to shocks.
A new approach which embraces diverse aspect of human wellbeing has therefore
emerged. For instance recent World Bank work on the voices of the poor together
with Sen’s philosophical works on capability approach in particular have
unequivocally broadened our understanding of poverty and as such poverty has been
recognized as a multidimensional phenomenon (Sen, 1999). Poverty in its broader
sense is now conceptualized in terms of vulnerability, participation, limited
economic opportunities and resources, assets, social exclusion and discrimination
(Nayaran et al., 2000; Brett, 2003). Poverty is therefore not just an issue of living on
less than $1.25 a day but in broader sense reflects lack of access to public goods and
services including social security and good health; non-ownership of housing or
other assets; little or no education and training; and lack of free time for educational
activities, recreation and rest (Arriagada, 2005). Sen (1999) for instance makes the
point that, poverty is a multidimensional concept describing not just low income
and consumption but deprivation of basic human capabilities, resulting in poor
health, reduced life expectancy, illiteracy and inadequate access to material and nonmaterial social goods and resources which contribute to improved well-being. This
study relied extensively on the multi-dimensional poverty concept which focuses on
several dimensions of wellbeing to assess the poverty conditions of the head porters
on the streets of Ghana. By this approach, poverty level of people is seen not just in a
uni-dimensional manner of income but the combined effect of the political,
environmental, social and economic elements (Nayaran et al, 2000).
With respect to reducing the poverty conditions of marginalized groups,
participation in informal sector work as been ‘recognized as an effective strategy
which helps people gain improvement in their living status especially in the era of
neoliberalism which has reduced the role that Government could play in providing
formal employment for the youth . The theoretical justification for marginalized
people especially women participation in informal work is embedded in works of
structuralism. Structuralist thinkers argue that people’s participation in informal
work is central to appreciating vibrant and diverse forms of economic activities
(Debrah, 2007). Participation of women in informal work has also been noted to
promote entrepreneurial dynamism that has the latent power to generate
employment and economic growth as well as income for these groups in meeting
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their basic needs (Debrah, 2007).Thus, from this perspective, the marginalized
population needs to be empowered through substantial investment and training for
them to engaged in activities in the informal sector in order to engineer growth and
development. The paper dwell on this view to ascertain the extent to which females’
participation in the informal sector work particularly hawking and head portering is
contributing to improving the difficult socio-economic circumstances that confronts
them.
Data and Research Methods
The qualitative methods and design was used in conducting this research. According
to Sarantakos (2005), the central principles of the qualitative methodology include
the fact that its aims are open and explorative; it involves communication between
researchers and respondents and its flexibility with regard to choice of research
instruments and procedures. The qualitative research methodology is based on
certain research foundations and these are: its perception of reality as existing in a
naturalist setting, and its interpretive, communicative and qualitative nature
(Cresswell, 2006; Denzin and Lincoln, 2005). Creswell (2006) further opines that
the focus of qualitative research is based on deriving the meaning participants hold
about a problem or issue, not what the researchers bring to the research, nor what
writers have concluded in the literature. We employed the qualitative design and
methods based on our research aims to understand how head porters and hawkers
perceive and experience poverty as well as how their livelihood portfolios contribute
to overcoming their difficult circumstances. Our aim for conducting interviews was
basically to learn from our respondent’s concerning their perceptions about their
realities on the street rather than establishing statistical evidence and causal relations
(Bryman, 2008; Creswell, 2006; Sarantakos, 2005).
Sarantakos (2005) argues that qualitative research mostly employ semi-structured
and unstructured interviews during data collection. In this way, an in-depth semi
structured interviews technique was used largely in collecting the data from some 30
female street hawkers who were engaged in selling all sorts of items, including ice
water, polythene bags and a range of food stuffs for a period of two (2) months in
Kumasi in 2012. Additionally, our sample included 10 head porters (Kayeyei1) who
carried all sort of items on their heads for people who come to do shopping in the
Central Business District of Kumasi. Participants were drawn from Kejetia, Anloga
Junction, Osei Tutu Bolivad Street and Ofori Krom Junction. Indeed, researching
the lives of urban street trade hawkers and head porters may be difficult, resource
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demanding and challenging exercise given the busy schedule of these groups who
mostly go about their normal business especially during the day. As a result, initial
agreement was made with the respondents which allowed us to carry the interviews
in the evenings around 5-7pm when most of them are closing from work. Data
collected covered the demographic characteristics of the respondents such as their
age, educational attainment, gender and ethnicity. The meanings and experience of
poverty by these young women together with how their surviving strategies serve as a
means to improving their living conditions were also covered in the data collection.
Lastly challenges associated with street workers were also collected. Transcripts from
the in-depth interviews and field notes were coded and analyzed qualitatively,
supported with the quantitative data which were inputted into the Statistical Product
and Service Solutions (SPSS) Statistics 20.0. This enabled us to generate percentages
for some of the variables. At the same time, content analysis was used to group,
compare and examine findings through positioning the results in the lens of similar
works conducted in the Ghanaian context.
Gendered Poverty and Livelihood Portfolios of Urban Poor Women:
Experience of Street Hawkers
This section presents the results of the study based on field work conducted with
participants and drawing on the relevant scholarly works on street workers in Ghana.
First the analysis looks into the demographic characteristics of the respondents. We
then move on to present the young women’s understanding and experience of
poverty and how their surviving strategies and livelihood portfolios contribute to
overcoming the poor socio-economic conditions that confronts them. We conclude
by outlining policy suggestions from Government and other non-state actors for
street trade hawkers and head porters in reducing poverty.
Demographic Characteristics of Respondents
The demographic characteristics of the respondents covered in the survey included
their age, ethnicity, gender and educational attainment. In terms of age, the
respondents sampled aged between 6 to 25 years with majority (42.9%) falling
within the age group of 6-18years. This high proportion of respondents in the age
category of 6-18 years highlights the youthful nature of people engaged in hawking
and head portering. It is important to draw attention to the fact that our sample
covered a 6year old girl who was found selling water to support household income.
The six year old Maame Ama explained:
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„My mother sent me here to come and sell water so that she can use
the money to buy my school books and pencil. I come here only after
school. Sometimes when I get home in the evening, I feel so tired
that I cannot study and do my homework”.
The above narrative from Maame Ama suggests that selling on the street may offer a
means for her mother to get money to provide for her educational needs. However,
such a decision to push young girls at that tender age to sell on busy urban streets
may be exploitative on the part of parents and may also have negative implications
on the education and academic performance of children. Additionally, she may be at
the risks of vehicular accidents as the streets in the Central Business District in
Kumasi always remain busy especially during the day. Another important
demographic variable of the respondents is their ethnicity. The ethnicity of the
respondents is essential, as it serves as a social indicator of the regional inequities that
espouse outmigration from remote areas, especially in the Northern Regions
(Oberhauser and Yeboah, 2011).
Almost all the participants surveyed in this study with the exception of about 5
young women, were from the northern parts of Ghana. These young females had
migrated from the Northern Regions to Kumasi with the aim of finding a survival
strategy given the lack of economic prospects and the inability of their relatives to
cater for their school needs which made them dropout of school. Thus the ethnicity
covered in the study includes Dagomba, Sisala, Gonja and Mamprusi. Indeed, street
hawking and kayayei in Southern urban Ghana, precisely Kumasi and Accra has
been reported as an occupational niche for females who migrate from the North to
the South (Awumbila, 2007). Gender wise, our focus was on young women. Thus,
our survey covered 69% females with the remaining 31% being males. Earlier
research had shown that hawking and pottering in Ghana is predominantly a female
occupation (Oberhauser and Yeboah, 2011).
In terms of education, none of respondents sampled had attained education up to
the secondary level. They were all either primary school goers or drop outs from
school. In one study by Awumbila and Ardayfio-Schandorf (2008), it was reported
that among street hawkers and porters in Accra, a total of 61% have not had any
formal education, 35% have had Primary education while only 5% have attained
Junior Secondary School education.

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The lack of higher formal educational attainment among these marginalized groups
is largely attributed to lack of financial resources and account for the increasingly
unceasing flows of young females from rural Northern Ghana to the South to seek
multiples sources of livelihoods in the informal sector in the face of declining
agricultural and agricultural- related employment in the northern parts of the
country.
Poverty: Understanding its Dimensions and Experiences from Young Women’s
Perspective
Our survey on how street trade hawkers and porters understand and experience
poverty points to four main issues. Thus, low income from work, lack of access to
productive resources and decent economic opportunities, vulnerability to diseases
and the lack of access to and utilization of health facilities (social exclusion) are the
main dynamics of poverty as indicated by the young women during our field work.
To begin with, the hawking and head portering business as a means of livelihood for
the young females does not require much skill or any huge capital outlay to start.
However, some of our respondents (4 young women) who were selling various food
items argued to have started their business through bank loans from microfinance
institutions. Notwithstanding the little resources needed to commence their
activities, it was discovered that low income from work seems to be a common
experience among all the street trade workers. Indeed, many of the activities
undertaken by young women in the informal sector such as head portering, selling of
items and working in shops/restaurants continue to attract low and irregular income
(Awumbila, 2007). As illustrated by Kwankye et al. (2007a), poverty among street
trade hawkers manifest in low earnings from work which does affect the capacity of
these young women to cater for their basic needs. Our survey indicates that, per the
experience of poverty among these poor young women, a minimum threshold of
US$1.25 is woefully inadequate for them to be considered not poor.
Similar situation has been recorded by earlier researchers. In their study of
reproductive health implications of street hawking in Accra, Kwankye et al. (2007a)
sought from hawkers the amount they considered to be adequate for them to meet
their basic daily basic needs. Their results point out that more than half of the female
hawkers in Ghana suggested an amount ranging between GH¢1.8- GH¢8.66
(US$0.91-US$4.33) to be their daily required income in order for them to meet
their basic needs. This conflicts with normative understanding of what would be
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needed in order to classify one as non-poor as demonstrated in the global hegemonic
project. As noted already, mainstream understanding as seen in the MDGs set $1.25
per day as the absolute poverty line. However, from the perspective of the hawkers
and porters, this amount remains woefully inadequate. Thus, income poverty from
these young women perspective and their experience ‘2transcends the international
poverty line of $1.25 a day. This may largely be attributed to the context specificity
with regards to the living circumstances. Beyond this, there were concerns about
irregularity of income earned from work. In our in-depth, interview a 15-year old
Mamuna professed:
“I come here always to sell rubbers. This economic activity I am doing is
nothing to write home about. On a very good day I get about GH¢12
(US$5.6). On bad days I get just GH¢1 (US$0.46) and sometimes I do not
get any while I walk under this scorching sun. Meanwhile, what I am doing is
not my own business; I only get more income (commission) from my Madam
if I am able to sell more. My income from this work shows that I am poor.
The government must come to our help”.
The above statement from Mamuna does not only highlight the difficulty associated
with her source of income but more importantly how irregular her income source
could be from her livelihood. Indeed, many of the hawkers in the Metropolis
sampled mostly do not own what they sell. Many have largely been employed by
people who own big supermarkets in the Metropolis and thus get commission from
their employers based on how well they are able to sell for these supermarkets. Those
hired by shop owners also undertake task such as running errands, cleaning and
washing dishes as well as refilling shelves (Oberhauser and Yeboah, 2011).
Consequently aside the 4 women who indicated to have started the business through
loans suggesting that they own their business, the remaining were employees
working for supermarkets. Inability to sell much on the day means that they get little
income from their employers. It is imperative however to note that working
relationship between these hawkers and their employers is seen as healthy and cordial
(Berg, 2007). Moreover, the head porters also argued that in recent times, they find
it difficult to get loads to carry, thus, limiting the opportunity for them to earn
higher income. A 15 year old who migrated from Northern Ghana to pursue head
portering had this to say during a focus group discussion:
“Nowadays, business is not good. Sometimes I do not get any load to carry.
This forces me to borrow money from my friends to buy food”. Worryingly,
daily earnings are mostly spent on basic necessities, such as food, sanitary
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facilities and water with little left for savings (Berg, 2007). In effect, low and
irregular income from hawking and portering as experienced by our survey
participants is a major dimension of poverty strongly associated with young
women working in the informal sector”.
At the same time, the experiences of poverty among female informal sector hawkers
evident from our interviews indicate that lack of access to resources and decent
economic opportunities remain a key dimension. Indeed, in many contexts,
“gendered inequality manifested in unequal distribution of economic resources and
power at the intra-household levels are key factors which do push and keep
households especially female headed ones in poverty” (Amuzu et al., 2010:20).
Interview data suggest that lack of formal, decent and sustainable employment
opportunities remain elusive to these poverty-stricken young females. Their
exclusion from gaining decent employment has undeniably pushed them to resort to
hawking and head portering. Reasons cited by the participants of this study for the
lack of decent employment opportunities included their low educational attainment
(drop out from school), lack of employable skills and generally, the lack of
Government support in creating industries in the formal economy which could have
absorbed them.
In Ghana, the major Government initiative providing economic opportunities for
young people has largely been exprel2ssed through the National Youth Employment
Programme (NYEP), which seeks to provide jobs for underemployed and
unemployed youth. There is ample justification for focusing on the youth given the
high youth unemployment rates in the country, which drives migration of young
people from rural areas to Southern cities in search of non-existing jobs (World
Bank, 2011). However, given the low level of educational attainment and drop out
among these young street trade hawkers and porters, it could be argued that the
NYEP largely discriminate against these poorer young women on the street as the
programme employs young people with at least Junior Secondary School education
(World Bank, 2011). Additionally, the lack of the access to resources has been linked
to inequality and socio-cultural practices, as females by the standards of the
Ghanaian society are mostly limited when it comes to owning productive resources.
This differential access to resources has resulted in the females facing heavy burdens
and stressful socio-economic conditions (Oberhauser and Yeboah, 2011).
Added to the lack of resources and economic opportunities, our survey results
indicate that vulnerability to diseases and the lack of access to and utilization of
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health services is another pathway in which young women working in the informal
sector experience poverty. In fact, the youth and mobile populations especially those
working as hawkers and porters are considered at higher risk of becoming infected
with sicknesses (Garenne, 2003:17). Almost all of our survey participants argued
that, the high levels of susceptibility to diseases considerably represent a major
dimension of their vulnerability. The major health problems facing the head porters
and street trade hawkers include malaria, headache, diarrhea and cholera. This is
attributed to the tedious nature of their work and the insanitary living conditions in
which many of them find themselves.
Despite the high propensity to falling sick and exposure to risks due to their living
conditions, the majority of these hawkers and porters do not take proper medication.
In Ghana, the major health intervention initiated by the Government to ensure
adequate access to and utilization of health service is the (NHIS). The purpose for
implementing the scheme is for the government to cater for health treatment of the
aged, the poor as well as children of parents who both subscribe to the scheme
(Arhin, 2013). However per the operations of the scheme, , as dependent minors,
many of these young porters and hawkers are supposed to be insured by their parents
as there is fixed charge of GH¢ 5 (US$2.28) for processing and registration.
Unfortunately, most of them stated that their parents are poor and thus have not
been able to afford initial charge. This suggests that these young females cannot be
covered under the NHIS as their parents’ have failed to provide the amount needed
for processing their registration. This means that, they have to be registered on their
own and have failed to register. Information elicited indicates that, through the
financial assistance of Street Children Development Foundation (SCDF), which is a
non-governmental organization; about 3000 head porters in the study area have been
registered under the NHIS. Though this initiative is commendable, a lot still needs
to be done considering the current estimate of over 30,000 street trade hawkers and
porters in Southern Ghana (UNICEF, 2007). Moreover, even those porter girls who
have been registered under the NHIS may not be able to utilize public health
services. The reason for this could be summed up in a comment by a 14 year head
porter, Zenabu:
“I am privileged to have been registered under the NHIS by the SCDF.
However I receive little attention from health personnel’s when I visit the
hospital for treatment when sick because the nurses don’t look after me since
they say I am wearing dirty dress”.

