107 10 3494 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/5822b4832bb28407ab56cfc52ac62e4b.docx 333cb30fc50f5a082ad0909f8072193c https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/37bd70a4bc374dbedb9f18ff9261f0df.pdf 8742af345cbc2915e06bad43166f5e1c PDF Text Text Euphemisms in Animated Films Admir Gorčević Novi Pazar State University / Novi Pazar, Serbia Key words: Euphemisms, animated films, morphology, entertainment, language ABSTRACT The subject of this research is based on the study of one of the most prominent morphological word-formation processes in the English language in animated films – the use of euphemisms. The need for the study comes from hypotheses that the language of animated films is different to some extent from other language genres and styles, and that cartoons abound with euphemisms and dysphemisms. The way characters communicate and use language demands harmony and an accurate balance of language elements - formal, informal, colloquial, jargon, vulgar speech, etc. for animated films are a special type of entertaining program that has educational character and the targeted audience is the youngest. They are quite unaware of a constant change of their language, and they sometimes adopt and assimilate very strange words taken over from their favourite TV programs. These words eventually find the way to the contemporary dictionaries and thesauruses. The change within the language is the result of morphological rule-governed creativity and thus it lends itself to the study from this linguistic aspect. The main goal of this work is to spot, identify, classify, explore and explain morpho-semantic changes and processes that characterize the English language as it is used in animated films. This paper presents an analysis of the sample of euphemisms taken from animated films. The analysis points to the differences in style and genre of the language of animated films. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1711 Title A name given to the resource Euphemisms in Animated Films Author Author GORČEVIĆ, Admir Abstract A summary of the resource. Key words: Euphemisms, animated films, morphology, entertainment, language ABSTRACT The subject of this research is based on the study of one of the most prominent morphological word-formation processes in the English language in animated films – the use of euphemisms. The need for the study comes from hypotheses that the language of animated films is different to some extent from other language genres and styles, and that cartoons abound with euphemisms and dysphemisms. The way characters communicate and use language demands harmony and an accurate balance of language elements - formal, informal, colloquial, jargon, vulgar speech, etc. - for animated films are a special type of entertaining program that has educational character and the targeted audience is the youngest. They are quite unaware of a constant change of their language, and they sometimes adopt and assimilate very strange words taken over from their favourite TV programs. These words eventually find the way to the contemporary dictionaries and thesauruses. The change within the language is the result of morphological rule-governed creativity and thus it lends itself to the study from this linguistic aspect. The main goal of this work is to spot, identify, classify, explore and explain morpho-semantic changes and processes that characterize the English language as it is used in animated films. This paper presents an analysis of the sample of euphemisms taken from animated films. The analysis points to the differences in style and genre of the language of animated films. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available IBU Publishing Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013-05-03 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 3575 Title A name given to the resource Euphemisms in Animated Films Author Author GORČEVIĆ, Admir Abstract A summary of the resource. The subject of this research is based on the study of one of the most prominent morphological word-formation processes in the English language in animated films – the use of euphemisms. The need for the study comes from hypotheses that the language of animated films is different to some extent from other language genres and styles, and that cartoons abound with euphemisms and dysphemisms. The way characters communicate and use language demands harmony and an accurate balance of language elements - formal, informal, colloquial, jargon, vulgar speech, etc. - for animated films are a special type of entertaining program that has educational character and the targeted audience is the youngest. They are quite unaware of a constant change of their language, and they sometimes adopt and assimilate very strange words taken over from their favourite TV programs. These words eventually find the way to the contemporary dictionaries and thesauruses. The change within the language is the result of morphological rule-governed creativity and thus it lends itself to the study from this linguistic aspect. The main goal of this work is to spot, identify, classify, explore and explain morpho-semantic changes and processes that characterize the English language as it is used in animated films. This paper presents an analysis of the sample of euphemisms taken from animated films. The analysis points to the differences in style and genre of the language of animated films. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed PE English https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/bfabbff0aa9d97fbdfe3e0059f6444e7.pdf d129e73df43ebeab532e23971065c271 PDF Text Text International Conference on Economic and Social Studies, 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo Europe’s Energy Security and Caspian Oil and Natural Gas Ahmet Tolga Türker İstanbul Arel University, İstanbul, Turkey atturker@arel.edu.tr For the countries in the Caspian region, whether they have been endowed with large resources of oil and natural gas or not, the energy politics and energy security has been at the heart of their efforts to build sovereign and prosperous states. To this end, oil and gas producing countries in the region have established arrangements governing the exploration and transportation of their resources to world markets as a central element of their foreign policies, whereas consumer countries carefully crafted their levels of dependence on energy-endowed powers since it is vitally important in determining their ability to formulate their domestic and foreign policies independently. For Europe, on the other hand, the discovery of the importance of energy security has been more recent, and mainly linked to the increasingly assertive policies that the Russian government and its monopolistic subsidiary, Gazprom, have adopted over the past years. As the European Union countries have begun to realize their problem and look for ways to diversify its supply of energy, the potential role of the Caspian region has inevitably emerged on the agenda. However, member countries seem to pursue their own energy policy, which only decrease the overall security of the Union and limit the EU’s foreign policy options. Apart from this observation, this project explores several aspects of European energy security particularly its dependence on Russia and the role of Caspian states as a source of alterative supply and argue that European countries must establish a European level energy strategy. Accordingly this study will unfold in four sections. First section will review Europe’s energy vulnerability along with the similarities between European and Caspian states in terms of energy politics. Second section will provide an analysis of emerging Russian energy diplomacy and the role of Gazprom in the light of recent developments. Third section will put forward the Caspian and the Black Sea as a future hub of energy for Europe and will discuss the role and importance of Nabucco and Trans-Caspian pipelines as the two most important infrastructure projects. Final section will critically review the EU’s approach to energy security and discuss the need to develop a more cohesive EU approach towards Caspian countries as well as issues of energy security. Even though certain individual decisions can be made by member states alone, these decisions should be made in accordance with the greater strategy goals set by the European Union. Keywords: European Union, Caspian Sea, Energy, Security. 20 � https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/b68b495f36bcd76d11b422e1ac5a956a.docx a9da7b2eee5f9b52b8392c82c9d1b92b https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/9a1ad1b9c8930a47f8ec7d8c96eff548.pdf bec986f06c15aa93d047879f09b69bbe PDF Text Text International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo Europe’s Energy Security and Caspian Oil and Natural Gas AhmetTolgaTürker İstanbul Arel University, İstanbul, Turkey atturker@arel.edu.tr Abstract For the countries in the Caspian region, whether they have been endowed with large resources of oil and natural gas or not, the energy politics and energy security has been at the heart of their efforts to build sovereign and prosperous states. To this end, oil and gas producing countries in the region have established arrangements governing the exploration and transportation of their resources to world markets as a central element of their foreign policies, whereas consumer countries carefully crafted their levels of dependence on energy-endowed powers since it is vitally important in determining their ability to formulate their domestic and foreign policies independently. For Europe, on the other hand, the discovery of the importance of energy security has been more recent, and mainly linked to the increasingly assertive policies that the Russian government and its monopolistic subsidiary, Gazprom, have adopted over the past years. As the European Union countries have begun to realize their problem and look for ways to diversify its supply of energy, the potential role of the Caspian region has inevitably emerged on the agenda. However, member countries seem to pursue their own energy policy, which only decrease the overall security of the Union and limit the EU’s foreign policy options. Apart from this observation, this project explores several aspects of European energy security particularly its dependence on Russia and the role of Caspian states as a source of alterative supply and argue that European countries must establish a European level energy strategy. Accordingly, this study will unfold in four sections. First section will discuss the paradox of European