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The above comment highlights some important issues that need careful scrutiny.
First it suggests that aside the high propensity of falling sick as a dimension of
poverty, many of these young women experience exclusion from mainstream society
demonstrated in the lack of attention on the part of health personnel’s who are
supposed to rather provide protection and security for these young ones. This in
effect may reinforce their feeling of powerlessness and ruling out from society.
Indeed ‘‘poverty is gendered in its predisposing factors, processes and impact and
that the ways in which young women experience poverty are related to their position
and situation in society’’ (Awumbila, 2006:17). Additionally, the lack of proper
attention from health personnel’s when these young porters visit hospital could make
them resort to self-medication. Certainly, Kwankye et al. (2007b) have reported that
self-diagnosis and self-medication seem to be commonplace among these young
women on the street, often relying on friends who have suffered similar symptoms
beforehand. Thus, when the porters and hawkers visit the local chemist, they have
already determined what they want, and buy the drugs over the counter from shop
attendants, who may not ask any questions. Such practices may further complicate
the health situation of these hawkers and porters and push them into ever poorer
health; most of them seem to be unaware of the implications of this or indifferent to
what happens to them.
Overall, it could be argued that poverty among these poor youth hawking and
carrying various loads on their heads is a visible condition with manifold
manifestations as evident in diverse aspects of their socio-economic circumstances.
Nonetheless, generalizing these dimensions of poverty for all informal sector workers
would be simplistic, insufficient and problematic. Indeed, the association between
poverty and informal sector workers does not hold uniformly across space. This is
because the self-employed, particularly micro-enterprise owners, are found to have
average earnings far above the minimum wage, allowing an inference, a lower
likelihood of poverty among such people (Charmes, 2012). Consequently, in many
cases, it might be incorrect to claim that the various dimensions of poverty reported
by the porters and hawkers in our study are the defining characteristic of the whole
informal sector. Nevertheless, the experiences reported herein have far wider
implications for social protection and poverty reduction strategies.
Surviving Strategies and Poverty Reduction

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The preceding discussions have highlighted the various dimensions of poverty
experienced by young people, finding a survival strategy in urban highways of
Ghana. This section presents how the livelihood portfolios of these young people
contribute to overcoming their poverty conditions and the difficulty circumstances
that confront them. We also highlight the difficulties associated with their surviving
strategies. As noted already, the activities undertaken by porters and hawkers require
little or no capital to begin. Field observations revealed a considerable degree of the
organization of the work undertaken by the street trade workers. Many have adopted
the strategy of moving in groups, often providing information on available
opportunities for their acquaintances while ensuring that there is no struggle among
them in the quest to get a load to carry (Oberhauser and Yeboah, 2011).
Undeniably, many of the street trade workers often do not operate in haphazard
manner but in well-defined spaces, largely based on ethnicity (Awumbila and
Ardayfio-Schandorf, 2008). This confirms the assertion that the livelihoods
portfolios of urban poor street workers are often embedded in social relationships
although searching for load to carry is done independently (Berg, 2007). Thus, in
their day to day work, ethnic spaces have been developed among specific ethnic
groups, serving as a mechanism to avoid any potential conflict. However, not much
recognition is given by the porters regarding the load they carry. Thus, in the quest
to earn more income, many of these young women give very little or no
consideration to their age but take on loads according to their perceived ability to
carry the load. The activity undertaken by our participants show considerable gender
variations. While the males are able to do multiple sources of activities, females were
only confined to transporting goods from shops to lorry stations for customers. Aside
carrying loads with trucks, males are also engaged in other activities such as serving
as shop assistants, working in restaurants, washing dishes and selling of goods such as
coconut and various assorted items. In effect, the activities undertaken by street trade
workers is highly gendered with males involved in the remunerative loads while their
female counterparts are mostly limited to carrying smaller loads of petty traders and
travellers which attract little pay (Awumbila and Ardayfio-Schandorf, 2008). The
gendered disparities with males carrying heavier loads and engaging in multiple
activities compared to their female counterparts may be attributed to the strong
physical strength of the males.
As a way of contributing to poverty reduction and the difficulties confronting the
urban poor, particularly the females, hawking and portering serve as a means of
earning income. Our survey indicate that, on a very good day, porters and hawkers
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could earn on the average between GH¢20-40 (US$9.11-US$18.21). However, in
bad times, some earn absolutely nothing and had to rely on acquaintances in order
to meet daily basic needs such as buying food and water, an indication that earnings
fluctuate with the fortunes of the markets and clients. Moreover, earnings also differ
with respect to gender. Oberhauser and Yeboah (2011) argue that income
distribution among street trade hawkers and porters are gendered as males are able to
earn higher income compared to their female counterparts. They show that on the
average, females earn between GH¢15–105 (US$6.83-US$47.81) weekly whereas
the males earn GH¢86–145 (US$39.16-US$66.02) per week. Similar situation has
been documented by other scholars. In their study of gendered poverty, migration
and livelihood strategies of female porters in Accra- Ghana, Awumbila and ArdayfioSchandorf (2008) found that males earn on the average GH¢3 per day (US$1.37)
compared to GH¢1-2 (US$0.46-0.91) for the females. “The multiplicity of work by
males, together with their ability to enter into long-term arrangements with clients as
well as the ability to transport higher volume of goods more efficiently; and therefore
serving more clients mainly account for the gender differences in earnings”
(Oberhauser and Yeboah, 2011:31). Gender differences in earnings has also been
linked to the higher bargaining power and capability of the male workers who are
able to bicker payments for the services they render depending on the size and
weight of the load and distance to be covered. For the females, payment mostly
depend on the kind heartedness of clients who pay any amount they consider
suitable (Awumbila and Ardayfio-Schandorf, 2008). This reinforces the
argumentation of Beneria (2003), who forcefully maintains that societal perceptions
regarding females working in the unrecognised informal sector as ready to settle for
any payment for their services often contribute to their exploitation and social
exclusion in society.
Notwithstanding the gendered disparities in terms of earnings, overall, income
earned from the various activities contribute significantly to reducing the poverty
conditions among street workers and their household. Earnings from low paid
onerous work help to meeting basic needs. While there were complains of lack of
decent sleeping places, it was discovered that food to eat was not a major issue. Many
have even adopted the strategy of eating once or twice in order to be able to save
from their earnings. Thus, we discovered that hawking and portering serve as means
of contributing to household income in supporting other relatives. Significantly too,
the porters who are migrants from the relatively poorer Northern Regions argued to
occasionally send remittances and other items to their families up North.
Participatory and much anecdotal evidence shows that some especially the males are
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able to remit in kind and send items such as imported rice, soap and other
household provisions to their families up North (Anarfi and Kwankye, 2005). The
means through which the porters send these items are basically through relations and
other fellow migrants who are going back. Sewing machine, clothes, utensils among
other things were the material possessions that have been acquired by the hawkers
and porters through income from their work. Some have also been able to open
micro- businesses such as selling drinks, food stuffs and home appliances.
Additionally, while some are not able to save any earnings, others manage to save
some part of their earnings with the SCDF. In an interview, the director of SCDF
argued that about 4000 porter girls were saving some part of their earnings with the
foundation at the time of the survey. There is no interest charge for rendering this
service to the porters. This informal system through which these young females save
their earnings offer the merit of low transaction cost, little bureaucracy and paper
works, no interest charge and the flexibility to adjust and ability to get their savings
back in times of difficult financial situation compared to the formal banking systems
which may require some level of financial literacy (Berg, 2007). This informal system
of saving some part of their earnings afforded the porter girls the opportunity to gain
access to their money when confronted with any extremely difficult situation when
they could receive no assistance from anywhere. It has also afforded many the
opportunities to buy material possessions which cost relatively higher such as the
sewing machine.
Overall, our findings suggest that hawking and portering significantly serve as an
important livelihood strategy (employment and income) engaged by the urban poor
particularly females especially in the era of neoliberal economic reforms which has
largely limited the possibility for young people to gain employment in the formal
sector. Thus, many through hawking and portering continually, are able to meet
their consumption needs, acquire material possessions while others have also moved
beyond into micro enterprise development, thus directly improving household
welfare. Additionally, a good number of porters who migrated from the rural
savannah zones to the Southern cities, sometimes without the knowledge of their
familial relations, have been able to acquire the needed financial resources in
preparation towards their marriage life and transition into adulthood (Kwankye et
al., 2007b).
Notwithstanding the potential role of these activities in contributing to overcoming
poverty, several factors were identified which serve as great deal of challenge for the
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porters and hawkers. Vehicular dangers, insult and cheating from pedestrians and
difficulties associated with the vagaries of the weather were mentioned as particularly
important factors facing hawkers and porters while going about their activities on the
streets. Of particular relevance is the insult and robbery from customers. It was
discovered that many of the porters who carry load are given amounts that do not
commensurate the load they carry and any attempt to express their dissatisfaction in
their own language is often misconstrued as insult, which attract reproach, insult and
intimidation. Indeed, head porters and street trade hawkers are liable to face
discourteous treatment and insults from customers to whom they render services
(Kwankye et al., 2007b). The conflicts, disagreements and quarrels between the
porters and their customers is mainly attributed to the lack of clarity surrounding
fees charged for carrying loads (Awumbila, 2006). In this way, the lack of standards
for hawkers and porters to rate their services in monetary terms and non-existing
‘formal structures that protects their livelihoods contributes to their vulnerability in
today’s broadening marketization’ (Oberhauser and Yeboah, 2011:33). Moreover,
extremely hot sunny conditions that they are exposed to, causes severe headache
among these porters and hawkers who work for more than eighteen (18) hours
under the scourging sun. In the evident of rainfall, especially at night, the porters
were seen helpless as they do not have decent accommodation. These complexities
with regards to the difficulties confronting the livelihood portfolios of young people
on the street (hawker and porters) point to urgent policy responses. The next section
sums up the study and proposes a set of policy options.
Conclusion and Implications for Poverty Reduction
Our study on the gendered aspect of poverty and livelihood portfolios in Ghana has
shown the interlocking dimensions of poverty experienced by young women and
how their surviving strategies contribute to overcoming poverty. Growing body of
research has shown that economic restructuring following the neoliberal economic
reforms and socio-cultural practices largely account for pushing many of these folks
to find their livelihoods on urban highways due to their limited access to resources,
productive assets and sustainable employment in the formal sector (Oberhauser and
Yeboah, 2011).
Poverty reduction strategies have become the cardinal policy focus for several
countries including Ghana in recent times. Although poverty is now recognized in
many quarters to have a multiple dimensions policy prescription and strategies are
still firmly rooted in the idea of money-metric $1.25 a day aspect of it. One of the
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Gendered Poverty and Livelihood Portfolios in Southern Ghana

consistent measures to track progress on poverty reduction in the wake of the
Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) has been the ability of countries to reduce
the number of people living on less than two dollars a day. By 2010, Ghana was
already a 'star performer' as far as achieving the MDGs goal on poverty reduction
were concerned as, ahead of the target date of 2015, the country was able to have
reduced the number of its population living on $2 a day from 52% in 1991/92 to
28.5% in 2005/06 while extreme poverty rates of those living on about a dollar also
fell from 36.5% to 18.2% during the same period (Ghana Statistical Service, 2008;
UNDP Ghana and NDPC/GOG 2010; 2012). Yet, as this study shows, poverty has
different dimensions which need to be factored into the determination of the
progress of poverty reduction effort.
Our study therefore contributes to the growing body of research emphasizing the
multi-dimensionality of poverty (Sen, 1999; Anand &amp; Sen, 1997; Nnarayan et al,
2000). The paper demonstrates that poverty is therefore not just an issue of living on
less than $1.25 a day but in broader sense reflects lack of access to public goods and
services including social security and good health; non-ownership of assets and little
or no education, susceptibility to diseases and social exclusion of the marginalized
populations. While income is very important for poor people, it is not the sole
determinant to enable them enjoy wellbeing and quality of life. Issues such as access
to public goods and resources, creation of opportunities for participation in
productive ventures are all determinants of poverty.
Thus, poverty has many facets with multiple manifestations, often revolving around
living circumstances and situations. While portering and hawking provide income in
meeting consumption and other material needs, it cannot serve as a sustainable
means of livelihood given the fluctuations in earnings and the various identified
challenges associated with it. We also take note of the fact that, a huge number of
people are involved in the hawking and portering businesses thus attempts to bar
them from engaging in such activities will be counter-productive. In view of this,
the following set of policy options are being proposed in efforts towards improving
the situation of street trade workers.
First, this paper adds voice to the calls for more gender-based policies and
programmes in livelihood development through the provision of decent and
sustainable employment programmes. Government, NGOs and other stakeholders
whose mission are consistent with the welfare of the urban poor could come to the
aid of these young women by providing decent employment especially in the area of
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micro enterprise development. This must be complemented with practical trainings
and capacity building programmes which will enable these young people the
opportunity to manage their own micro enterprises. Additionally, the Ministry of
Women and Children Affairs in Ghana could team up with human right-based
NGOs in providing healthcare and safety nets for these young people. Moreover,
these agencies could make their offices open or could possibly establish an accessible
centre where these young women could seek advice and report any abusive and
exploitative act that confronts them.
At the same time, Government could come to the aid of the growing number of
hawkers, organize them and provide them with subsidized micro loans in order to
help them expand their livelihood portfolios while others could also diversify into
more stable income earning activities. There are schemes such as the Micro-finance
and Small Loans Centre (MASLOC) and the Hawkers Empowerment Programme,
which basically aim at equipping hawkers, head porters and food vendors with skills
and start-up capital and to better improve their standards of living and to properly
engage them in some economic activity that adds value to the nation needs. Such
schemes need to be revitalized and scaled up to reach the throngs of young people
finding their livelihoods on urban highways. Of fundamental to the solution of street
hawking also lies in the expansion of access to education, skills development and the
need to bridge the rural-urban divide which serve as a primary motivation for
migration of young people from rural to urban streets. While our recommendations
are not necessarily new, we are of the view that they will be accorded with the
urgency and the attention they deserve by the respective Authorities mandated to do
so.
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i Kayayei (Sing. Kayayoo) is the local term for a female porter or bearer from Ghana, and is a
person who carries objects for others. The term can be broken down into two words, Kaya,
meaning load/luggage/goods in Hausa language, and Yei, meaning women/females in Ga
language, as the role is almost exclusively carried out by females.
Ii NYEP is now known as the Ghana Youth Employment and Entrepreneurial Development
Agency (GYEEDA).

Appendix 1: SURVEY/CHECKLIST ON UNDERSTANDING OF
POVERTY, ITS EXPERIENCE AND SURVIVING STRATEGIES AMONG
HEAD PORTERS IN GHANA
This is an interview guide scheduled to assess the perceptions, understanding, causes
and experience of poverty as well as how the surviving strategies of head porters and
hawkers working in the informal sector contribute to overcoming their poverty
conditions in Kumasi, Ghana. The researcher would be very grateful if you could
provide answers to these questions. All information given shall be treated
confidentially.
Part One: Demographic Characteristics of Respondents
1. Sex (a) Male (b) Female
2. Name of
respondent.......................................................................................
3. Age of
respondents.........................................................................................
4. Educational level (a) Primary (b) JHS (c) Drop out d) No formal
education
5. Where do you come from? a) Northern region b) Upper east c) Upper
west (d) other
Part two: Understanding of poverty and its experience among informal workers
6. What is your understanding of the term poverty?
7. Based on your living situation, how would you rank living conditions?
a) Very poor
(b) poor (c) non-poor
(d) rich
8. Can you explain the reason for your answer?
9. How does poverty manifest in your life?
10. What are the various difficulties facing you here?
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Gendered Poverty and Livelihood Portfolios in Southern Ghana

11. What has accounted for your poor living situation?
Part three: Surviving strategies and livelihood activities
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.

What kinds of activities are you involved in here?
How long have you been hawking here?
How many hours do you spend on the street daily?
On the average, how much money are you able to make in a day?
In what ways do your activities contribute to improving your living
circumstances?
17. How does the activities you do help you and your family?
18. What are the major challenges facing you here while hawking?
19. What do you think should be done to improve upon your business?

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�</text>
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                <text>Over the last three decades or so, complex factors including the implementation of neoliberal economic reforms has led to a decline in formal sector employment in the Ghanaian economy. This together with increasing feminization of poverty has driven many, especially young women, to seek livelihoods in the informal sector mainly as hawkers and head porters. Drawing on qualitative interviews with approximately 40 urban poor women (aged 6-25 years), this paper reports the gendered aspects of poverty and the surviving strategies of young women on urban streets. The cameos presented herein highlight the experiences of poverty among street workers and how their livelihood portfolios contribute to overcoming the poor socio-economic conditions facing them. The paper shows that hawking and head portering significantly provides income for upkeep of young women and their families through meeting consumption and other needs. However, vulnerabilities manifested in unfavourable weather conditions, vehicular dangers, exploitation from employers and customers often due to lack of written work contracts are the major risks sturdily connected with these surviving strategies. The paper concludes by arguing for policy interventions such as subsidized credit schemes and organization of formal and informal forms of capacity building for the urban street workers to enhance their livelihoods.</text>
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                <text>This topic will help me to understand the political statements, how generally “political world“ in our county is fighting with poorness, how to increase employment. How to help people who survive the war, who survive flooding, and any kind of poorness, how to stop that and how to growth economy, agriculture, forestry, farming, agronomy, tourism. Two main problems we will focus on it are increasing VAT and improve tourism as a two ways of fighting the poorness. For the needs of this research, we have collected responses from 160 people, both males and females. Their responses were collected and later we analyzed them in IBM SPSS software. The obtained data helped us to better understand and to develop possible theories regarding the bad economic situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and possible ways to fight poverty.     Keywords: poorness, economic condition, working condition, employment.</text>
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                    <text>1st International Conference on Foreign Language Teaching and Applied Linguistics
May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo

Film Making and Language Learning
Prof. Dr. Visam Mansur
Department of English Language and Literature
Beykent University, Istanbul-Turkey
visammansur@gmail.com
Abstract: Theodosakos in The Director in the Classroom: How Filmmaking
Inspires Learning argues that filmmaking ―enables students to explore any
curriculum subject through the active process of making a film about it‖ (p.
30). Furthermore, while Simkins (2007), David Nunan (2004), emphasize the
tendency to teach language through group based projects, Joyce, etal (2000)
establish the essentiality of such group based projects on developing and
enhancing communication skills. In my paper I will examine the impact of film
making activities on English Language learning in classes of mine over a
period of few years where most students were hesitant to produce language
effectively at the onset of the course. The paper will view the cons and pros of
film making activities with emphasis on the potential advantages it carries for
the leaner in terms of enhancing learner‘s pronunciation, vocabulary
acquisition, awareness of language structures and sound language production.
Key Words: Language acquisition, cinema, scriptwriting

Introduction
The best possible kind of input required for language acquisition and learning has been at the
center of arguments and research by so many scholars (Krashen, 1987; Pinker 1994; Morgan 1986;
Ingram 1989). For instance Stephen Krashen proposes that language "Acquisition requires meaningful
interaction in the target language." (1987: 6) Krashen maintains further that "The best methods are
therefore those that supply 'comprehensible input' in low anxiety situation." (1988: 7)
Most educators would agree that the following input items enhance both acquisition and
learning:




Input should be comprehensible introduced with simple vocabulary and clear
instructions in standard language
Input should be interesting

Such optimal input helps reduce the so called ―Affective Filter‖ and enhance students‘ ability
at language acquisition and production. Krashen maintains ―Low motivation, low self-esteem, and
debilitating anxiety can combine to 'raise' the affective filter and form a 'mental block' that prevents
comprehensible input from being used for acquisition. In other words, when the filter is 'up' it impedes
language acquisition. On the other hand, positive affect is necessary, but not sufficient on its own, for
acquisition to take place.‖ (1988: 68)

Film Making
The term sounds daunting and interesting at the same time. Daunting because it requires well
prepared teachers and students willing to take the challenge involved in such an activity. Interesting
because it involves plenty of what is needed to learn and produce language in new environments:
collaborativity (teamwork), creativity, art, performance and multimedia usage.
My story with teaching English via movie making started few years ago in a beginner‘s class
in the English department where I was working then. I observed that students were timid and reluctant
to produce English language effectively as they were conscious of the processes of both acquisition and
production. What strikes me about the class is the fact that most of the students were well versed in a
very passive way of the language structure. They all know in theory the various verb forms; they know
the basic sentence structure and know well about the various irregularities that come up with English.
The problem we faced in the class was that students would not talk in English and when they do so
they do it horribly with the basic structural rules violated.
It was then that I decided to resort to the old-new method of using drama in teaching to
simulate a somewhat natural atmosphere for language acquisition and production. In order to make the
activity as natural and spontaneous as possible, I introduced students first to computer software that
helps generate a screen script and guide the students step by step to generate characters‘ descriptions
and needed objects‘ details.

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The software I chose for this task is called CELTX. It is easily available for download online
and is usually offered for free. Introducing the students to the software is not that difficult for both
teacher and student. Furthermore, the activity of introducing the students to the software constitutes a
natural environment for enhancing students‘ acquisition of program related jargon and helping a lot in
lowering the so called affective filter that inhibits language learning and production.