energy dependency on Russia given that the EU has three and half times as many people, spends seven times as much on its military, and has a GDP fifteen times larger than Russia review Europe’s energy vulnerability along with the similarities between European and Caspian states in terms of energy politics. Second section will review Europe’s energy vulnerability along with the similarities between European and Caspian states in terms of energy politics. Third section will examine the policy alternatives for the EU in order to gain greater cohesion regarding their external energy policy and upper hand in dealing with Russia. Overall the EU must critically review its approach to energy security and look for ways to develop a more cohesive EU approach towards Caspian countries as well as issues of energy security. Even though certain individual decisions can be made by member states alone, these decisions should be made in accordance with the greater strategy goals set by the European Union. Keywords: European Union, Caspian Sea, Energy Security, Oil, Natural Gas Introduction Up until the early 1990s, due to relatively low prices, energy issues did not receive much attention from the policymakers and the scholars of political science. However two events have changed the outlook of global energy politics. First, the Gulf War alerted policymakers when a significant portion of Middle Eastern energy supplies faced the threats of an Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. Second, the collapse of the Soviet Union was a 19 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo welcome development as it suddenly provided the possibility of an alternative source of energy supply to the world. By the twenty-first century energy studies consolidated its position as high priority when oil and gas prices started to rise in 1999. Over the last decade global oil prices have increased by more than five times from 20USD per barrel in August 1999 to 116USD per barrel in March 2013 (Indexmundi, 2013). The world is facing serious economic security challenges, predominantly determined by the growing population and growing need of resources in developing countries. The world’s population will increase to 8 billion by 2030 from the current population of 6.5 billion, and 95 percent of that growth will be in developing countries. If this population growth is supported by growing economic potential and standard of living, more and more resources, and in particular energy resources, will be required. The International Energy Agency predicts a 50% increase in energy demand by 2030, even if efficiency is increased. About 70 percent of this increase is going to be in developing countries, and those countries are relying primarily on fossil fuels because of the very significant cost advantage (IEA, 2010). These numbers indicate the inevitability of increased pressure on the European economy. Today, it has become even clearer that energy security has proved to be a significant source of power in foreign policymaking. Accordingly, this paper argues that Europe’s high and rising energy demand is highlighting the security problems associated with its dependence on especially Russian gas supplies, and the need for diversifying European energy supply. The EU’s vulnerability in this regard is the result of dealing bilaterally with Russia on energy issues and thus granting Russia the capacity to have the upper hand among EU states. Therefore, in order to overcome its energy dependence on Russia, the EU needs to establish a European-level external energy strategy, become more cohesive regarding its external energy policy. In this regard, the strategic location of the Caucasus and Central Asia make it an area of growing importance in the contemporary security environment, particularly given regional instability and the potential threat to Western economic interests because of its energy resources and transport infrastructure. The Caspian region provides the most accessible alternative, provided that the region’s resources are transported through the Caucasian corridor, which also requires significant infrastructure investments (Sokolsky&Charlick-Pailey, 1999, p. 10). A more formal framework between the EU and the Caspian region states should be established to streamline EU policies on energy (Dağdemir, 2007, p. 249). European states must realize that working together on issues of energy security, especially when dealing with Russia, will be mutually beneficial in the long term. The rest of this paper is organized in following sections: First section will discuss the paradox of European energy dependency on Russia given that the EU has three and half times as many people, spends seven times as much on its military, and has a GDP fifteen times larger than Russia review Europe’s energy vulnerability along with the similarities between European and Caspian states in terms of energy politics. Second section will review Europe’s energy vulnerability along with the similarities between European and Caspian states in terms of energy politics. Third section will examine the policy alternatives for the EU in order to gain greater cohesion regarding their external energy policy and upper hand in dealing with Russia. 20 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo The Paradox of European Energy Policy Recent developments in Europe and Central Eurasia, as well as growing tensions between the EU and Russia over energy issues, have brought new opportunities for alternative suppliers of energy and transit corridors (Baskan&Bac, 2011, p. 361). Table 1 demonstrates that the EU relies on Russia for third of its oil and natural gas and thus diversification of routes and sources is a strategic priority. Moreover the energy disputes of early January 2006, when the disruption in Russian gas supplies to European countries, including Germany and Italy, reaffirmed Europe’s vulnerability in its dependence on imported Russian gas (Egerhofer et al., 2006). Russia’s political decision to cut off gas supplies to Ukraine, the main transit country for Russian gas headed to Europe, amid a dispute over prices, awakened the EU. The Russian government seemingly replicated this incident in early 2007 when a price and transit fee dispute with Belarus caused another crisis. These incidents have shown the weakness of the European Union and are troubling because, under the leadership of President Vladimir Putin, the Kremlin has pursued a strategy whereby European reliance on Russian energy is leveraged into economic and political gains for Moscow. Table 1. The EU’s Dependence on Few Suppliers for Its Oil and Natural Gas Source: Eurostat May 2011, Intra- EU trade excluded. However the assumption that Russia is able to ―out-leverage‖ the EU paradoxical since, after all, by nearly every measure of soft and hard power, Europe would seem to have the upper hand. For instance, the EU has three and half times as many people, spends seven times as much on its military, and has a GDP fifteen times larger than Russia. Even in EURussia energy trade, the balance of power appears to favor the European Union. While the gas the EU gets from Russia comprises 25 percent of European consumption, it also represents a full 70 percent of Russia’s exports (Leonard and Popescu, 2007). Moreover, due to limitations in export infrastructure to any other region, Moscow currently has limited alternatives to the EU market. In that sense, Russia is more dependent on the European market than Europe is on Russian supplies. However, so far Russia is successful in maintaining a high level of dependency in Europe. Moreover, the Kremlin has demonstrated that it has few hesitations in manipulating energy supply volumes in an effort to change a state’s policies. In July 2006, Russian oil pipeline operator Transneft shut down its pipeline to Lithuania shortly after the Lithuanian government sold its highly profitable MazeikiuNafta oil refinery to a Polish firm instead of 21 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo Russia’s Lukoil (Egerhofer et al. 2006). Transneft claimed that the shut-down was solely due to technical problems along the route but steadfastly refused all outside offers of assistance in repairing or assessing the damage—and even hinted that the pipeline might remain closed regardless. The July 2006 incident is hardly the first time that Moscow has shut down pipelines in attempt to influence countries it considers to be in its backyard. Several times in 1990 and 1991, Russia cut supplies to the Baltic states in a blatant attempt to quash—and later exact revenge for—their independence movements. Later, in 2003, Transneft shut down its pipeline into Latvia after the Latvian government did not sell its VentspilsNafta export terminal to the Russian company…Transneft Vice President Sergei Grigorev spelled this out very clearly, saying ―Oil can only flow from Russia. [Latvia] can of course sell [the port] to Westerners. But what are they going to do with it? Turn it into a beach?‖ (Lelyveld, 2003). Many Western countries chose to interpret the VentspilsNafta debacle as a normal takeover attempt between two economic entities, ignoring the clear political implications. The energy sector, particularly in the former Soviet Union, lies at the intersection of business and politics. Political motivations clearly lie behind Russian gas cut-offs to non-EU countries like Georgia in 2001 and 2006, as well as recent price hikes to Ukraine, Georgia, and Azerbaijan. The dependence of these and other countries on Russia for such a vital commodity gives the Kremlin tremendous leverage. Moscow further increases its leverage in Europe by acquiring ownership (partial or otherwise) of downstream energy assets. Baran (2008, p. 160) states that in the past two years, Gazprom has signed deals with Eni (Italy), Gasunie (the Netherlands), BASF (Germany), E.ON Ruhrgas (Germany), and Gaz de France, supplementing the company’s already significant holdings in Eastern European countries. Although Gazprom can often buy a stake in downstream assets outright, its preferred method of acquisition is through a trade for access to Russian oil and gas fields— with the Russian energy company naturally always retaining a controlling stake (Cornell, 2008, p. 149). This type of assets-for-access swap is highly beneficial for Russia, since it gains a presence in downstream European markets without giving up majority control over its own resources (Baran, 2008, p. 160). On the other hand Europe’s dependency on Russian gas also undermines many of its foreign policy goals. Specifically, EU members are forced to limit their criticisms of Moscow, lest