Key Features of CELTX
The software is neither made for English language teaching nor for teaching creative writing.
What it does is simply to guide the students, help organize the student‘s ideas and help leading the
students to include what is needed for a script in a very natural and stimulating environment.
For instance as the students begin to write, the software makes them aware of six basic
elements needed for the script: Scene Heading, Action, Character, Dialogue, Parenthetical, Transition,
It is observed that these elements in the program create the control environment needed by the learners
to help them start and finish their scripts. These also function as subtle and constant instructor
reminding the students and guiding them to accomplish their desired task in the standard format
without them having to waste time thinking of the structure of the script. In this respect the software
spares the students the time needed for structuring the activity in favor of focusing on the creative and
linguistic sides of the activity.
As a professional teacher whose aim is to instruct and lead his students to learning rather than
drilling those in the conventional manner CEKTX through its modules that explore in details aspects of
character and objects included in the script helps students generate the language needed to fulfill the
requirements of their scripts using the maximum language they can afford. The Character Module for
instance requires that the students describe a given character in the following terms: Name, Actor,
Description, Media (image), Age, Hair, Eyes, Height, Weight, Distinguishing Features, Key Character
Traits, Principal Function, Goal, Plan to Achieve Goal, Family Background, Habits, Vices, Education,
Personality, Likes, and Dislikes. Another module that guides the students to detail the Scene Heading
requires students to generate text describing the scene under the following headings: Description, the
central event of the scene, the effect of the event on the plot, the characters in the scene, the setting of
the scene, time of the scene, the mood of the scene, the protagonist, the antagonist, the goal of the
protagonist, the goal of the antagonist, the way the antagonist achieves her goal, the way the
protagonist achieves her goal.
In short such modules by breaking down the process of perceiving a scene, character, or event
into its multiple components help the language learners approach a full scene step at a time, thus
making language production easier and systematic.

Scenario Writing
Theodosakos in The Director in the Classroom: How Filmmaking Inspires Learning argues
that filmmaking ―enables students to explore any curriculum subject through the active process of
making a film about it‖ (2009:30). As far as language learning is concerned, the first step to film
making lies in writing its script. Making a film involves creating it from an idea and turning the idea
into a producible script. The students are given CELTX and are asked to generate a short script made of
as many scenes needed to tell a simple story. As the students already learnt while experimenting with
the software that the basic components of a script are the scene heading, the action, the character and
the dialogue; each proceeds in generating a script in accordance with the dictates of the software and
the student‘s creative imagination.
It is observed that students receive the activity of creating a script with some reluctance and
fears of failing their teacher and themselves. But like all activities that require multitasking and
collaborative presence, teacher‘s proper instructions and constant encouragement dispel students‘
misgivings and before the elapse of the first few weeks in the course the students get really indulged in
the activity and begin to enjoy it.
The role of the teacher at this junction is to keep checking students‘ projects and provide
feedback in terms of suggestions and language corrections when needed. Also students are encouraged
to edit each others projects as it is a wise practice to split the class into several groups of fives or sixes
as such groups will have to relay on each other when they move from the individual process of writing
scripts to managing and filming them.

Camera and Collaborative Learning
While Simkins (2007), David Nunan (2004), emphasize the tendency among educators to
teach language through group based projects; Joyce, Weil, and Calhoun (2000) establish the
essentiality of such group based projects on developing and enhancing communication skills. Such

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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
findings come true when students engage each other in performing their and each others scripts. This
part of the activity engages the two basic skills of filming , and language acquisition and production as
the students practice:
 what they learnt about simple filming techniques and camera angles
 language as they memorize/improvise and act their roles in English
 language while negotiating with their partners in the processes of writing,
editing, producing and filming
Once the scripts are written and activities are shared among students involved, the teacher
encourages students to read about the basic techniques of camera shots and angles. It is preferable that
teachers point their students to simple texts in English that elaborate on such activities to make sure
that the students acquire additional jargon related to camera and its manipulation in filming. Terms
such as long shot, establishing shot, medium shot and close up shot among several others will keep
recurring all the time and will become part of the jargon of the students.
In short filming as a multitasked activity provides learners with motivation, self-confidence,
low level of anxiety and contributes more effectively to language acquisition, retention and production.

Computer Editing
To make the film aesthetically presentable it needs editing by computer software. The market
is saturated with such movie editing programs, the simplest and most accessible among which is
Windows Movie Maker. This software is part of Windows with the exception of Windows 7 and can be
downloaded for free form Microsoft Windows site if not available on one‘s computer.
By asking the students to familiarize themselves with the software before coming to edit their
films students will find themselves again learning a computer skill and language, too. Going through
the help files and accessing various additional e-files on how to run and use the program act as a
language teacher in quite a natural condition. The internet is replete with sites like You Tube and Ehow that show help videos in English on almost any conceivable topic.
Such editing programs enable students to add the various shots taken earlier in order or at
random and place them in the time sequence they should be in. The program enables the student to edit
and cut unwanted scenes, add and delete music and sound effects and furthermore add titles, captions
and subtitles.
By asking the students to include as many effects as the program and the capacity of the
students‘ permit, the students are likely to get more engaged in the film, its language and its metalanguage in real and natural environment. After all Krashen rightly maintains that ―language
acquisition does not require extensive use of conscious grammatical rules, and does not require tedious
drill.‖ (1987:6)

Conclusion
A lot has been said about the effectiveness of media and multimedia in language acquisition
and learning. While Clark (1983) contends that there is little or no evidence to show the positive effects
of multimedia on language acquisition and production, educators such as Liu (1995), Johnston (1995),
Borras (1994), Garza (1991), Vanderplank (1988), Salomon (1979) among others accentuated the
various functionality of multimedia in helping learners cope with language learning and language
production. Though most of those educators worked on the effect of watching films with or without
subtitling in the target language, very little has been said on the advantages of utilizing film making
and script editing software in enhancing language acquisition and production. Theodosakos (2009), for
instance, advocated the potentiality of teaching any subject matter in the curricula via simulating film
making and direction in the classroom. The over all observation of educators and language teachers
who wrote on collaborative learning is that film and multimedia usage in the language classroom show
increased percentage of language acquisition and production in comparison to classroom practices
where conventional methods persisted in teaching.
My empirical observations over the years showed me reluctant and timid students with poor
performance records in previous courses and classes taught in less interactive ways produce promising
scripts coupled with eloquent and impressing dialogues and performances. Naturally, for the activity to
yield effective results, it always requires a dedicated student equipped with perseverance and desire to
learn. From my observation, the activities of script writing, filming, and film editing have always
triggered the learner‘s desire for language acquisition and production.

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May 5-7 2011 Sarajevo
References
Borras, I. and Lafayette, R. (1994). Effects of multimedia courseware subtitling in the speaking
performance of college students of French. The Modern Language Journal ,78 (1): 61-75.
Clark, R. (1983). Reconsidering research on learning from media. Review of Educational Research, 53
(4): 445-59.
Garza, T. (1991). Evaluating the use of captioned video materials in advanced foreign language
learning. Foreign Language Annals, 24, 239-48.
Ingram., D. (1989). First language acquisition: Method, description, and explanation, New York:
Cambridge University Press.
Johnston, J. and Milne, L. (1995). Scaffolding second language communicative discourse with teachercontrolled multimedia. Foreign Language Annals, 28 (3): 315-29.
Joyce, B. etal. (2000) Models of teaching, New York: Plenum Press.
Krashen, D. (1987). Principles and practice in second language acquisition, London: Prentice-Hall
International.
Krashen, D. (1988). Second language acquisition and second language learning, London: Prentice-Hall
International.
Liu, M. and Reed, W. (1995). The effect of hypermedia assisted instruction on second language
learning. Journal of Educational Computing Research, 12 (2): 159-75.
Morgan, L. (1986). From simple input to complex grammar, Cambridge, MA: Bradford Books/MIT
Press.
Nunan, D. (2004). Task-based language teaching, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Pinker, S. (1994). The language instinct, New York: Morrow.
Salomon, G. (1979). Interaction of media, cognition and learning, Washington, DC: Jossey-Bass.
Simkins, S. (2007). Encouragıng faculty involvement in the scholarship o teaching and learning. A
cademic Leader, 23 (6):1-26
Theodosakos, N. (2009). The director in the classroom: How filmmaking inspires learning, Penticton:
Tech4learning Publishing.
Vanderplank, R. (1988). The value of teletext sub-titles in language learning. English Language
Teaching Journal, 42 (4): 272-81.

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                <text>Theodosakos in The Director in the Classroom: How Filmmaking  Inspires Learning argues that filmmaking ―enables students to explore any  curriculum subject through the active process of making a film about it‖ (p.  30). Furthermore, while Simkins (2007), David Nunan (2004), emphasize the  tendency to teach language through group based projects, Joyce, etal (2000)  establish the essentiality of such group based projects on developing and  enhancing communication skills. In my paper I will examine the impact of film  making activities on English Language learning in classes of mine over a  period of few years where most students were hesitant to produce language  effectively at the onset of the course. The paper will view the cons and pros of  film making activities with emphasis on the potential advantages it carries for  the leaner in terms of enhancing learner‘s pronunciation, vocabulary  acquisition, awareness of language structures and sound language production.</text>
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                    <text>3rd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, May 31 - June 01 2012, Sarajevo

Finance Of Global Goods In Sustainable Development: Applicability Of Global
Taxation
Ramazan Armağan1,Ayşe Armağan2
1 Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences,
Department of Finance
2Süleyman Demirel Üniversitesi, Institute of Social Sciences, Department of Public
Administrationay
E-mails: ramazanarmagan@sdu.edu.tr,searmagan@sdu.edu.tr
Abstract
Sustainable development is programming of life today and in the future, in such a way to
establish a balance between human being and nature and to enable future generations in
fulfilling their needs. This concept contains growth and evolution policies in socio-economic,
ecologic, political, spatial, cultural dimensions.
There are some important issues in agenda of countries in order to deal with problems such as
development, growth, preventing unemployment and inflation. These problems have made
themselves evident with the process of globalization particularly during the 1980’s. United
Nations, OECD, EU and other voluntary institutions felt that they need to implement some
guiding and repressive policies in order to ensure that scarce sources to be used efficient in
economic development with a skeptical view on future generations’ welfare.
In the post-1980 period initiated with the “globalisation phenomenon”, the development in
informatics, transportation and communication technologies has caused the globe to narrow
rapidly and has created an environment in which geographical frontiers among all the
countries in the world are transcended and cooperation and trade in economic, social, cultural
fields are developed. The process initiated with globalisation has brought some public good
and service needs (environment, health, knowledge, peace, security, etc.) that concern all the
societies into agenda. As individual countries fail to satisfy the supply and finance of these
goods, common cooperation worldwide is needed and hence the concept of “global public
good” started to take part in the public finance literature. The first study on the concept,
namely “Global Public Goods; International Cooperation in the 21st Century” under the
United Nations Development Programme was published in 1999 and later on quite a few
studies on the aforementioned concept have been prepared within the bodies of national,
international and supra-national institutions, establishments.
This work provides an examination of studies on application of ‘global tax’ as a fiscal
precaution taking account of national, international and supra-national effects the in relation
between global public goods and sustainable growth.
Keywords: Sustainable Development, Globalization, Public Good, Global Public Good, Tax.
1.INTRODUCTION
As a consequence of globalization, the impact of which is observed all over the world since
the last quarter of the 20th century, and today where new world order rules; the world shrank
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due to easier circulation of goods, capital and people thanks to the rapid development in
transportation-information-communication technologies, economical relations spread to all
countries and it has become obligatory to restructure economy policies on world scale. As a
natural result of these developments, a new concept called Global Public Goods has emerged
recently in the literature in addition to the issue of public goods and their presentation, which
is a major issue of public economy. An intensive concern was shown about the description of
Global Public Goods, their characteristics, content, supply and financing as well as its limits
on national, international and supranational platforms. The interest in this concept was
triggered with the publication of United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) named
“Global Public Goods – International Cooperation in 21st Century” in 1999. Since then, many
national, international, supranational institutions and corporations have made enormous effort
to illuminate and refine the concept.
This issue discussed under the title of Global Public Goods has brought forward many
problems and concerns. What the global public goods are, how these will be produced and
financed and which institutions and structures on global scale will present them are among
these problems and concerns. Global Public Goods is not restricted only with the framework
of finance or public economy in terms of its description, quality and impacts, but it should
also be discussed with respect to politics, social and legal aspects. Global Public Goods
interests many countries or region or all people on global scale and it also surpasses a single
discipline by exceeding the borders or power of nation states in terms of its effects.
2.CONCEPT AND CHARACTERISTICS OF GLOBAL PUBLIC GOODS
Globalization process has made socio-economic, financial and political phenomena such as
the use and distribution of natural resources, poverty, dissemination of technology, creation of
healthy living spaces, elimination of education, health and environmental problems,
development, peace, security, maintenance of stability and transition to democracy etc., which
are particularly the problems of underdeveloped or developing countries the common problem
of all nations. Such goods and services affect the entire world with externalities in local,
national, regional, international arena in public terms. Issues such as the presentation of such
goods called Global Public Goods with respect to public finance in a qualified manner, who
will present these, determination of their quantity, financing method constitute an important
problem. Impacts emerging due to the presentation of Global Public Goods or failure in doing
so can be reflected on a community or nation on micro level or on other countries, regions and
the world along with the country on macro level; these impacts may also be transferred on to
next generations (Binger, 2003:4).
With globalization, it has become necessary to have an international stand point to the
understanding of many public goods and services considered at national level and national
governments were obliged to act at national, international and supranational levels in
determining their policies. Global Public Goods interests not only an individual or a country,
but all communities, humanity and next generations worldwide due to the consequent
externalities (S. Deneulin and N. Townsend, 2006:4).
Basic criteria determining the nature of publicity of goods and services according to the
public finance literature are its indivisible benefits, absence of any rivals, incapability of
pricing, addressing to the entire nation, being open to common use and different from
individual needs, being determined by political decision making mechanism, its huge
quantity, nonexclusive benefits and lack of competition in its consumption etc. For goods or
services to be considered Global Public Goods, these must exceed geographical borders, their
externalities (benefit/cost) must spread all over the world, their production and consumption
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must be observed all over the world, these must render global cooperation obligatory with
their unilateral/multi-directional structure and be a natural result of the critical links between
countries and nations and be a complement of national public goods in addition to their public
goods and services characteristics (Binger, 2003:6-9). Similar statements are included in the
descriptions of UNDP and World Bank.
As per Global Public Goods, financing resources are not collected under a general budget and
then distributed just like national public goods, but they are used as resources allocated for
each service on the contrary. Actors in Global Public Goods are consisted of various groups
along with taxpayers and states. Externality impact is the most significant feature of Global
Public Goods; basic problem in issues particularly such as peace, environment and health is
the adverse occurrence of externalities spreading beyond borders (Kirmanoğlu, 2006:32).
Given the foregoing characteristics, negative externalities can be mitigated and appropriate
financing resources can be found for Global Public Goods through multilateral agreements.
Fair agreement process is of great significance in terms of justice in the presentation of Global
Public Goods (Albin, 2002:2 quoted by Kirmanoğlu vd. 2006:32).
Main goods accepted as Global Public Goods in literature are as follows (te Velde vd.
2002:153-154 aktaran Kirmanoğlu vd. 2006:50): “health” (supervision of epidemic illnesses,
HIV/AIDS), “peace and security” (post-war restructuring, re-integration, supervision of
narcotics), “information” (free information flow, statistical capacity structuring, agricultural
researches, technological R&amp;D, culture and entertainment, institutes of research and science),
“environment” (river improvement, waste management, energy training, energy resources,
forestry policy, forest improvement, fishery policy, environment research, water resources
policy, bio-diversity, protection of water resources, environment training, maintenance of
protected areas, improvement of fishery, environment policy, protection from floods,
biosphere protection).
Except economical areas, open trading system, unrestricted use of seas, property rights,
international money or fixed exchange rate, weight and measure of which has been
standardized, monetary and financial stability, disarmament, space researches, weather
forecasts, observation stations, world court, global warming, scientific researches and results,
prevention of drug habits, international works in the field of human rights and freedoms etc.
are related to the Global Public Goods (Kindleberger, 1986 quoted by Akyol, Ulutürk, 2006,
s.262).
Global Public Goods are classified according to the criteria of: a) separation of traditionalnew, b) total presentation technologies, c) being focused on country, person or generation d)
purpose – tool e) being directly related to production or consumption of the goods produced f)
quality of the goods g) publicity of goods and sphere of influence h) sectors i) type of the
benefit derived j) type of the publicity (Başaran, http://dergi.sayistay.gov.tr).
3.RELATION BETWEEN SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND GLOBAL PUBLIC
GOODS
With the sustainable development approach widely accepted since 1990s in the international
arena, solutions based on the understanding of not harming the satisfaction of the needs of
next generation while satisfying the needs of people today have been adopted (Dulupçu,
2000:47). Thanks to the policies aimed for sustainable development, it is planned to improve
of current and future life standards by ensuring that the needs of next generations are met and
countries are developed without exhausting natural resources via setting up a balance between
the human and the nature. Sustainable development policies transform socio-economic,
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ecological, political, spatial and cultural developments and changes into action. Among the
issues required to be solved by the states in the name of sustainable development, issues such
as development, growth, prevention of unemployment and fight against inflation can be
enumerated. UN in the lead and WB, OECD, EU and other voluntary institutions tend to
apply guiding, supporting or forcing policies on world countries in order to use scarce
resources efficiently in realizing economic development on the grounds that the welfare of
next generations may be harmed.
Due to the mitigating effects on negative externalities in developing countries of many Global
Public Goods and services utilized for purposes of development, developed countries will
also derive benefits in return for their supports, which verifies the principle of win-win
creating a two-way impact. In case of terrorism, legal issues, patent rights issues, epidemics,
difficulties in foreign exchange transfers, infrastructure deficiencies, transportation problems,
difficulties in access to technology and information and weakness of democracy culture which
are deemed threats to the sustainable development, the development processes of developing
countries
are
also
adversely
affected
(Gardiner
and
Goulven,
2002,
http://www.worldsummit2002.org). In this context, the developing countries must solve their
basic problems so that the Global Public Goods can be useful (or global public losses can be
eliminated) (Kirmanoğlu vd. 2006:34). Furthermore, efficient presentation of Global Public
Goods is feasible through solid financial resources, international legal, political and economic
agreements and cooperation as well as the success of the approach related to such goods and
services. Another point of departure in Global Public Goods financing is the utilization of the
Global Public Goods due to their significance in maintaining economic and social
development and preventing poverty. Within this framework, Global Public Goods are
considered within particularly the area of activity of countries and corporations providing
development support to underdeveloped countries as an instrument of development and
growth policies (Anand, 2002, s.1-5).
It is true that even though the Global Public Goods are distributed equally to all countries,
their benefits are not at the same levels in each country. This situation is directly relevant with
the developmental level of that country; while the countries with high development levels
derive more benefits from certain public goods, the countries with low development levels
will not gain sufficient benefits from the same public goods of the same quantity (Binger,
2003:5). For this reason, development supports hold a major position in financing Global
Public Goods. Particularly in the event of external costs directly expanding from
underdeveloped countries to developed countries, development aids to these countries become
more significant (Kirmanoğlu vd, 2007:133). One pillar of the development aids is the donor
country or international corporation providing the aid while the other pillar is developing
countries.
Developing countries aim to compensate their market failures by increasing production and
consumption of the Global Public Goods; because market failures are heavy in these countries
and create deeper impacts on the economy. Furthermore, limited number and inadequacy of
current political, legal, corporate and financial arrangements created Global Public Goods.
Undoubtedly, Global Public Goods encourage political commitments in the improvement of
development aids (such as ODA) and indicates universal benefits of Global Public Goods
(Binger, 2003:7).

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4.METHODS OF FINANCING IN THE PRESENTATION OF GLOBAL PUBLIC
GOODS
Financing is the leading problem encountered in the presentation of Global Public Goods.
Economists such as Kaul and Sandler emphasized the necessity of producing Global Public
Goods and searching for new resources by transferring the concept of national public goods to
the global arena (Kaul, Grunberg and Stern, 1999:450). Special resources, public resources
and cooperation mechanisms at various levels are constructed as financing tools of Global
Public Goods; the method the most commonly discussed on international platforms is
international taxation. In the determination of financing method widely used for Global Public
Goods, its impacts in terms of benefit/cost or producer/consumer relation are also taken into
consideration. For consumers, assembly taxes, user taxes, fees and taxation, market creation
and reinforcement are at issue while for producers, the issues of production with private
resources, financing through public resources (national and international) – partnership –
cooperation and voluntary participations and private sector resources emerge (Binger,
2003:15).
Free rider problem emerges in Global Public Goods just like national public goods. On the
other hand, although the state can create resources as a compulsive power particularly with
taxation to finance national public goods, there are no such state and compulsive power on
global scale. This financial problem is tried to be solved with international agreements,
cooperation and voluntary participation particularly in the services where it is applicable to set
standards within the context of global administration without a global state. Moreover,
distribution and participation of benefits and costs of Global Public Goods among the
countries poses a major problem (Güler, 2011:248).
Since the Global Public Goods are generally produced by global public institutions, their
financing is also provided by international financial institutions. Non-Governmental
Organizations play a key role in the realization of global objectives and are complementary
parts of international institutions. They are a corrective and balancing actor influencing public
policy processes, despite not being the main factor in eliminating market failures (Kaul,
2001:599).
The resources created to finance Global Public Goods remain restricted with the organizations
held by international institutions and the aids they gather to a great extent. The biggest
supporters of financing Global Public Goods are IMF and WB. Particularly WB pioneers
many global activities. Along with major supports of WB International Development
Association in this issue, north countries also provide financial support with many global
programs; they even transfer funds more than the support of the Association in figures.
Furthermore, there are other financial aids given by UN and WB (World Bank, 2004 aktaran
Susam, 295-296).
In financing Global Public Goods, a lot of supranational and other corporations and
institutions make efforts to expand financing opportunities through global taxes and similar
mechanisms. For example, International Finance Facility (IFF) aims to mobilize private sector
investments in order to accelerate new vaccine production and decrease vaccine costs.
Voluntary aids come from individuals, civil organizations and private foundations.
Rockefeller Foundation, Gates Foundation, Oxfam, CARE, Greenpeace, Shell, British Petrol
can be enumerated among these foundations. Furthermore, musicians such as Elton John and
Bono contribute to the financing of Global Public Goods (Arslan, 2007:137).

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While World Health Organization deals with health issues which may affect the world and
NATO takes care of security problems, official development assistances (ODA9) are tried to
be obtained from DAC10 member countries and some international institutions together with
globalization. Official development assistances to developing countries directly come from
developed countries, developed countries under the scope of ODA and directly from
international institutions and international institutions under the scope of ODA (a part of these
funds is from DAC countries again). Furthermore, a part of ODA funds is used for purposes
of borrowing (Kirmanoğlu vd, 2006:35).
Contributions made are distributed according to the income groups and geographical features
of the countries. Official aids which are obtained from DAC countries and international
institutions and set aside for Global Public Goods have significantly increased as per years.
Funds set aside from DAC countries and international institutions for Global Public Goods
have been intensively aimed for peace and security, environment, health and information
since 2012. The financing provided by ODA making official contributions increased to $
133,5 in 2011 (OECD (1), http://www.oecd.org). Increase in this contribution created
satisfaction in 2011 and was considered promising in the name of developing new global
strategies. Main objectives are to develop dialogues among DAC member countries, to ensure
participation of non-member countries and apply annual work plans (OECD (2),
http://www.oecd.org).
5. GLOBAL TAX SUGGESTIONS AS FINANCING TOOLS FOR GLOBAL PUBLIC
GOODS
As a traditional tool, “taxation” is among the most appropriate financing tools for
internalizing the externalities which is valid for Global Public Goods as well as national
public goods. However, the lack of a central authority for imposing, applying, collecting and
distributing global taxes is the most important problem relating to this taxation.
If we look into the chronological order of global taxation suggestions which are considered as
financing resources of the activities to be conducted in order to eliminate international
problems such as economic stagnation, war etc.; global taxation was proposed by J.M.
Keynes, A. Marshall and J. Meade before the Second World War, by the UN in 1972 in order
to prevent global financial instability and environmental problems occurred at the beginning
of 1970s and by J. Tobin in 1972 in order to impose taxation on the monetary transactions
exceeding the limits on global scale so that global financial instability is prevented. Rome
Club discussed over global taxes as a financing instrument of international organizations and
Brandt Commission published a report reviewing many global tax suggestions in 1980. R.
9 ODA (Official Development Assistance) is an official development assistance category (central and
local governments or their representatives). At least 25% of these aids is donation while the
remaining part is in the form of low-rate interest loan.
10 DAC (Development Assistance Committee) Countries: Australia, Austria, Belgium, Denmark,
Canada, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Luxemburg, Netherlands, New
Zeland, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, UK, USA, International Corporations: World
Bank (WB): IDA, Regional Development Banks (RDB): AfDF, AsDF, United Nations (UN): UNDP,
UNICEF, UNAIDS, UNFPA EC, ECF

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Mendez made a set of global tax offers in his book International Public Finance in 1992 (Paul
and Wahlberg, 2002:2 quoted by Tekin and Vural, 2004:327). First objective of global
taxation is to create additional income source in maintaining financial developments of
underdeveloped and developing countries and the second is to ensure financing of Global
Public Goods. Key understanding in global tax suggestions is to create a healthier, more
secure and stable world order and ensure the participation of those benefitting from this
process in service costs by paying taxes in return for these benefits (Tekin and Vural,
2004:327)Similar.
Global taxes stipulated for financing Global Public Goods can be classified in three groups:
direct taxation of the country consisting the basis of a problem related to Global Public
Goods, “polluter pays or those who let pollution pay”, therefore “internalization of
externalities on nation-state level”; the second is the application of “global trading tax” which
is the taxation of international trade and the third is the taxation of the use of “global common
goods”.
First suggestion relating to the taxation of nation-states was made in the 2nd United Nations
Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) held in New Delphi. Accordingly,
developed countries were requested to transfer 1% of their gross national products to finance
the development of developing countries, but this suggestion could not be applied since
developed countries objected. The subject of the second suggestion is the taxation of trade.
Considering that world trade is realized between overseas countries at a level of 95%,the
suggestion of taxing global trade in return for utilizing oceans which is a type of global
common goods was made by Brandt Commission in 1980 as a component of “new
international economic order” concept. Global trade tax not aiming at deterring the activity
taxed particularly like the taxation of electronic trade intends to provide financial resource
with global institutions aspiring to prevent global peace and welfare. Tax base is foreseen to
be consisted of all tangible and intangible goods and services exceeding limits. The third tax
suggestion is to collect tax in return for utilizing Global Public Goods, the benefit/cost of
which affects the whole world. “Park fee” to be obtained from passenger and cargo vessels
navigating over the oceans, taxation of multinational company profits and taxation of
international advertisements, additions to admission fees of international and national parks,
international highway fees and tourism activities’ fees can be enumerated as example. Thus,
the resources to be derived from tax applications preventing the wrong and excessive use and
entire consumption of Global Public Goods can be used as an important financing tool in the
solution of poor countries’ problems and global management system problems (Tekin and
Vural, 2004:328).
The purpose in global taxation is not only to derive income in order to be banning, punishing
and deterrent, but also to manage corrective, regulative or incentive policies in the world
economy with national and international agreements. However, it is a fact that there are
important problems and doubts as to whom shall be authorized and responsible for global
taxation, collection, allocation and monitoring of the tax or management of the relevant
income. Who shall participate in coordination and representation among the countries at
which rate or have a say constitutes a major issue. Serious problems emerge in application in
this regard.
The types and applicability of taxes which are/will be applied on national level and can
comply with global taxation at the same time are considered below.
5.1. Environmental Taxes
Cost recovery user fees in 1960s and 1970s and fees and obligations allocated for certain
purposes since the second half of 1970s were introduced for environment purposes. Incentives
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also began to be applied together with environmental taxes in 1980s and 1990s. Since the
early 2000, the encouragement of “good” actions slipped into background with the impact of
environmental problems on global level; “green tax reforms” aimed at taxing “bad” actions
were brought forward instead (Özdemir, 2009:11).
5.1.1. Environment Tax
Environment taxes are levied as harmful substance emission (carbon or emission) over the
amount of pollution calculated directly. If it is hard to determine, it is collected at the point of
use, in order words while the product is produced, consumed or if it becomes a waste, the tax
is collected as product tax at the source it causes pollution taking basis the polluting substance
within. Environment taxes are classified as follows:
- For purposes of mitigating waste and emission; carbon and energy taxes, water pollution
taxes, solid waste taxes, product taxes (fertilizer and insecticide taxes)
- For purposes of recovery; waste batteries and accumulator taxes, packing taxes
- For the protection of natural resources; water removal taxes, hunting and fishing taxes
- Other taxes; ecological taxes on tourism, green building incentives, commotion taxes, real
estate taxes (Özdemir, 2009:24).
Energy taxes are the most important environment taxes and it makes up 75% of the total
environment tax income and 5% of the total tax income (including social security premiums).
These taxes are imposed on the consumption of energy products such as fuel, diesel oil,
natural gas, coal and electricity. Transportation taxes collected due to motor vehicles in AB27 make up an average 23,2% of environment taxes and 1,5% of the total tax income.
Pollution taxes are collected over water and any emissions creating pollution as well as solid
wastes and commotion. Natural resource taxes are also imposed on rental fees of the lands
from where precious materials and petroleum is mined. Pollution taxes and resource taxes
make a marginal contribution to the income and make up only 1,5-2% of total environment
taxes (Özdemir, 2009:25-26). Emphasizing the importance of real state and land taxes for
protection of the environment, Hartzok drew attention to the fact that the tax arrangements
should be encouraging, of low and equal levels. This necessity is obligatory for a good
democratic administration in finance policy (Hartzok, http://www.earthrights.net).
EU countries have considered the protection from negative effects of increases in input costs,
mainly energy, as the leading motive of green taxes in the last decade and put their reformist
approaches into application. Some of the tax types relating to environment in AB countries:
motor vehicle taxes (from registry, circulation or sale), motor vehicles fuel taxes, waste tax,
alcoholic beverages additional tax, soft drinks additional taxes, soft drinks box tax, chemical
drugs tax, agricultural inputs tax, energy tax, air and water pollution tax, battery, accumulator,
package materials tax, vehicle tire tax, petroleum waste tax, petroleum pollution control duty
(Özdemir, 2009:14-16).
On international level for purposes of protecting the environment, Kyoto Protocol made it
obligatory for OECD and Transition Countries to reduce greenhouse gas emissions down to
the predetermined levels since 2000. Developed countries committed to reduce their gas
emission objectives they set for their own countries for 6 basic gas types11 by 5% at least
during the period of 2008-2012. However, since these countries did not go for a suspension in
11 Carbon dioxite, metane and nitrogen dioxide are among the most important.
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their gradually increasing consumption, the decrease which was projected as 5% in the
beginning requires around 20% rate today. Although EU and member countries approved
Kyoto Protocol12 in 2002, its enforcement was in February 2005 after the signature of Russia
(Özdemir, 2009:5).
Through these taxes, the costs caused by actions and transactions harming Global Public
Goods are being internalized by being added to the prices of these goods and services. Thus,
demand for these goods and services, costs of which are increasing, leads economic bodies to
consume less and avoid environment polluting activities. Furthermore, income sources which
can be directly used in financing Global Public Goods can be created by ensuring that the
producers may resort to more environment friendly production methods by increasing the cost
of environment polluting activities. Since global carbon tax may impose heavy burdens
particularly on groups with low income levels in application, it is adopted by local tax
authorities that its use within sales taxes such as VAT may be more appropriate. In this
manner, these taxes can be transformed into broad-based and low cost resources with a small
additional rate.
Despite its benefits, income from environment taxes have not showed a significant increase
mainly in former EU member states in recent years. For example, the income derived from
this source, mainly derived from energy, in 2005 emerged as 2.6% of Gross Domestic Product
and 6,6% of the total tax income as weighted average in EU-27 member countries. On the
other hand, increasing popularity of non-financial instruments such as emission trade and
higher price expectations as compared to 1990s in world oil prices decreased the
attractiveness of imposing additional environment taxes, at least in energy sector (Özdemir,
2009:13).
5.1.2. Fuel Taxes
This type of tax extensively affects household due to heating, luminance and use in kitchens
as well as transportation and energy sector. Primary objective in fuel taxes is to derive
income. Fuel taxes are significant income sources in both developed and developing countries
to such an extent that fuel taxes for most of the European countries rank the third among the
budget income (Metschles, 2001:65-66 quoted by Tekin and Vural, 2004:328).
It is recommended to impose global fuel tax on exceeding transportation activities in order to
mitigate adverse externalities13 created by the fuels. It is foreseen to collect aircraft fuels or
gas taxes, passenger and cargo ticket taxes and utilization taxes depending on aircraft
emissions under the name of Aviation Tax. Such taxes can be collected by sea - airline
transportation companies over the airline tickets or freight expenses (Binger, 2003:16).
Although the imposition of flight ticket and cargo has an application facility as a more
12 Out of 195, 174 countries and EU signed and/or attested Kyoto Protocol and put into force. Only
USA, China and India which make the highest green gas emissions (23%) in the World did not
approve the Protocol again.
13 As at 1992, flight emissions correspond to 3% of total radiation created by human activities; since
aerospace sector shows a rapid development, this rate is expected to increase by 3% each year until
2015. Hydrocarbons, nitrates and similar contaminants released to the atmosphere during the flights
poses a significant threat to the atmosphere (Binger, 2003:16).

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favorable option in terms of international law and applicability, it is possible to tax railways,
international transit highways, highways and sea transport. For example, an application
similar to green tax is made in all national flights with an alternative of Norway railway and
international flights from Norway (Bleijenberg vd, 1998 quoted by Tekin and Vural,
2004:328).
Even though the rapid growth of sea and airline sectors and high levels of business revenue
has a capacity to ensure that significant levels of income are obtained with this tax, USA in
the lead, UK and Australia prevented the wide application of global fuel tax in the EU since
they were rivals with each other in this issue during the world aviation fuel summit held in
1997 (Binger, 2003:16).
5.1.3. Virgin Material Taxes
Virgin material tax has been proposed to eliminate market failures emerging due to excessive
use of materials polluting the environment (Bruvoll, 1998:16 quoted by Tekin and Vural,
2004:328). Such taxes to be imposed on plastics and paper raw materials will affect
consumption by changing the production structure and therefore will have an adverse impact
on the environment. Nothing can be consumed in real terms in nature; all materials are
actually transformed into others. All materials processed by being mined from the nature will
more or less turn into waste in future. Even if organic materials which are less influential in
polluting the environment (plastics, papers etc.) are completely consumed, wastes emerging
from these materials will be conveyed to next generations. On the other hand, tax policies and
regulations show tolerance to raw materials in order to maintain financial growth and
competitive power. This situation prevents the development of renewable materials and
environment friendly technologies and causes excessive use of these materials. Polluter both
incurs a material tax designated according to the principle of “the polluter pays” and all costs
of the material used and is encouraged to mitigate the pollution he causes. According to
Bruvoll (1998:28), a material tax of 15% to be levied on plastics and paper raw materials will
lead to a decrease of 11% in the use of these materials and force wastes-emissions down to a
great extent. On the other hand, despite having a significant income potential and positive
environment impacts, this tax has a limited scope of application due to its negative impacts on
national product and competition power (Tekin and Vural, 2004:330-331).
5.2. Taxes Relating to Information and Information Sharing
5.2.1. E-mail- Internet and Cyber Tax
With ever-growing Internet use all over the world, it is possible to derive significant levels of
income, for example 1 cent tax levy for each 100 e-mails. Considering the contemporary
increase in the number of internet users, it is possible to obtain a very important resource.
Document sending of and above 10 Kbyte may also be an important source of income within
this framework. The income to be derived in this manner can be used to combat crimes over
internet or other possible negative impacts as well as to spread information (Binger, 2003:18).
Cyber taxes will provide consequent cash audit opportunity with governments and mitigate
work load on the tax administration (Woehlke, 2000, http://www.nysscpa.org). Since these
taxes may constitute barriers before research, development and sharing information, it is
necessary to encourage technology transfers. However, secure access in internet uses and
prevention of having access to bad information are among the basic issues (Gardiner ve G.,
2002, http://www.worldsummit2002.org).