they be given a raw deal at the bargaining table—or become the next victim of a Kremlin-orchestrated supply disruption. Although mere sermonizing is not likely to be productive, Europe would have a freer hand to criticize Russia’s increasingly tainted record on transparency, responsible governance, and human rights if it were not so dependent on Russian energy. As Europe has begun to explore ways to diversify its supply of energy, the potential role of the Caspian region has inevitably emerged on the agenda (Estrada, 2009). Indeed, the Caspian Sea region is the most obvious candidate to serve as a new and relatively untapped source of natural gas and oil for Europe. Geographically, the region is located in Europe’s vicinity, and both the states of the region and those that link it to Europe are largely friendly to, and seeking greater integration with, Europe. 22 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo The European Energy Needs and Caspian Region Resources A variety of different products and commodities are vital for the functioning of the European economy, but it is energy resources, notably oil and gas, that are of critical importance for the region in the immediate future. As the Table 1 suggests Europe produces only 48% of its energy needs and is a net importer of energy, and according to a European Commission report, two-thirds of the EU’s total energy requirements will be imported by 2020, with natural gas imports estimated to rise to 75% (Tesereteli, 2008, p. 42). The fact that there is a growing demand for energy resources in the world further adds strain to the issue of access. Unlike the United States, China, or Japan, Europe’s geography endows it with a geographic proximity to major sources of energy. Europe currently has three major sources of energy: the Northern Sea region and the potential Norwegian arctic sector from the north, Russia from the east, and the Middle East and North Africa from the south (Larsson, 2008, p. 19). Potential new players to join this list are the Caspian states, which have the potential to help Europe diversify away from its growing dependence on Russian oil and gas. In fact, some of the oil already flows from the Caspian region to European refineries via the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline and other transportation links. Table 1. EU energy dependency Source: Eurostat May 2011. Energy production includes primary energy product and recovered products Europe faces competition for resources from consumers that are larger and increasingly ambitious. Like in Europe, the United States’ internal production share in the consumption of oil is declining rapidly, which means that U.S. dependence on imported oil will rise and, according to different estimates, may reach 68%, with an increased share of imports coming from the Gulf States (Tsereteli, 2008, p. 45). As the United States began to take pro-active steps toward diversifying its energy supplies in the early 1990s, Central Eurasian resources attracted increasing attention. There is a growing demand for energy in Asia, and in particular in China, and Chinese state-sponsored companies are aggressively pursuing opportunities in Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan at whatever cost. This tactic has worked for them elsewhere in the world, particularly in Africa and Latin America. 23 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo On the backdrop of this strategic energy picture, the security of energy supplies has become a dominant issue for European consumers. According to Olcott (2010: 257) the Caspian Sea and Central Asian resources have a substantial role to play in the future oil supplies of the world. It is estimated that the Caspian will provide at least 10 percent of the expected increased production capacity in the next decade. Based on the assumption that current oil prices will remain stable, oil production from the Caspian may reach 6 million bpd by 2020 (Olcott: 2010: 258-259). The problem of the region is that it is land-locked and requires the development of new infrastructure, which would allow the potential of the region to be fully opened for the region itself, as well as for the broader European, and world energy security (Marketos, 2009: 3). Since maritime connections to the region are limited, the pipeline options for access to these markets are of critical importance for the region. Most often used for transcontinental oil movements, pipelines are critical for landlocked areas. They also complement maritime transportation by providing bypasses or shortcuts. In general, pipelines are the primary option for transcontinental transportation since these are cheaper than railroad, barge, or road alternatives (German, 2008: 65). Pipelines constitute a safe mode of transportation if operating within a nation's borders, or between neighbors such as the United States and Canada, Norway and the EU, or between allied countries such as Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey. On the other hand, pipelines may carry vulnerabilities if crossing politically unstable areas (Estrada, 2009). Moreover, political factors often play significant roles even in relatively stable areas, such as Russia. The political turmoil and price war with Ukraine was an issue of concern for European energy security, as a