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5.2.2. Electronic Trade Tax
Electronic trade covers activities of electronic transmission of data, information, products and
services through communication lines such as internet. Such a tax is based on the taxation of
data, information, products and services transmitted through virtual networks in the new
economy where gradually increasing welfare and commercial value is created through
intangible products, systems and global networks. Main purpose of these taxes is not to
punish internet use, but to derive the resource required to decrease digital division present
between North and South. It is also important to ensure efficient data and information flow by
preventing unnecessary occupation of virtual networks except financial purposes (UNDP,
1999 quoted by Tekin and Vural, 2004:333).
5.3. Taxes Aimed to Ensure Peace and Security
International arms trade is considered among the sources recommended for global tax.
Particularly since the arms trade tax has been perceived as a raise in order to realize
disarmament, it has been targeted to decrease this trade level. It is aimed to collect the income
to be derived from this tax in a fund and use for disarmament rather than being used only to
decrease arm purchase and sale or to benefit from this income as a finance resource in the
development processes of developing countries. This taxation idea was mentioned firstly in
Brandt Commission report in 1980 and then in the early 1990s. Non-Governmental
Organizations also suggested that small arm traders should also be subjected to this tax in
order to compensate the losses emerging from the use of small guns and the tax should also
cover the arrangements to maintain that third persons who may be harmed are insured.
Arms trade tax implies the reduction of arms trade and relevant production, less armament,
less import and therefore less cost of war. Through this tax, resources may be created to
compensate the losses that humans and the environment may be subject to due to wars. With
respect to participation in tax levy, arm sellers and producers have also been held responsible
for the losses emerging from the use of arms as much as the arm purchaser in accordance with
the causality principle and they have been obliged to feed this source based on the rationale of
“the polluter pays”. Preliminarily the problems in the determination of arms trade volume and
price are among the factors to prevent the application of arms trade tax. These difficulties are
performance of international arms trade through illegal methods, black market – stolen arms
sale and the possibility of executing international secret arms sale agreements. Mostly military
and civil products are stated in UN and IMF foreign trade statistics related to the arms trade
(Brzoska, 2001, http://unpan1.un.org). It has been considered that since an average revenue of
$25-30 billion per year was earned in the early 2000s; if this tax rate was 5%, nearly $1-1,5
billion would be earned as income (McMahon, 2001:11 Tekin and Vural, 2004:328).
5.4. Other Taxes for Financing Global Public Goods
5.4.1. Foreign Exchange Transactions Tax
It is stipulated to collect a participation fee from the foreign exchange circulation in
international markets and foreign exchange transactions emerging from arbitrage, trade and
speculation activities realized by all world central banks. In the event that this rate is 1-2%, it
is stated that an income of $300 billion would be gained assuming that the total foreign
exchange transactions realized in 2000s amounted to $300 trillion. With the income to be
derived from the foreign exchange circulation of those benefitting from the realization of
transactions such as international trade, travel, long term investment etc., it is possible to
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prevent speculative actions and to eliminate financial instabilities. However, as per the
applicability of such a global tax, since foreign exchange transactions are managed by certain
centers all over the world (USA, 75% of the global money in Japan and around 15% in
Sweden, Hong Kong and Singapore), the issue of whether such countries would bear the
burden arises. Additional costs to be levied on the persons due to the non-financial transfers,
whom will be given how much of the shares relating to the collection of these taxes are also
some other important problems. Global traders may seek various methods to avoid from being
subject to tax. For example developments such as tax heavens, transfer of illicit money,
smuggling of foreign exchange, informal FX transfer systems etc. may lead to the violation of
world trade rules (Binger, 2003:17-18).
5.4.2. World Trade Tax
As a result of the fact that all products in the world trade are transported over the seas at the
rate of 95%, “World Trade Tax” was recommended to set and protect international economic
order in Brandt Commission in 1980. In the event that a 5% tax is collected over the world
trade expected to occur as at 2001, nearly $58,9 billion was foreseen to be derived as income.
Inıtially, it was expected to obtain a big contribution in the international trade particularly in
OECD countries in order to strengthen underdeveloped and developing countries and
eliminate current adversities in the world trade.
According to the announcement made by WTO in 2003, total world trade as at 2002 was
nearly $6,4 trillion; therefore it is possible to earn around $30 million income in financing
global public goods with a small rate (0,05) under the name of “Global Trade Tax” over these
trade activities. On the other hand, assuming that the shrinkage to emerge in the world trade
will be 5%, it is widely thought that such a tax application will decrease the trade of the
developing countries and adversely affect their growth (Tekin and Vural, 2004:327).
5.4.3. Tobin Tax
Recommendations made to mitigate the problems that the globalization created in terms of
states and social classes have focused on the taxation of these movements at least against the
limitation of the capital movements. J. Tobin suggested levying a transaction tax at a high rate
over the international capital movements in order to decrease the possibility of earning profit
in short term or overnight speculations by increasing speculation costs. The suggestion
required the collection of a tax with a rate varying between 0.1% - 0.5% over the Money to be
converted from one foreign exchange to another foreign exchange. Tax will be collected over
the rate to be applied on the transaction amount in purchase and sale. It was initially
considered to apply this tax only in the current market, but then it was stated that the
application should cover all other markets. The tax must be collected at the same rate in all
countries over the world and over all transactions in any foreign exchange realized in different
countries. The purpose of the tax is to decrease short term speculative transactions and to
ensure that the efficiencies of the governments are increased in their macro-economic and
monetary policies and tax burden is allocated equally. Canada has been the first country to
approve Tobin Tax in 1999 by indicating that Tobin Tax should be applied as an international
tax (Saraçoğlu and Şahan, 2004:74). There are two main reasons for the failure of Tobin Tax
in becoming widespread as recommended. Firstly the countries abstaining from temporary
adverse effects to emerge with the application of the tax avoid from taking the lead or
initiatives and secondly those carrying out the transactions to be taxed may avoid the tax by
creating new instruments not subject to tax or by using tax heavens (Binger, 2003:18).
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6.CONCLUSION
Globalization has presented worldwide opportunities to the individuals, firms and countries
on the one hand while creating new threats and problems at the same time on the other hand.
It has become necessary to fortify, update and change current market mechanism in order to
eliminate some threats or to benefit from the opportunities emerging and having a universal
value. In this process, new approaches and policies have been focused on in the public
finance.
Taxation is one of the most widely discussed issues among the tools foreseen to be used in
financing Global Public Goods. For the execution of global taxation applications, it is
necessary to benefit from supranational organization institutions to be newly set up with the
attachments to be inserted in the internal legislation of nation states or new arrangements to be
made. As per the success of such attempts, some questions and problems emerge such as
legal, political, administrative, social and economic infrastructure inadequacies of the
countries, creation of the administration relating to the levy, collection and distribution of the
taxes, determination and audit of authorities and responsibilities. Whether or not nation states
are willing to transfer their taxation authority based on their sovereignty to other institutions
and organizations or the doubts to emerge on their independence as well as the lack of an
authority such as state before the taxpayers affect the success in taxation. Furthermore, it is
necessary to determine the need of the countries for Global Public Goods or the level of
sincerity about the concerns for next generations, whether the countries will create (and
abuse) an impact over other countries by taking advantage of their the development
difference, who can be represented in what numbers in the institutions or organizations to be
created; the truth of new financial incentives, the criteria taken into consideration in setting
global priorities and which focal points will affect the international community.
For global taxation purposes, efforts should be made to mobilize power or powers on nation
state level to ensure that nation states participate in the system and the system works
efficiently, then to create global power or powers to commence global tax application and to
transfer the sovereignty of nation states to this organization. This approach is an important
rationale for strong countries to oppose global tax applications. The solution of this problem
is to ensure that some global taxes having a potential to be applied on nation state level are
applied and the income derived is transferred to the production of Global Public Goods at first
stage and then a part of this income is transferred to the global authority, which will cover a
transition period. Technical problems to emerge during the application of the taxes may be
solved in some manner; however, the elimination of political barriers which is the
fundamental problem in the application of these taxes depends on the establishment of more
transparent, willing to participate and democratic global management institutions on global
scale and presentation of common solutions to the global problems respecting to the principle
of equality, human rights and the principle of state of law.
General opinion about the application of global tax until today is that the possibility of their
application is very low. Global Public Goods financing is maintained in a cooperative manner
by international institutions and voluntary organizations rather than the global taxes discussed
in theory. Actually, if each country fulfills its obligations in due manner, it can be discussed if
there is a need for these applications. As it is observed in practice, some countries show
sincerity about the issue and make necessary efforts (such as the EU or Northern European
countries), countries mainly USA, China and India which are leading world economy show
their insincerity concerning the issue by objecting to sign Kyoto Protocol.

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REFERENCES
ANAND P.B., Financing the Provision of Global Public Goods, Discussion Paper No.
2002/110, UNU/WIDER, November 2002, www.wider.unu.edu/publications/workingpapers/discussion-papers/2... (09.04.2012)
ARSLAN Mehmet Oğuz, Uluslararası Mali İlişkiler, Açık Öğretim Fakültesi Yayınları,
7.Ünite, Eskişehir, 2007.
BAŞARAN Fehmi, Küresel Bir Kamu Malı Olarak Çevrenin Artan Önemi ve Sayıştay
Denetimi,
Sayıştay
Dergisi,
Sayı:
65
(Özel)
91,
http://dergi.sayistay.gov.tr/icerik/der65m10.pdf (12.04.2012)
BİNGER Albert, Global Publıc Goods And Potentıal Mechanısms For Fınancıng Avaılabılıty,
Background paper prepared for the Fifth Session of the Committee for Development Policy
Meeting,
West
Indies,
Jamaica,
April
7-11,
2003
http://www.un.org/esa/policy/devplan/al_binger.pdf (03.04.2012)
BRZOSKA Michael, Taxation of The Arms Trade: An Overview of The İssues, Paper
prepared for the United Nations ad hoc Expert Group Meeting on Innovations in Mobilizing
Global,
Resources
for
Development,
BICC,
25-26
June
2001,
http://unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/un/unpan000954.pdf (16.04.2012)
DENEULİN Séverine and Nicholas TOWNSEND, Public Goods, Global Public Goods And
The Common Good, Wed Working Paper 18, ESRC Economic&amp;Social Research Council,
London, September 2006, http://www.welldev.org.uk/research/workingpaperpdf/wed18.pdf
(05.04.2012)
DULUPÇU M. Ali, “Sürdürülebilir Kalkınma Politikasına Yönelik Gelişmeler”, Dış Ticaret
Dergisi,
S:20,
46-70,
2000,
http://www.dtm.gov.tr/dtmadmin/upload/EAD/TanitimKoordinasyonDb/politika.doc
(10.04.2012)
GARDİNER Rosalie (uned Forum) ve Katell Le GOULVEN (undp tarafından), Sustaining
Our Global Public Goods, http://www.worldsummit2002.org/texts/Globalpublicgoodsbriefing.pdf (24.04.2012)
GÜLER Hünkar, Küresel Kamusal Malların Finansmanına Bir Model Olarak Avrupa Birliği
Bütçesi Öz Kaynaklar Sistemi, Marmara Üniversitesi İİBF Dergisi, C:XXX, S:I, 2011.
http://iibf.marmara.edu.tr/iysdosya/fakultedergisi/2011/243-261guler.pdf (20.04.2012)
HARTZOK Alanna, Financing Local to Global Public Goods: An Integrated Green Tax Shift
Perspective,
Earth
Rights
Instıtute
The
Earth
Belongs
To
Everyone
http://www.earthrights.net/docs/financing.html (03.04.2012)
KİRMANOĞLU Hülya, Binhan Elif YILMAZ, Nazan SUSAM, Maliye Teorisinin Çıkmazı:
Küresel Kamusal Mallar (Kalkınma Yardımları İçinde Küresel Kamusal Malların
Finansmanı),
Maliye
Dergisi,
Sayı
150,
Ocak
–
Haziran
2006.
http://212.174.133.188/calismalar/maliye_dergisi/yayinlar/md/150/hulya_binhan_nazan.pdf
(02.04.2012)
KAUL Inge, Global Public Goods: What Role for Civil Society, Global Public
GoodsNonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly 2001, 30: 588, Nonprofit and Voluntary
Sector Quarterly http://nvs.sagepub.com/content/30/3/588 (07.04.2012)
KAUL Inge, Isabelle GRUNBERG, Marc A. STERN, Global Publıc Goods: Concepts,
Policies And Strategies, Global Publıc Goods: Internatıonal Cooperatıon In The 21st Century,
Publıshed For The Unıted Natıons Development Programme (Undp), New York Oxford,
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Oxford
Unıversıty
Press,
http://web.undp.org/globalpublicgoods/TheBook/globalpublicgoods.pdf (12.04.2012)

1999,

KINDLEBERGER C.P., International Public Goods Without International Government, The
American Economic Review, Vol:76, No:1, Page:1-13, 1986, aktaran AKYOL S., S.
ULUTÜRK, Küresel Kamu Malları: Hegemonya Ve İstikrarın Küresel Ekonomi Politiği, 21.
Türkiye Maliye Sempozyumu (Kamu Maliyesinde Güncel Gelişmeler), Antalya, 10–14 Mayıs
2006.
OECD (1), Development: Aid to developing countries falls because of global recession,
http://www.oecd.org/document/3/0,3746,en_21571361_44315115_50058883_
1_1_1_1,00.html (24.04.2012)
OECD (2), Dac Global Relations Strategy, http://www.oecd.org/officialdocuments/
displaydocumentpdf/?cote=DCD/DAC(2011)36/FINAL&amp;doclanguage=en (24.04.2012)
ÖZDEMİR Biltekin, Küresel Kirlenme Sürdürülebilir Ekonomik Büyüme Ve Çevre Vergileri,
Maliye
Dergisi,
S:156,
Ocak-Haziran
2009,
http://212.174.133.188/calismalar/maliye_dergisi/yayinlar/md/156/01.Biltekin.Ozdemir.pdf
(02.04.2012)
SARAÇOĞLU Fatih, Özgür ŞAHAN, Tobin Vergisi Ve Türkiye’de Uygulanabilirliği S:55,
Ekim-Aralık 2004, http://www.sayistay.gov.tr/yayin/dergi/icerik/der55m4.pdf (04.04.2012)
SUSAM Nazan, “Kamu Maliyesinde Sınır Ötesi Bir Kavram: Küresel Kamusal Mallar”,
EÜHFD, CXII,S.1-2, 2008, http://hukuk.erzincan.edu.tr/dergi/makale/2008_XII_12.pdf
(04.04.2012)
TEKİN Ahmet, İstiklal Y.VURAL, Global Kamusal Malların Finansman Aracı Olarak Global
Vergi Önerileri, S.12, 2004, http://www.sosyalbil.selcuk.edu.tr/sos_mak/makaleler/
Ahmet%20 TEKİN%20-%20İstiklal%20Y.%20VURAL/323-337.pdf (06.04.2012)
WOEHLKE James A., Trends in Taxation, LLM, CPA, is counsel and director of the
technical services division for the NYSSCPA and technical editor (taxes) of The CPA
Journal, http://www.nysscpa.org/cpajournal/2000/0200/f142000.html (05.04.2012)

Investigating the Relationship between Corporate Culture and Job Satisfaction in
Financial Sector: Case for Banks
İbrahim Akın Altun, Mehmet Özer Demir
Akdeniz Üniversitesi, Alanya Engineering Faculty,
Kestel/Alanya.
E-mails: akinaltun@akdeniz.edu.tr, mozerdemir@akdeniz.edu.tr
Abstract
There is a consensus that organizational culture affects outcomes both for the organization
and the individual. Researchers examined the impact of organizational culture on
organizational commitment, job satisfaction, turnover and retention. Although it is generally
accepted that organizational culture affects job satisfaction little empirical research has been
188

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                <text>Sustainable development is programming of life today and in the future, in such a way to  establish a balance between human being and nature and to enable future generations in  fulfilling their needs. This concept contains growth and evolution policies in socio-economic,  ecologic, political, spatial, cultural dimensions.  There are some important issues in agenda of countries in order to deal with problems such as  development, growth, preventing unemployment and inflation. These problems have made  themselves evident with the process of globalization particularly during the 1980’s. United  Nations, OECD, EU and other voluntary institutions felt that they need to implement some  guiding and repressive policies in order to ensure that scarce sources to be used efficient in  economic development with a skeptical view on future generations’ welfare.  In the post-1980 period initiated with the “globalisation phenomenon”, the development in  informatics, transportation and communication technologies has caused the globe to narrow  rapidly and has created an environment in which geographical frontiers among all the  countries in the world are transcended and cooperation and trade in economic, social, cultural  fields are developed. The process initiated with globalisation has brought some public good  and service needs (environment, health, knowledge, peace, security, etc.) that concern all the  societies into agenda. As individual countries fail to satisfy the supply and finance of these  goods, common cooperation worldwide is needed and hence the concept of “global public  good” started to take part in the public finance literature. The first study on the concept,  namely “Global Public Goods; International Cooperation in the 21st Century” under the  United Nations Development Programme was published in 1999 and later on quite a few  studies on the aforementioned concept have been prepared within the bodies of national,  international and supra-national institutions, establishments.  This work provides an examination of studies on application of ‘global tax’ as a fiscal  precaution taking account of national, international and supra-national effects the in relation  between global public goods and sustainable growth.  Keywords: Sustainable Development, Globalization, Public Good, Global Public Good, Tax.</text>
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                    <text>PREGLEDNI NAUČNI RAD

Novčana naknada štete za duševne boli zbog smrti bliske
osobe
Financial Compensation for Mental Pain Caused by a Death
of a Close Person
Mr. sci. Gordana Hrvić
Kantonalni inspektor rada u Sarajevu
e-mail: gordana_hrvic_82@hotmail.com
Sažetak: U normalnim životnim situacijama, usljed štetnog
događaja koji ima za posljedicu smrt neke osobe, pojava
duševnog bola kod najbližih srodnika umrle osobe neupitna
je činjenica. Najbliži srodnici umrle osobe su posredno
oštećeni i imaju pravo na naknadu za duševni bol koji trpe
zbog smrti bliske osobe, dakle na ime pretrpljene posredne
štete.
Obzirom da je duševna bol vid nematerijalne štete te da ne
postoji mogućnost povrata u pređašnje stanje, jedini način
naknade ovako nastale štete jeste naknada u novcu. Novčani
iznos koji se dosuđuje u ovakvim situacijama predstavlja
satisfakciju za pretrpljenu štetu i služi kao sredstvo za
pribavljanje nekog zadovoljstva i ublažavanje boli zbog
gubitka bliske osobe.

Ključne riječi: duševna bol zbog
smrti bliske osobe, posredno oštećeni,
novčana naknada, nematerijalna
šteta.
JEL klasifikacija: K19
http://dx.doi.org/
10.14706/DO152111
Historija članka
Dostavljen: 24.10.2014.
Recenziran: 16.01.2015.
Prihvaćen: 26.01.2015.

Nesporno je da je bol roditelja najveći, naročito majke za
djetetom, kao i da djeca zbog smrti roditelja doživljavaju
traumu veoma jakog intenziteta te da će zbog svoje mladosti
duže patiti u odnosu na starije osobe. Bol roditelja uglavnom
je trajniji nego bol bračnog druga naročito ako se radi o
mladom bračnom drugu iz vremenski kratkog braka zbog
mogućnosti uspostavljanja nove bračne ili vanbračne
zajednice.
Sve ove okolnosti su od bitnog značaja prilikom utvrđivanja
iznosa novčane naknade za duševne boli zbog smrti bliske
osobe.

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�Mr. sci. Gordana Hrvić

Abstract: In normal life circumstances, due to a harmful event
which results in a death of a person, it is an undisputed fact
that the closest relatives of a deceised person experience mental
distress.The closest relatives are indirectly damaged, and the
right for compensation for mental distress that they have
suffered from due to the death of a close person is the right on
behalf of the indirect loss they have experienced.
As the mental distress belongs to the scope of an immaterial
damage, an intangible loss and there is no possibility to go
back to the previous state of things, the only way to compensate
for this type of loss is monetary compensation. The amount of
money that is adjudicated in these cases represent satisfaction
for the loss that has been experienced and are a mean which
serves the purpose of relieving the pain for the loss of a close
person.

Keywords: mental distress caused by
the death of a close person, the
indirectly damaged, an immaterial
damage, an intangible loss.
JEL Classification: K19
http://dx.doi.org/
10.14706/DO152111
Article History
Submitted: 24.10.2014.
Resubmited: 16.01.2015.
Accepted: 26.01.2015.

It is widely known that the pain a parent experiences,
especially the one a mother experiences when she loses a child,
and the trauma children experence when they lose a parent are
of high intensity.
Children will suffer form the experience longer than older
persons due to their youth. The pain parents experience is more
permanent than the pain a spouse experiences, especially if it is
a young spouse from a short marriage since there is a possibility
to establish a new marriage or cohabitation. All these
circumstances are of the vital importance when determining
the amount of money

278

Društveni ogledi - Časopis za pravnu teoriju i praksu

�Novčana naknada štete za duševne boli zbog smrti bliske osobe

1. Uvod
Smrt nekog lica kako prirodna tako i smrt prouzrokovana štetnom radnjom,
po prirodi stvari uzrokuje bol svima koji su voljeli umrlog i redovno je izvor patnji
određenog broja ljudi. Krug ljudi pogođenih nečijom smrću ponekad je izrazito
široki i obuhvata članove porodice umrlog, rodbinu, prijatelje, poznanike, poslovne
partnere i slično.1 Međutim, kod najbližih srodnika smrt oštećenog može izazvati
teške posljedice u vidu psihičkih oboljenja, a koje su u Zakonu o obligacionim
odnosima2 (u daljem tekstu ZOO) nazvane duševnim bolovima. U takvim
situacijama sud može u slučaju smrti neke osobe prouzročene štetnom radnjom,
dosuditi članovima njene uže porodice novčanu naknadu za njihove pretrpljene
duševne bolove, u kojem slučaju su oni posredno (indirektno) oštećeni jer na taj
način trpe nematerijalnu štetu. Dakle, ova lica uz ispunjenje zakonom propisanih
uslova, imaju pravo na naknadu nematerijalne štete, iako štetna radnja nije bila
direktno usmjerena na njih.3
U pravnoj teoriji pod duševnim bolom smatra se stanje duševne patnje,
stanje stalne tuge nezavisne od spoljnih događaja, što je glavni uzrok melanholije i
depresije.4 Zakonska definicija duševnog bola ne postoji, ni u medicini, ni u pravu,
pa ni u psihologiji. Za određivanje ovog pojma mora se poći od same povrede prava
ličnosti, koja kod čovjeka izaziva određeni subjektivni odnos ili stav prema povredi
koja mu je nanesena, a koji predstavlja ustvari izvjesnu emociju. Iz toga proizilazi da

1

O smrti kao uzroku nastanka duševnih bolova kod bliskih osoba umrlog više: I. Crnić; I.Grbin;
O.Jeličić; H.Momčinović; S.Anđelović; A.Lui; M.Ćurković: Naknada nematerijalne štete po ZOO,
Pravni i medicinski aspekti. Organizator, Zagreb, 2003., str 35. te Stevan Jakšić, Obligaciono pravo,
Veselin Masleša, Sarajevo, 1953., str. 266 i Ž.Đorđević; V.Stanković: Obligaciono pravo - opšti deo.
Savremena administracija, Beograd, 1980. str. 300
2
Zakon o obligacionim odnosima SFRJ (‘’Službeni list SFRJ“ broj: 29/78, 39/85, 45/89 i 57/89), takav
je preuzet kao republički zakon i noveliran u ‘’Službenom listu RBIH“ broj: 2/92, 13/93 i 13/94, te je
donesen Zakon o izmjenama Zakona o obligacionim odnosima FBiH ‘’Službene novine FBiH“ broj:
29/03. U Republici Srpskoj je preuzet na osnovu člana 12. Ustavnog zakona za sprovođenje Ustava RS
(‘’Sl.glasnik RS’’ broj: 21/92).
3
Vidi: Stevan Jakšić, Obligaciono pravo, Veselin Masleša, Sarajevo, 1953., str. 266, a slično i Ž.
Đorđević, V. Stanković, op.cit., str. 300, te J. Radišić, op.cit., str. 201-203.
4
Definicija prema P.Trifunović: Naknada neimovinske štete zbog smrti bliskog lica, Pravni život
1998,t.II,br 10,str. 893

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�Mr. sci. Gordana Hrvić

je duševna bol emocija koja se javlja kod pojedinca čije je lično pravo ugroženo ili
povrijeđeno.5
Uopšteno govoreći, obzirom da mogu nastati kao posljedica usljed
djelovanja najrazličitijih uzroka, duševne boli nastaju vrlo često. Prema ZOO,
duševne boli nisu samostalan oblik nematerijalne štete, nego se javljaju kao posljedica
neke štetne radnje. Da bi se izbjegao veliki broj tužbenih zahtjeva usmjerenih na
naknadu nematerijalne štete ZOO je izdvojio i uzeo kao pravno relevantne samo one
uzroke koji skoro uvijek imaju za posljedicu duševne boli, a što je redovna pojava
kod smrtnog slučaja bliske osobe.6 Međutim, ZOO ograničava i krug posredno
oštećenih koji su ovlašteni zahtijevati naknadu štete u ovim slučajevima.7
2. Pojam, svrha i način naknade štete za duševne boli zbog smrti

bliske osobe

Nematerijalna šteta, nazvana još i moralna, idealna, neimovinska, te šteta u
ličnosti, predstavlja povredu građanskim pravom zaštićenih čovjekovih ličnih
dobara.8 Povreda ovih ličnih dobara najčešće se i ne manifestuje vanjskim znacima,
nije vidljiva, nego se manifestuje kao unutrašnje subjektivno trpljenje oštećenika.
Da bi se šteta9 kao pravni pojam razlikovala od opšteg pojma štete,
neophodno je da se radi o gubitku za koji prema pozitivnim zakonskim propisima
5

B.Blagojević; V.Krulj: Komentar Zakona o obligacionim odnosima. Drugo izdanje. Savremena
administracija, Beograd, 1983. str. 520, te M. Počuča, Naknada nematerijalne štete zbog pretrpljenog
straha. Privredna akademija, Novi Sad, 2008. str. 92.
6
Član 200. ZOO ‘’…za pretrpljene fizičke bolove, za pretrpljene duševne bolove zbog umanjenja životne
aktivnosti, naruženja, povrede ugleda, časti, slobode prava ili prava ličnosti, smrti bliskog lica kao i za strah,
sud će ako nađe da okolnosti slučaja, a naročito jačina bolova i straha i njihovo trajanje to opravdava,
dosuditi pravičnu novčanu naknadu, nezavisno od naknade materijalne štete, pa čak i u njenom odsustvu’’
7
Tako je u članu 201. ZOO utvrđeno da u slučaju smrti nekog lica, sud može dosuditi članovima njegove
uže porodice (bračnom drugu, djeci i roditeljima) pravičnu novčanu naknadu za njihove duševne bolove, ali
se može dosuditi i vanbračnom drugu, braći i sestrama ako je između njih i umrlog postojala trajnija
zajednica života.
8
Vidi: A. Bikić, Obligaciono pravo – opći dio. Drugo izmijenjeno i dopunjeno izdanje. Pravni fakultet
Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Sarajevo, 2007., str. 239, O. Stanković, Naknada štete. Nomos, Beograd,
1980. str. 23-29, te I. Crnić, Neimovinska šteta. II izdanje. Pravne teme, Organizator, Zagreb, 2006.,
str. 62-70.
9
U članu 155. ZOO, šteta je definisana na slijedeći način: Šteta je umanjenje nečije imovine (obična
šteta) i sprečavanje njihovog povećanja (izmakla korist), kao i nanošenje drugome fizičkog ili duševnog bola
ili straha (nematerijalna šteta).

280

Društveni ogledi - Časopis za pravnu teoriju i praksu

�Novčana naknada štete za duševne boli zbog smrti bliske osobe

neko odgovara odnosno da se radi o pravno nadoknadivoj šteti.10 Da bi postojao
obligacioni odnos iz kojeg proizilazi obaveza naknade štete potrebno je da su
ispunjeni opći uslovi: postojanje dva različita lica, oštećeni i štetnik, da postoji radnja
činjenja ili propuštanja (štetna radnja), da je ta radnja protivpravna, da je nastala
šteta, da postoji uzročna veza između štetne radnje i štete, te da postoji odgovornost
lica za učinjenu štetu.11
Jedna štetna radnja može prouzrokovati štetne posljedice kod više osoba, a
zavisno od toga da li je štetna radnja na neku osobu uticala posredno ili neposredno,
razlikujemo neposrednu ili izvornu i posrednu nematerijalnu štetu. Kao što je već
rečeno, duševne boli koje nastanu kod osoba zbog smrti bliskog srodnika
predstavljaju posrednu štetu.12
Pod naknadom štete podrazumjeva se uklanjanje ili ublažavanje štetnih
posljedica po oštećenog na račun nekog trećeg, a koje štetne posljedice su nastale
zbog neke štetne radnje.13 Kada govorimo o naknadi za nematerijalnu štetu u vidu
duševnih boli zbog smrti bliske osobe, govorimo o naknadi za povredu na ličnim
10

Pod štetom se u pravnom smislu podrazumijeva svaka šteta pravno zaštićenog dobra, odnosno interesa, koji
nastaje mimo volje pogođenog lica i koju je neko dužan nadoknaditi. - J.Radišić: Obligaciono pravo - opšti
dio. Nomos, Beograd, 2000. str. 194.
11
Oštećeni je lice koje je pretpjelo štetu, lice kome je šteta učinjena, bilo u imovini, bilo u pravima (ličnosti).
S druge strane, štetnik je lice koje je načinilo štetu, a to može biti svako fizičko i pravno lice, ali samo ono lice
koje posjeduje deliktnu sposobnost može biti odgovorno za naknadu štete. Da bi neka radnja bila
protivpravna, potrebno je da je ona u suprotnosti sa pozitivnim zakonskim propisima, te da predstavlja
povredu kako objektivnog prava, tako i povredu nečijeg subjektivnog prava, dakle povredu tijela ili imovine.
Štetna radnja se može sastojati od radnje činjenja ili propuštanja. Najbitniji uslov za postojanje osnova za
naknadu štete je prouzrokovanje štete, jer da šteta nije nastala ne bi se uopšte ni pokretalo pitanje postojanja
osnova za njenu naknadu. Uzročna veza između protivpravne radnje i štete je posljednji uslov koji mora
postojati da bi postojala i odgovornost za štetu, a samim tim i postojanje osnova za naknadu štete. U ovom
slučaju se misli da je lice odgovorno za onu štetu koja je nastala kao posljedica njegove konkretne radnje, onda
kada se njegova radnja odnosi prema šteti kao uzrok prema posljedici. Kada se govori o odgovornosti, ona
predstavlja sankciju zbog kršenja prava, ona je posljedica utvrđena pravnom normom za slučaj nepoštivanja
pravne norme. Pravnu odgovornost karakteriše i društvena osuda ponašanja delikventa, te se ispoljava u
određenim negativnim posljedicama za odgovorno lice. - O pretpostavkama i općim uslovima
odgovornosti za štetu vidi: Zdravko Petrović, Pretpostavke i kriteriji odgovornosti za štetu, Izbor sudske
prakse XVI broj 9, Beograd, 2008. str 5-9. te O. Stanković, op.cit. str. 90. i Abedin Bikić, op.cit str.
194-229.
12
J.Radišić, op.cit. str 201-203.
13
M. Počuča, op.cit., str. 43.

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dobrima, o ljudskom tijelu i psihi, dakle o dobrima od velikog značaja.14 S obzirom
da se kod popravljanja ovakvog vida štete zbog same njene naravi ne može postići
reparacija u smislu uspostavljanja prijašnjeg stanja, u slučaju nastanka duševnih boli
zbog smrti bliske osobe dosuđuje se određeni novčani iznos posredno oštećenima na
ime satisfakcije.15 Šteta je neprijatan, a naknada u novcu prijatan doživljaj, način
kojim se može potisnuti patnja izazvana doživljajem zbog smrti. Duševni bol je
nemjerljiv i novčana naknada nije u funkciji uspostavljanja ekvivalencije kao što je to
slučaj kod materijalne štete. Novčana naknada bi trebala omogućiti oštećenom
uspostavljanje narušene psihičke ravnoteže, odnosno da oštećeni pomoću određene
sume novca sebi omogući neko materijalno zadovoljstvo kao moralnu kompenzaciju
i da mu se povrati mir u poremećenoj psihičkoj ravnoteži.16
Dakle, naknada ovakve štete predstavlja vid zadovoljenja u obliku davanja
novčanog iznosa kojim oštećeni sebi pribavlja izvjesno zadovoljstvo, pomoću kojeg će
se osjećati ljepše, otkloniti ili ublažiti prouzrokovane mu štetne posljedice. Novčana
naknada nematerijalne štete nije cilj već sredstvo kojim oštećeni zadovoljavanjem
potreba koje inače ne bi mogao podmiriti, olakšava sebi život i čineći ga
podnošljivijim, ublažava duševnu bol koju podnosi. Pravilnom ocjenom elemenata iz
člana 200. stav 2. ZOO sprečava se dosuđivanje novčane naknade nematerijalne štete
suprotno njenoj svrsi.

3. Krug osoba koje imaju pravo na novčanu naknada štete za
duševne boli zbog smrti bliske osobe
Kada usljed smrti neke osobe kod njegovih najbližih srodnika nastanu
duševne boli možemo reći da imamo dvije žrtve, prvu koja je izgubila život i drugu
koja uslijed te smrti trpi duševne boli.17 Zakonodavac priznaje pravo na naknadu
nematerijalne štete zbog pretrpljene duševne boli bliskim srodnicima umrlog kada je

14

Z. Petrović, op.cit., str. 142.
U sudskoj praksi zasnovanoj još na pravnim pravilima OGZ-a, novčana naknada kao oblik popravljanja
nematerijalne štete nazivana je satisfakcijom ili zadovoljenjem. Više: Petar Klarić, Odštetno pravo,
Narodne novine, Zagreb, 1996., str. 255-258.
16
Živomir Đorđević, Vladan Stanković; Obligaciono pravo, Savremena administracija, Beograd, 1980.,
str. 409.
17
Sudskomedicinsko vještačenje nematerijalne štete, Pravo na naknadu nematerijalne štete po Zakonu o
obligacionim odnosima Republike Srbije, Z.Petrović i Nataša M.Petrović, JP Službeni glasnik, 2011. str
523
15

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�Novčana naknada štete za duševne boli zbog smrti bliske osobe

smrt nastupila kao posljedica preduzete deliktne radnje štetnika.18 Tako je prihvaćen
stav da pravo na naknadu štete zbog smrti bliskog srodnika ne pripada članovima
porodice posredno oštećenim u slučaju kada je smrt bliske osobe prouzrokovao sam
neposredno oštećeni, dakle u slučajevima kada je oštećeni izvršio samoubistvo.
Kroz teoriju i praksu se postavljalo pitanje da li je opravdano priznati pravo
na novčanu naknadu onima koji zbog te smrti trpe duševne bolove i da li to pravo
dati svakom licu ili samo nekima.19 Da bi se smanjio broj neosnovanih zahtjeva za
naknadu, ZOO je opravdano znatno ograničio krug posredno oštećenih kojima
pripada ovo pravo i to:
a)članovima uže porodice umrlog tj. njegovom bračnom drugu, djeci i roditeljima;
b)braći i sestrama umrlog te
c)vanbračnom drugu umrlog.
Da bi članovi uže porodice umrlog tj. njegov bračni drug, djeca i roditelji
ostvarili pravo na naknadu nematerijalne štete zbog smrti bliske osobe, jedina
pretpostavka koja mora biti ostvarena jeste da smrt kod člana uže porodice izaziva
duševne bolove. Za postojanje osnova za naknadu ne traži se dakle ni zajednica
života, niti je ona bitna okolnost prilikom odmjeravanja visine kazne. Međutim, u
sudskoj praksi pravi se razlika u pogledu visine naknade između djece koja su bila na
odgoju i skrbi kod roditelja od one koja nisu.20 Odraslo dijete koje u vrijeme smrti
roditelja ne živi s njim u porodičnoj zajednici nesporno ima pravo na naknadu samo
će visina naknade zavisiti od međusobne emotivne povezanosti roditelja i djeteta.21

18

Pravo na naknadu nematerijalne štete generalno nije bilo dopušteno u bivšim socijalistički zemljama, tako
da ni danas u mnogim zemljama nije zakonski priznato pravo na naknadu štete zbog pretrpljenih duševnih
boli usljed smrti srodnika, što je slučaj u Albaniji, Mađarskoj, Bjelorusiji, Ukrajini, Moldaviji, Estoniji,
Rumuniji – Z.Petrović i Nataša M.Petrović, Naknada štete zbog smrti, tjelesne povrede ili oštećenja
zdravlja, Jugoslovenski pregled, Beograd 2008, str.82.
19
O krugu poredno oštećenih lica koja imaju pravo na ovu naknadu vidi: M. Bukovac Puvača, Trend
proširenja kruga osoba s pravom na novčanu naknadu, Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Rijeci,
br. 1, 2007., str. 511.
20
www.almaprnjavorac.com
21
Osamostaljenje djeteta i njegov život van porodične zajednice mogu uticati na visinu naknade, odnosno i
na pravo na naknadu samo u toliko ukoliko je ova okolnost uticala na umanjenje, odnosno, uopšte na
prestanak njihove međusobne emotivne povezanosti - Vrhovni sud SR Slovenije, broj: II Ips. 255/81, od
26.11.1981. godine. Vidi: H.Tajić; V. Simović: Zakon o obligacionim odnosima – četvrt vijeka sudske
prakse, Izbor sudskih odluka 1980-2005.g. Privredna štampa dd, Sarajevo, 2006., str 548.