significant share of Europe’s oil and natural gas supplies from Russia arrive via Ukraine. Previous to the recent crisis over Russian gas, Europe was generally a passive observer of developments in the Central Eurasian region. The Baku-Tbilisi- Ceyhan pipeline (BTC), which connects Azerbaijan’s offshore oil fields to the Turkish Mediterranean port of Ceyhan via Georgia, was developed only through strong U.S. support to the project (German, 2008: 68). With the BTC pipeline now in operation, and the development of Caspian natural gas pipeline shipments through Turkey a reality, Europe is acquiring additional supply routes, without major political efforts on its own part. In addition to existing supply routes, Europe now has a Caspian-Caucasus-Turkey-Mediterranean oil pipeline, which can ship light Caspian crude oil directly to the Mediterranean, and then to the refineries in Southern Europe, avoiding the congested chokepoints (Pipinashvili, 2011: 145). The BTC pipeline stands as an example of how strategic planning, coupled with well-designed policies, and effective implementation can help commercially viable projects materialize. It is obvious that the potential entry of Caspian natural gas to Europe through the South Caucasus and Turkey would help Europe diversify its energy supplies, and to reduce dependence on the state-owned Russian monopoly Gazprom (Kısacık, 2010). Indeed, there appears to be little reason for Europe to access the same resources via Russia, allowing Gazprom as a monopolist to control prices, while making Europe vulnerable to voluntary as well as involuntary supply interruptions. Developing pipelines directly to the Caspian region will perfectly complement major reforms planned in the European gas sector, aiming at the creation of a competitive market of multiple operators with the interest of having different options of delivery routes. Such a competitive market is in the long-term interest of Europe; but it is objectively speaking in Russia’s interest, too (Cornell, 2008, p. 24 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo 154). Diversification of supply routes and gas sector reform in Europe will eventually drive the Russian monopolistic supplier, Gazprom, as well as the Russian gas sector in general, toward much-needed reforms and transparency that will give it sustainability and stability. European Policy Options For Europe, the key to overcoming its dependency on Russia lies on its ability to achieve greater cohesion regarding external energy policy. According to Baran (2008, p. 161), Moscow can only extract favorable conditions when it deals with states bilaterally and plays them against each other. Obviously, a collection of twenty-seven independent states, can never hope to be as strongly coordinated as Russia, a self-described ―sovereign democracy‖ whose government increasingly resembles that of the Soviet state from which it descended. Nevertheless, a more formal framework should be established to streamline EU policies on energy. Several European leaders, particularly the EU Energy Commissioner AndrisPiebalgs have supported such a position in his speech at the 12 th Turkmenistan International Oil and gas Conference (2007). Unfortunately, formalizing a common European energy policy is quite difficult. Member states are far more reluctant to cede sovereignty to Brussels on energy policy than they are on trade tariffs or visa regulations. At the very least, however, European states must realize that working together on issues of energy security, especially when dealing with Russia, will be mutually beneficial in the long term. For one thing, greater competition in the market will help reduce gas prices; the higher prices that Gazprom recently agreed to pay Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan will inevitably be passed on to European consumers. While many states in the European Union may be wary of ―getting tough‖ with Russia, it should hardly be contentious for them to demand reciprocity in their interactions with Russia (Paillard, 2006, p. 66). This would mean increasing transparency, allowing third-party investment in the energy sector, and respecting the rule of law. For a long time, the only efforts undertaken by the EU to move Russia toward greater reciprocity was to passively insist that the country ratify the Energy Charter Treaty and associated Transit Protocol (Baran, 2008, p. 164). These entreaties were repeatedly brushed aside by Moscow. Now, however, Brussels appears to be taking more robust steps to ensure reciprocity. The EU also has the legislative tools at its disposal to prosecute companies like Gazprom or Transneft for their monopoly power (Paillard, 2006, p. 46). In fact, the European Commission’s Directorate-General for Competition has already used its antitrust laws to prosecute Microsoft and block a proposed merger between General Electric and Honeywell (Bobelian, 2013). It is well within its authority to do the same to Gazprom, which is not a simple business monopoly, but a state owned strategic one. It is vital that the EU diversify its energy supply by establishing a Southern Corridor. Thanks to the completion of the Turkey-Greece pipeline, gas can now travel all the way from Azerbaijan to the European Union without traversing Russia. This is an important first step, one that must be