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Pravo na ovu naknadu ima i dijete koje je tek rođeno i koje u trenutku smrti
ne može shvatiti gubitak roditelja i osjetiti bol, ali mu naknada pripada na ime
duševnih bolova koji će nastati saznanjem za smrt roditelja, kao i za kasnije bolove
koje dijete trpi zbog gubitka roditeljske ljubavi, pažnje i njege koju bi mu roditelj
pružao.22 Takođe, ovo pravo je priznato u sudskoj praksi začetom, a nerođenom
djetetu umrlog lica, pod uslovom da se živo rodi i da je u životu kada se o takvoj
naknadi odlučuje.23 Ovakvo stanovište je opravdano obzirom da se novčana naknada
dosuđuje za bol koja nastaje saznanjem za smrt kao i za boli koji nastanu zbog
gubitka roditeljske pažnje i ljubavi. Dugo vremena je sudska praksa bila pri stavu da
djeca ne mogu biti svjesna gubitka roditelja i da zbog toga ne postoji osnov za ovu
naknadu, ali kao što je navedeno, ovaj stav je prevaziđen.24 Pravo na naknadu
pripada i majci koja trpi duševne boli zbog smrti začetog djeteta.25
Intenzitet emocionalnih veza između braće i sestara redovno nije tako jak
kao kad je riječ o odnosima među ostalim članovima uže porodice. Da bi braća i
sestre mogli ostvariti novčanu naknadu za njihove duševne bolove, zakon određuje
da je potrebno da je između njih postojala trajnija zajednica života.26 Trajnija
zajednica života se u ovom slučaju povezuje sa življenjem u zajedničkom
22

Iako nije Zakonom priznato, niti je u Orijentacionim kriterijima obuhvaćeno, u sudskoj praksi je ovo
priznato pravo začetom još nerođenom djetetu, koje će nakon rođenja i spoznaje o gubitku roditelja trpiti
duševne boli, kao i roditeljima za duševne bolove nastale usljed gubitka ploda. Sudska praksa je dokazala i
da se odnos između maćehe i pastorka može u nekim slučajevima izjednačiti sa odnosom roditelja i djece, te
se u tom slučaju proširuje krug osoba koje imaju pravo na naknadu štete zbog smrti bliske osobe, a na temelju
kriterija koje zakon ne poznaje. - Vidi: Z. Petrović, N. Mrvić-Petrović, Naknada štete op.cit., str. 83-84 i
Z. Petrović, op.cit., str. 107-112.
23
Odluka Vrhovnog suda Vojvodine, Rev. Br 176/87, odluka Okružnog suda u Valjevu, Gž br.54/85,
vidi: Z.Petrović, N. Mrvić-Petrović, Naknada štete op.cit., str. 85.
24
Do donošenja ZOO nije bio tačno određen krug lica koja imaju pravo na naknadu zbog smrti bliskog
srodnika, ali se sudska praksa ograničavala na djecu i na bračnog druga. Roditelji su imali pravo samo ako
poginuli iza sebe nije ostavio porodicu-djecu i bračnog druga. Braća i sestre nisu imali pravo na ovaj vid
naknade, kao ni vanbračni drug. Prema istom stajalištu, ni dijete staro dvije godine nema psihofizičke
osobine koje uslovljavaju sposobnost intenzivnog i trajnog doživljavanja emocija, pa iz rog razloga nema
pravo na naknadu štete za pretrpljene duševne boli zbog smrti oca. – Vrhovni sud jugoslavije, Rev
2395/64. Više: A.Bikić, Naknada štete, op.cit. str 137.
25
Kada je do povrede fetusa došlo prilikom saobraćajne nesreće dok se nalazilo u tijelu majke u devetom
mjesecu njene trudnoće koja ima normalan tok, majka ima pravo na naknadu štete za duševne bolove koje je
pretrpljela smrću zametka ljudskog bića u njenom tijelu, bez obzira što u vrijeme štetnog događaja dijete nije
bilo živo rođeno – Vrhovni sud Srbije, broj: Rev. 2606/99 od 6.10.1999.god. Vidi: H.Tajić;
V.Simović, op.cit., str. 551.
26
O novčanoj naknadi za duševne boli zbog smrti bliske osobe kroz sudsku praksu vidi: O. Stanković,
op.cit., str. 166-178, te I. Crnić et al., op.cit., str. 36-39.

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domaćinstvu. Međutim, vremenom se u dijelu sudske prakse formirao stav da
zajednica života ne mora biti poistovjećena sa zajedničkim domaćinstvom, ako druge
okolnosti, kao što su emotivna povezanost, česte posjete, zajednički organizovana
ishrana i druge potrebe, ukazuju na to da su braća ili sestre bili veoma vezani jedno
za drugo.27
Kada je u pitanju naknada zbog smrti vanbračnom drugu, ovo pravo
priznato je pod pretpostavkom da je između njega i umrlog postojala trajnija
zajednica života pri čemu se misli na zajednicu ekonomske prirode sa zajedničkim
življenjem.28 U ovom slučaju, prilikom utvrđivanja činjenice postojanja trajnije
zajednice života, sudska praksa se vezuje za odredbe Porodičnog zakona koji jasno
definiše pojam vanbračne zajednice.29
Ukoliko se krene od činjenice da što je srodnost bliža, to su i prouzrokovani
duševni bolovi jači, proizilazi to da su duševni bolovi jači kod sina umrlog nego kod
sina od brata umrlog, što je i bio osnov za isključenje drugih srodnika.30
U sudskoj praksi se postavilo i pitanje isključuje li ostvarena šteta u slučaju
naročito teškog invaliditeta bliske osobe štetu u slučaju smrti te osobe. Ukoliko bliski
srodnici oštećenog trpe duševne bolove zbog njegovog naročito teškog invaliditeta, te
na ime toga ostvare pravo na novčanu naknadu, to im ne isključuje pravo da
nekoliko godina kasnije ostvare pravo na pravičnu novčanu naknadu u slučaju smrti
27

U jednom slučaju sud je našao da se radi o trajnijoj zajednici između dvije sestre koje su živjele svaka u
svom stanu, ali su pretežno vrijeme provodile zajedno, posebno iz razloga što su bile u poznijoj životnoj dobi
o dugi niz godina su bile upućene jedna na drugu, obzirom da je smrtno stradala sestra u 77. godini života,
a razvedena je bila 35 godina i bez djece, dok je tužiteljici 75. godina života i udovica je već 40 godina –
Odluka VS RH Rev. 2818/98 od 29.9.1998.god. Vidi: A.Bikić, Naknada štete, Pravni fakultet
Univerziteta u sarajevu, Sarajevo 2010., str 139.
U drugom slučaju sud je našao da nema pravo na naknadu štete zbog duševnih bolova izazvanih smrću brata
ili sestre koja nije bila rođena u vrijeme štetnog događaja – Presuda Vrhovnog suda Federacije BiH broj:
Pž 153/98 od 24.10.2000.godine – Bilten VS FBiH broj 2/2000, odluka broj 40, strana 27. Vidi:
H.Tajić, V.Simović, op.cit. str.553.
28
U jednom slučaju sud je odbio zahtjev zaručnice na naknadu za pretrpljene duševne boli zbog smrti
zaručnika, s obrazloženjem da zaručnica ne dolazi u krug lica koja imaju pravo na tu naknadu, iako je ona
nesumnjivo teško patila zbog smrti njenog izabranika – Vidi A.Bikić, Naknada štete, op.cit. str. 139.
29
Prema članu 3. Porodičnog zakona (‘’Službene novine FBiH’’ broj: 35/05 i 41/05) vanbračna
zajednica je zajednica žene i muškarca koji nisu u braku ili vanbračnoj zajednici sa drugom osobom, a koja
traje najmanje 3 godine ili kraće ako je u njoj rođeno zajedničko dijete.
30
Vidi: I. Crnić, Naknada nematerijalne štete - neka pitanja, Godišnjak 9, Opatija, 2002. str. 16-20.

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neposredno oštećenog ukoliko se utvrdi da je smrt nastupila kao posljedica štetne
radnje, te da bliski srodnici usljed toga trpe duševnu bol.31
U zemljama bivše Jugoslavije osnov za ovu naknadu utvrđen je na identičan
način kao i kod nas, osim u Hrvatskoj. Zakonu o obveznim odnosima Republike
Hrvatske32 izmjene su izvršene u pogledu kruga osoba kojima se priznaje pravo na
novčanu naknadu nematerijalne štete zbog smrti bliskih srodnika. Naime, proširen je
krug lica, te je ovo pravo priznato i djedovima, bakama i unucima, uz ispunjenje
uslova postojanja trajnije zajednice života između njih i umrlog, bez obzira na
postojanje duševnih bolova kao posljedice smrti.33 U istoj odredbi ovog Zakona
regulisano je i pravo na pravičnu novčanu naknadu roditeljima zbog smrti začetog, a
nerođenog djeteta, pravo koje je ranije bilo priznato samo sudskom praksom.34
Važno je napomenuti da za razliku od talijanskog i francuskog
zakonodavstva, te anglosaksonskog u kojima je priznato pravo na novčanu naknadu
štete za duševne boli zbog smrti bliske osobe, u njemačkom i austrijskom
zakonodavstvu, te u skandinavskim zemljama postoji zakonski osnov za dosuđivanje
novčane naknade samo neposredno oštećenima. Međutim, sudska praksa ukoliko to
okolnosti slučaja opravdavaju, ide u pravcu priznavanja prava i posredno
oštećenim.35
3.1. Utvrđivanje visine novčane naknade štete za duševne boli zbog smrti
bliske osobe
Za određivanje visine novčanog iznosa na ime naknade bilo kojeg vida
nematerijalne štete ne postoje neke jednostavne formule koje bi sudu olakšale posao,
kao što je to slučaj kod oštećenja stvari gdje se kao osnov za utvrđivanje iznosa
naknade uzima npr. tržišna vrijednost stvari, novonabavljena vrijednost, vrijednost
31

Vidi: J. Radišić, op.cit., str. 298-301, te Komentar ZOO, II izdanje, Blagojević-Krulj, op.cit., str.
742-744.
32
U članu 1001. ZOO RH (‘’Narodne novine RH’’ br. 53/91, 73/91, 3/94, 7/96, 91/96, 112/99)
utvrđen je krug posredno oštećenih koji imaju pravo na naknadu štete i u odnosu na naš ZOO proširen
je krug lica. Vidi: I. Crnić, Neimovinska šteta, op.cit. str. 192.
33
Vidi: B. Matijević, Pravo na pravičnu novčanu naknadu u slučaju naročito/osobito teškog invaliditeta
neke osobe, Hrvatska pravna revija, VII (9), 2007. str. 48-55.
34
Vidi: M. Počuča, op.cit., str. 37. te I. Crnić, Neimovinska šteta, op.cit. str. 192.
35
Više: Steininger C., B.: New Austrian Tort Law. Draft, Vienna, 2006. te Z.Petrović, N.MrvićPetrović, Naknada štete..., op.cit. str 82.

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�Novčana naknada štete za duševne boli zbog smrti bliske osobe

izvršenog popravka i slično. Upravo je to razlog što gotovo svi pravni sistemi ne
određuju zakonom visinu novčane naknade štete već ostavljaju u nadležnosti suda
njeno određivanje. Polje slobodne sudske ocjene jako je široko, a posljedica toga je i
različitost sudske prakse. Odrediti novčanu naknadu za nešto što nema svoju cijenu
zaista je teško. Svaki čovjek je drugačiji od ostalih, a i njegove patnje s obzirom na
njihov intenzitet, trajanje i slično, mogu biti vrlo različite. Sud mora voditi računa o
tome, ali i o činjenici da visina pravične novčane naknade mora bar donekle biti
predvidiva, kako za oštećenog, tako i za odgovornu osobu, kako bi svi oni mogli
znati na šta mogu računati kad dođe do parnice radi naknade štete ili kada pitanje te
naknade žele riješiti vansudskim putem.
Zavisno od slučaja do slučaja, za utvrđivanje visine novčane naknade sudovi
koriste različite metode i kriterije, ali se svakako u ovom polju dobrim dijelom
oslanjaju i na sudsku praksu. Takođe od velikog značaja je saradnja između sudija i
vještaka odgovarajuće struke, jer bez sudsko-medicinskog vještačenja kojim se
utvrđuje jačina i trajanje duševnih boli, sud ne bi mogao dosuditi odgovarajuću
novčanu naknadu.36
a) Metode za utvrđivanje visine novčane naknade
Možemo razlikovati dvije metode određivanja naknade nematerijalne štete:
apstraktnu i konkretnu. Apstraktna ili objektivna metoda uzima u obzir prosjek,
uobičajenost sličnih slučajeva. Ona dovodi do uopštavanja sličnih ili istih rezultata za
sve slučajeve iste ili slične strukturiranosti u istim ili sličnim okolnostima. Ukoliko se
koristi ovom metodom, sud neće u svakom konkretnom slučaju utvrđivati sve
pojedinosti nego će se voditi nekim sličnim prethodnim slučajem, te u novonastalom
slučaju postupiti kao u tom prethodnom. Pristalice ove metode zagovaraju zakonsku
kvalifikaciju tjelesnih povreda i novčanih naknada za njih, što je upravo i učinjeno za
automobilske štete u Španiji i Italiji, gdje su utvrđeni iznosi koji se dosuđuju zavisno
od životne dobi povrijeđenog u saobraćajnoj nesreći. Ova metoda je karakteristična
za Belgiju, Španiju, Luksemburg, Francusku i Italiju.37
Konkretna ili subjektivna metoda koja je dosta preciznija, ali i komplikovanija
i dugotrajnija u odnosu na prethodno navedenu metodu, upravo je ta koju
36

O značaju sudskomedicinskog vještačenja više: G.Šćepanović, Z.Stanković, Z.Petrović,
Sudskomedicinsko vještačenje nematerijalne štete, JP Službeni glasnik, Beograd 2011. str 120-124
37
Više: Lapalus, C. Coutant: Le principe de la reparation integrale en droit prive. Institut de droit des
affaires, Presses universitaires d’Aix-en-Provence, Aix-en-Provence, 2002.

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primjenjuju naši sudovi prilikom određivanja iznosa novčane naknade. Ova metoda
uzima u obzir sve okolnosti konkretog slučaja i utvrđuje njegove specifičnosti po
kojima ovaj slučaj odstupa od prethodnih. Po ovoj metodi sudija utvrđuje i ocjenjuje
štetu in concreto na temelju stvarno izvedenih dokaza, te u obzir uzima sve okolnosti
koje su se pojavile u datom slučaju i koje mogu biti od značaja za utvrđivanje iznosa
novčane naknade. Ova metoda je karakteristična i za Njemačku, Austriju i
Nizozemsku.38
b) Kriteriji za utvrđivanje visine novčane naknade nematerijalne štete

Kriteriji za određivanje pravične novčane naknade opisani su u članu 200.
ZOO-a vrlo uopšteno i jedinstveno za sve oblike nematerijalne štete. Postojanje
nekog pravno relevantnog oblika nematerijalne štete ne daje uvijek oštećenom pravo
na naknadu. Da bi se oštećenom dosudila novčana naknada potrebno je da to
opravdavaju okolnosti slučaja. Kao što je već rečeno, novčana naknada nematerijalne
štete predstavlja vid zadovoljenja u obliku davanja određenog novčanog iznosa kojim
oštećeni sebi pribavlja izvjesno zadovoljstvo i tako na neki način otklanja ili ublažava
štetu koja mu je prouzrokovana. Po pravilu, ta naknada treba da bude veća ukoliko
prouzrokovano štetno stanje duže traje, prvenstveno iz razloga što je pri dužem
trajanju štete potreban i veći iznos naknade za odgovarajuće vremenski duže
pribavljanje zadovoljstva kojim se šteta otklanja ili ublažava.39
Prema odredbi člana 200. ZOO, proizilazi da su kriteriji za određivanje
naknade: jačina bolova i straha, trajanje bolova i straha, te druge okolnosti slučaja.
Zadatak suda nije lak. Sudije trebaju mudro postupati prilikom poduzimanja
slijedećih radnji: priznavanja prava na naknadu štete, određivanja kolika će biti ta
naknada, po kojim kriterijima i po kojim ocjenama, a pri tome voditi računa i o
društveno-ekonomskim okolnostima.

38

O načinu - metodama određivanja visine novčane naknade vidi: Komentar ZOO, Blagojević-Krulj,
op.cit., str. 741.
39
Vidi: Z. Petrović, op.cit., str. 135.

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�Novčana naknada štete za duševne boli zbog smrti bliske osobe
c)

Jačina duševnih bolova

Van svake sumnje je da će u nastojanjima da odredi naknadu, osnovni
oslonac sudu predstavljati sama šteta, dakle postojanje duševnih bolova, a zatim
njihov intenzitet i trajanje.40
Sud treba da utvrdi koliko su jaki duševni bolovi koje konkretni oštećeni
trpi zbog nedaća što su ga zadesile. Naravno, to je teži zadatak koji zahtijeva
svestrano ispitivanje raznih svojstava i osjećaja oštećenika. Iz tog razloga sudska
praksa polazi od pretpostavke koju nije teško braniti, a to je da veća blizina krvnog
srodstva između oštećenika i umrle osobe i slično, izaziva i veće duševne bolove.
Stoga se u sudskoj praksi jačina duševnih bolova ocjenjuje posredno, tj. prema jačini
primarne štete čija su oni posljedica. Polazi se od životnog iskustva koje pokazuje da
veliki intenzitet primarne štete u pravilu izaziva neuporedivo jače duševne bolove
nego kad su štetne posljedice manje. Navedena okolnost ima znatnog uticaja na
odmjeravanje visine novčane naknade.41
Kako na jačinu duševnih boli utiče i emotivna vezanost oštećenika i njegovih
bliskih osoba, kao što je već rečeno, od velike je važnosti činjenica da li su
neposredno i posredno oštećena osoba živjele otuđene, u mržnji ili neprijateljskim
odnosima. Ako bi zahtjev za naknadu takve štete bio usmjeren na sticanje određene
imovinske koristi, ne bi bio ostvaren osnovni cilj naknade nematerijalne štete.42
d) Trajanje bolova i straha

Drugi kriterij koji se obavezno mora uzeti u obzir prilikom utvrđivanja
visine novčane naknade jeste trajanje duševnih bolova koje može biti vrlo različito. U
nekim slučajevima oštećenog duševna bol prati cijeli život, a nekad samo neko
određeno vrijeme. Iz tog razloga, u svakom konkretnom slučaju treba utvrditi da li je
riječ o trajnim, doživotnim posljedicama ili posljedicama ograničenog trajanja. Tako
će npr. u slučaju smrti bliske osobe, osoba mlađe dobi u pravilu duže vremena trpiti

40

G.Šćepanović,Z.Stanković,Z.Petrović,op.cit. str 44-46, te Komentar ZOO, I izdanje, BlagojevićKrulj, op.cit., str. 538.
41

Vidi: Z. Petrović, N. Mrvić-Petrović, op.cit, str. 95.
I. Kaladić: Naročito teški invaliditet bliske osobe i novčana naknada nematerijalne štete i kada se ne
kreće u granicama potpunog invaliditeta. Hrvatska pravna revija, VII (7-8), 2007. str. 24.
42

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duševne boli nego osoba starije dobi.43 Iz navedenog proizilazi to da se visina iznosa
naknade ovog oblika nematerijalne štete, kao i svih drugih oblika, određuje
individualno i da zavisi od cjelokupne situacije i niza okolnosti konkretnog slučaja.44
e)

Ostale okolnosti slučaja od uticaja na visinu novčane naknade

Iako sud za odmjeravanje novčane naknade najviše značaja pridaje
prethodnim kriterijima, ipak su od izuzetne važnosti i druge okolnosti. Okolnosti
slučaja koje sud treba uzeti u obzir mogu biti vrlo različite od slučaja do slučaja.45
Kao kriterij za odmjeravanje visine novčane naknade može se uzeti npr.
imovno stanje štetnika, te broj oštećenih osoba u slučaju naknade štete bliskim
osobama direktno oštećenog. Ukoliko je imovinsko stanje štetnika lošije, a krug
oštećenih osoba širi, to će im biti dosuđeni manji novčani iznosi na ime novčane
naknade.46 Nadalje, kao jedan od kriterija koji može biti od značaja i koji sud uzima
u obzir prilikom utvrđivanja novčane naknade, jeste krivica štetnika. To je zapravo
činjenica da li postoji doprinos štetnika u nastanku nematerijalne štete, npr. da li je
smrt prouzrokovana namjerno ili nepažnjom, jer i to direktno utiče na duševne boli
njegovih najbližih. Shodno tome se iznos naknade može smanjiti ukoliko se utvrdi
da postoji doprinos oštećenog u prouzrokovanju štete.47
Pravni sistemi nekih zemalja dopuštaju novčanu naknadu nematerijalne
štete samo kod odgovornosti po osnovu krivice. Tako npr. italijansko pravo zahtijeva
da je štetnik izvršio krivično djelo. I švajcarski Zakon o obligacijama daje oštećenom
pravo na novčano zadovoljenje zbog nematerijalne štete samo u slučaju kad naročita
težina povrede i krivica to opravdavaju. Međutim, novija praksa švajcarskog
Saveznog suda odlučila se za stanovište da potraživanje naknade zbog tjelesne
povrede i smrti nije uslovljeno krivicom učinioca, nego je dovoljna i njegova
objektivna odgovornost.48

43

Vidi: D. Simonović, Simonović, Dragoljub: Naknada štete prema Zakonu o obligacionim odnosima.
Pravna biblioteka, Beograd, 2009. str. 330-331.
44
A. Bikić, Naknada štete, op.cit. str. 137-139
45
O ostalim okolnostima vidi: M. Počuča, op.cit., str. 50 i uporedi sa I. Crnić, Naknada nematerijalne
štete - neka pitanja, op.cit., str. 47.
46
Vidi: Z. Petrović, op.cit, str. 141.
47
Ibid, str. 136.
48
D. Simonović, op.cit., str. 332.

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�Novčana naknada štete za duševne boli zbog smrti bliske osobe

4. Orijentacioni kriteriji
Orijentacioni kriteriji Vrhovnog suda FBiH49 i iznosi za utvrđivanje visine
novčane naknade za duševne bolove zbog smrti bliskog srodnika su:

za slučaj smrti bračnog i vanbračnog druga i djeteta - 20.000,00 KM

za slučaj gubitka ploda roditeljima - 7.000,00 KM

za slučaj smrti roditelja: djetetu koje se nalazi na odgoju i izdržavanju kod
roditelja - 20.000,00 KM, a djetetu - 12.000,00 KM

za slučaj smrti brata ili sestre - 7.000,00 KM.
Novčana naknada za duševne bolove djeteta zbog smrti roditelja predstavlja
naknadu kako za bol izazvanu samim saznanjem za smrt, tako i za sve kasnije bolove
koje dijete trpi zbog gubitka roditelja, ljubavi, njege i pažnje koju bi mu roditelj
pružao. Novčana naknada za sve navedene bolove se dosuđuje jedinstveno jer oni
čine jedinstveni oblik nematerijalne štete – duševni bol zbog smrti člana uže
porodice.
Orijentacioni kriteriji za utvrđivanje visine naknade nematerijalne štete
Apelacionog suda BD50 i iznosi za utvrđivanje visine novčane naknade za duševne
bolove zbog smrti bliskog srodnika su:

bračnom drugu, djeci, roditeljima i vanbračnom drugu, ako je postojala
trajnija zajednica života - orijentaciono 15.000,00 KM

za slučaj gubitka ploda roditeljima - orijentaciono 5.000,00 KM

braći i sestrama pod uslovom da je postojala trajnija zajednica života između
njih i umrlog - orijentaciono 7.000,00 KM

u izuzetno teškim slučajevima (djeci zbog smrti oba roditelja, roditeljima
zbog smrti jedinog djeteta ili smrti više od jednog djeteta) - orijentaciono 20.000,00
KM.
U ovim kriterijima je takođe istaknuto da pravična novčana naknada za
duševne bolove djeteta zbog smrti roditelja predstavlja naknadu kako za bol izazvanu
samim saznanjem za smrt, tako i za sve kasnije bolove koje dijete trpi zbog gubitka
roditelja – ljubavi, njege i pažnje koju bi mu roditelj pružao, te da ovo pravo pripada
49

Orijentacioni kriteriji od 20.11.2006. godine, vidi: www.almaprnjavorac.com
Broj: 097-0-Su-10-00 od 01.07.2010. godine - vidi: Baroš, Predrag: Naknada određenih vidova
nematerijalne štete prouzrokovane upotrebom motornog vozila i troškovi parničnog postupka, kroz
sudsku praksu. Glosarijum, Beograd, 2009.
50

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i djetetu koje zbog uzrasta nije moglo osjetiti bol zbog same smrti roditelja. Sve ovo
utvrđeno je iz tog razloga što je u pitanju naknada za jedinstven oblik nematerijalne
štete.
Zaključcima građanskog odjeljenja Osnovnog suda u Banjoj Luci nije
utvrđen iznos koji bi služio orijentaciono prilikom dosuđivanja novčane naknade po
ovom osnovu.51
Analizom i upoređivanjem iznosa u navedenim kriterijima dolazimo do
zaključka da postoji neujednačenost u pogledu dosuđivanja novčane naknade za
duševne boli zbog smrti bliske osobe. Republika Hrvatska uopšteno dosuđuje u
ovakvim slučajevima veće novčane iznose,52 a ni iznosi u Crnoj Gori nisu mnogo
manji,53 dok je npr. u Orijentacionim kriterijima koji se primjenjuju u Brčko
Distriktu čak i za duševne bolove zbog smrti bračnog druga utvrđen manji iznos
nego u Orijentacionim kriterijima koji se primjenjuju u FBiH. Nisu rijetki slučajevi
da sudovi dosuđuju upravo naprijed navedene maksimalno utvrđene iznose.
Cilj donošenja ovih kriterija je da omoguće ujednačenu primjenu nevedene
zakonske odredbe ali ne predstavljaju formulu koja automatizmom služi za
izračunavanje novčane naknade, a važe i primjenjuju se u svakom parničnom
postupku u svim stepenima suđenja koji za predmet ima utvrđivanje visine novčane
naknade nematerijalne štete. Svrha njihove primjene jeste da oštećeni brzo i sigurno,
51

Broj: Su-150/99 od 22.4.1999. godine, Ibid.
Orijentacioni kriteriji Vrhovnog suda R Hrvatske i iznosi za utvrđivanje visine novčane naknade za
duševne bolove zbog smrti bliskog srodnika su: za slučaj smrti bračnog i vanbračnog druga i djeteta 220.000,00 kn, za slučaj gubitka ploda roditeljima - 75.000,00 kn, za slučaj smrti roditelja: djetetu 150.000,00 kn, a djetetu koje se nalazi na odgoju i skrbi kod roditelja - 220.000,00 kn te za slučaj smrti
brata ili sestre - 75.000,00 kn. Utvrđeni su od strane Vrhovnog suda R.Hrvatske 29.11.2002. godine. Više:
I.Crnić, op.cit.str 207.
53
U Pravilniku Crne Gore je utvrđeno da se u zavisnosti od slučaja i emocionalne veze, naknada određuje
na sljedeći način: maloljetnom djetetu zbog smrti oba roditelja, 22.000 EUR, maloljetnom djetetu zbog smrti
jednog roditelja, 11.000 EUR, punoljetnom djetetu zbog smrti jednog roditelja, 8.500 EUR, punoljetnom
djetetu zbog smrti oba roditelja, 16.000 EUR, roditelju zbog smrti djeteta jedinca - jedinice, 14.000 EUR,
roditelju zbog smrti jednog djeteta ili više djece do 30 godina života, po jednom djetetu, 12.000 EUR,
roditelju zbog smrti jednog djeteta ili više djece preko 30 godina života, po jednom djetetu, 10.000 EUR,
bratu ili sestri za smrt brata ili sestre, 7.000 EUR, bračnom i vanbračnom drugu za smrt bračnog ili
vanbračnog druga, 8.000 EUR, roditeljima zbog gubitka ploda, zavisno od starosti ploda majci 3.000 5.000 EUR-a, a ocu 2.000 - 4.000 EUR-a. Usvojeni od strane Savjeta za nadzor osiguranja i objavljeni
u Sl.listu Crne Gore br 35/2009 od 3.6.2009.godine. Više: G.Šćepanović; Z.Petrović; M.Blagojević:
Medicinski aspekti veštačenja nematerijalne štete nastale mehaničkim dejstvima. Aktuelni problemi
naknade štete i osiguranja, Budva, 2004.
52

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uz što manje troškova i komplikacija dođe do novčane naknade nematerijalne štete.
Međutim, u praksi nije rijetka pojava mehaničke primjene kriterija jer sudovi
prilikom odlučivanja o iznosu naknade uzimaju u obzir samo osnovne elemente
slučaja, a propuštaju ocijeniti sve druge okolnosti, što dovodi do apsurdnih
situacija.54

5. Zaključak
Čovjeku kao biološkom biću svojstvena su prava na fizički integritet koji
čini osnov njegove egzistencije. Povreda prava ličnosti na tjelesno i duševno zdravlje
može se očitovati kao fizička i kao duševna bol. Pri tome je i duševna bol činjenica na
osnovu koje će sud prosuđivati da li je ona takve jačine i trajanja da u konkretnom
slučaju postoji osnov za naknadu nematerijalne štete.
Smrt neke osobe po prirodi stvari uzrokuje bol svima onima koji su voljeli
umrlog. Duševna bol koju smrt neke osobe prouzrokuje drugima može se javiti i kod
osoba koja sa umrlom osobom nisu u srodstvu niti su bračni ili vanbračni drugovi iz
razloga što je moguće da su usred raznovrsnih životnih situacija osobe bile izuzetno
povezane zbog čega je postojao i osjećaj ljubavi. Međutim, iz praktičnih razloga da bi
se suzio broj tužbenih zahtjeva odredbama ZOO ograničen je krug osoba koja imaju
pravo na naknadu za duševnu bol koju trpe zbog smrti bliske osobe. Na taj način su
od naknade isključene unaprijed čitave kategorije osoba.
Pravo na novčanu naknadu za pretrpljene duševne boli zbog smrti bliske
osobe ne pripada dakle osobama na koje je štetna radnja bila direktno usmjerena,
nego onima koji zbog smrti bliske osobe trpe duševne boli.
Ne postoji mogućnost da se visina novčana naknada koja se dosuđuje na ime
duševnih bolova zbog smrti bliske osobe odredi da stvarno predstavlja odgovarajuću
vrijednost. Ona treba biti veća od neke simbolične naknade, ali ne tolika da
predstavlja materijalno eksploatisanje duševnog bola za izgubljenim bliskom osobom.
Oštećeni bi sebi trebao pribaviti neko materijalno zadovoljstvo koje bi predstavljalo
kompenzaciju za prouzrokovanu mu štetu. Koje će to zadovoljstvo biti, zavisi od
slučaja do slučaja, od oštećenog do oštećenog, ali kao posljedica odnosno krajnji cilj

54

I. Crnić, Neimovinska šteta, op.cit., str. 188.

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novčane naknade nematerijalne štete jeste zadovoljan oštećeni i stanje kao da šteta
nije ni nastala.
Nema sumnje da je naknada nematerijalne štete vrlo osjetljivo područje
zaštite prava ličnosti, konkretno njene emocionalne sfere te je značaj za dalje
proučavanje i istraživanje u ovoj oblasti utoliko veći. Svaki čovjek je individua za
sebe, njegove emocije su specifične, jer ne podnose svi na isti način svakodnevne
događaje, pa tako ni smrt. Nije jednostavno odrediti ekvivalent u novcu za
pretrpljenu duševnu bol. Što je život kompleksniji, stresniji i skuplji to su pojedinci
emotivno nestabilniji i njihovo raspoloženje oscilira, tako da postoji potreba da se u
svakom konkretnom slučaju utvrđuje jačina i trajanje duševnih boli, uzevši u obzir
sve okolnosti slučaja te shodno tome da se utvrdi novčani iznos na ime naknade
štete, a koji u velikom broju slučaja treba biti i veći od maksimalno utvrđenog iznosa
u Orijentacionim kriterijima.

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                    <text>International Conference on Economic and Social Studies, 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo

Financial Crises and Derivatives Market: An Application
of Factor Analysis
Bilgehan Tekin
Çankırı Karatekin University, Çankırı, Turkey
bilgehantn@hotmail.com
Yusuf Gör
Çankırı Karatekin University, Çankırı, Turkey
yusufgor23@gmail.com
Countries that come even closer with each other every passing day, both
economically and socially, went through and have been going through
various financial crises in the past and present centuries. The close
relationships of countries cause a crisis suffered by one country to expand
within a short time and infect other countries.
With the collapse of the Bretton Woods system and the transition from
fixed rate policy to floating rate policy, the risk involved in inflation and
interest rates increased, and derivatives were brought forward as one of
the protection methods against the increasing risk ratio. The derivatives
markets, which expanded by means of structured products used in 1990s,
reached huge sizes, leading to a more risky financial structure. Although
protection against risks is the main objective, derivatives offer speculative
profit and arbitrage opportunity to their users. Intensely used for
investment purposes, derivatives create bubble economies when they
reach high volumes and influence crises by expanding the financial risk
environment.
The purpose of this study is to analyze financial crises, the effective factors
on the emergence of crises and the derivatives market, and to reveal their
inter-relations. In this study, firstly, the financial crises suffered throughout
history will be mentioned, and, then, the financial crises that broke out
since the periods when derivatives were started to be used will be
addressed. To this end, focus will be on derivatives risks and the five most
significant financial crises experienced in late history will be emphasized by
analyzing the trading volumes realized in the derivatives market during the
crisis periods; the 2008 global financial crisis, the 2001 economic crisis in
Turkey, the 2001 crisis in Argentine, the 1997 East Asian Financial crisis and
the 1994 economic crisis in Mexico. Data will be gathered from online

63

�International Conference on Economic and Social Studies, 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo

reports of the related countries, public records, Central Banks, IMF and
World Bank reports and previous studies carried out on the same subjects.
The study will start with a literature review that involves examining the
financial crises and identifying the variables accepted as the leading
indicators of these crises. Then these variables will be converted into less
number of groups of variables, by using factor analysis which is a
quantitative data reduction method. This new leading indicator factor
groups will be compared for each crisis, and a model will be suggested on
the basis of possible differences and similarities. Finally, focus will be on
how derivative instruments affect crises and their effects on the created
model.
This study aims at uncovering similar or different aspects of leading
indicators during each crisis period, by examining the five most significant
financial crises suffered recently, and determining whether derivatives are
a preventive or triggering factor on the same crises.
Keywords: Financial Crisis, Bretton Woods System, Leading Indicators,
Derivatives, Factor Analysis.

64

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                <text>Financial Crises and Derivatives Market: An Application  of Factor Analysis</text>
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          <element elementId="96">
            <name>Author</name>
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                <text>TEKIN, Bilgehan
GOR, Yusuf</text>
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          <element elementId="94">
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                <text>Countries that come even closer with each other every passing day, both  economically and socially, went through and have been going through  various financial crises in the past and present centuries. The close  relationships of countries cause a crisis suffered by one country to expand  within a short time and infect other countries.  With the collapse of the Bretton Woods system and the transition from  fixed rate policy to floating rate policy, the risk involved in inflation and  interest rates increased, and derivatives were brought forward as one of  the protection methods against the increasing risk ratio. The derivatives  markets, which expanded by means of structured products used in 1990s,  reached huge sizes, leading to a more risky financial structure. Although  protection against risks is the main objective, derivatives offer speculative  profit and arbitrage opportunity to their users. Intensely used for  investment purposes, derivatives create bubble economies when they  reach high volumes and influence crises by expanding the financial risk  environment.  The purpose of this study is to analyze financial crises, the effective factors  on the emergence of crises and the derivatives market, and to reveal their  inter-relations. In this study, firstly, the financial crises suffered throughout  history will be mentioned, and, then, the financial crises that broke out  since the periods when derivatives were started to be used will be  addressed. To this end, focus will be on derivatives risks and the five most  significant financial crises experienced in late history will be emphasized by  analyzing the trading volumes realized in the derivatives market during the  crisis periods; the 2008 global financial crisis, the 2001 economic crisis in  Turkey, the 2001 crisis in Argentine, the 1997 East Asian Financial crisis and  the 1994 economic crisis in Mexico. Data will be gathered from online reports of the related countries, public records, Central Banks, IMF and  World Bank reports and previous studies carried out on the same subjects.  The study will start with a literature review that involves examining the  financial crises and identifying the variables accepted as the leading  indicators of these crises. Then these variables will be converted into less  number of groups of variables, by using factor analysis which is a  quantitative data reduction method. This new leading indicator factor  groups will be compared for each crisis, and a model will be suggested on  the basis of possible differences and similarities. Finally, focus will be on  how derivative instruments affect crises and their effects on the created  model.  This study aims at uncovering similar or different aspects of leading  indicators during each crisis period, by examining the five most significant  financial crises suffered recently, and determining whether derivatives are  a preventive or triggering factor on the same crises.  Keywords: Financial Crisis, Bretton Woods System, Leading Indicators,  Derivatives, Factor Analysis.</text>
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                <text>International Burch University</text>
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                <text>2013-05-10</text>
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PeerReviewed</text>
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                <text>ISSN 2303-4564     </text>
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