supplemented by the Greece-Italy connection, Nabucco, and a trans-Caspian gas pipeline, as well as possibly the White Stream project (Emadi&Nezhad, 2011, p. 29). Building a robust non-Russian-controlled transit route from Central Asia and the Caucasus will break Russia’s leverage, both in Europe and in the Central AsiaCaucasus region. But for this to happen, the EU must demonstrate its firm support for states in that region. After all, these states are much more vulnerable to Russian pressure 25 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo than are most European states. Before leaders like Turkmenistan’s GurbangulyBerdymuhamedov or Kazakhstan’s NursultanNazarbayev will commit to a project such as a trans-Caspian gas pipeline, they must have a firm and steady political commitment from the entire EU. Conclusion: What to do? The EU and its member states can do several things for energy development in the region, and by extension for itself. The first would be to strongly support the Nabucco project, understanding that this commercial project is dependent on political support and cannot be left to market forces alone; since all its competitors are politically supported and not market-oriented, and energy issues are by nature political (Cornell, 2008, p. 153). Second, Europe could invest in supporting the Turkmen-Azerbaijani dialogue, which would be a requirement for a Trans-Caspian linkage. Promising signs of a rapprochement have been observed, but the two states may need some additional incentive to put their differences aside. Supporting joint development fields and ensuring the westward export of its resources would be one such element, which would have the added benefit of de facto building half the Trans-Caspian pipeline (Cornell, 2008, p. 154). Third, Europe could engage directly with the new Turkmen leadership to a higher degree. While far from a democracy, Turkmenistan is exhibiting rapid progress by regional standards, though it has a long road to travel (Piebalg, 2007). Engaging the country, if the process is conceived of correctly by the EU, would encourage this process. Finally, it is clear that when dealing with the region, Europe would be well advised to realize that it is in no position to put conditions on energy- or other relationships. Central Asian states are not devoid of options; quite to the contrary, both Russia and China are in a more advantageous position both politically and geographically in the region (Zhengang, 2009, p. 4). Indeed, should Europe not move rapidly to devise a coherent policy and to increase its engagement with the region, the energy resources of Central Asia are likely to reach Chinese and not European consumers. References Baran, Z. (2008).Developing a Cohesive EU Approach to Energy Security. . In Cornell, S., & Nilsson, N. (eds.) Europe’s Energy Security: Gazprom’s Dominance and Caspian Supply Alternatives (155- 166). Singapore: Central Asia- Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program. Baskan, D. &Muftuler-Bac, M. (2011). The Future of Energy Security for Europe: Turkey’s role as an Energy Corridor. Middle Eastern Studies, 47(2), 361- 378. Bobelian, M. (2013). EU Antitrust Regulators Continue Tough Line With Microsoft Fine. Forbes. Retrieved March 15, 2013 from, http://www.forbes.com/sites/michaelbobelian/2013/03/06/eu-antitrust-regulatorscontinue-tough-line-with-microsoft-fine/ Cornell, S. E. (2008). Trans-Caspian Pipelines and Europe’s Energy Security.In Cornell, S., & Nilsson, N. (eds.) Europe’s Energy Security: Gazprom’s Dominance and 26 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo Caspian Supply Alternatives (141- 154). Singapore: Central Asia- Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program. Dağdemir, E. U. (2007). AvrupaBirliği'ninEnerjiArzGüvenliğiİçinDışEnerjiPolitikasıArayışları. EskişehirOsmangaziÜniversitesiSosyalBilimlerDergisi, 8(1), 247-268. Egenhofer, C., Grigoriev, L., Socor, V. & Riley, A. (2006). European Energy Security: What Should it Mean? What To Do? European Security Forum Working Paper, 23. Emadi, S. E. &Nezhad, H. (2011).Energy Market for Caspian Sea Oil and its Supply. International Black Sea University Scientific Journal, 5 (2), 21-34. Estrada, A. M. (2009). Central Asia: Moving Towards Alternative Vision of Energy Relations. Elcano Royal Institute, Asia-Pasific/ Central Asia Observatory Working Paper 56. Madrid: Elcano Royal Institute. German, T. C. (2008) Corridor of Power: The Caucasus and Energy Security. Caucasus Review of International Affairs, 2 (2), 64-72. Indexmundi. (2013). Retrieved March 30, 2013, http://www.indexmundi.com/commodities/?commodity=crude-oilbrent&months=300 from International Energy Agency.(2008). World Energy Outlook 2008.Retrieved August 8, 2012 from http://www.iea.org/w/bookshop/add.aspx?id=353. International Energy Agency.(2010). World Energy Outlook 2009.Retrieved August 8, 2012, from http://www.iea.org/W/bookshop/add.aspx?id=388. Kısacık, S. (2010).AvrupaEnerjiGüvenliğiveTürkiye.BilgesamBeyinFırtınası, Sunum 4 (June 29, 2010). Retrieved January 15, 2012 from http://www.bilgesam.org/tr/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=753:b eyin-frtnas-avrupa-enerji-guevenlii-ve-tuerkiye&catid=139:toplantlar Larsson, R. L. (2008). Europe and Caspian Energy: Dodging Russia, Tackling China, and Engaging the U.S. In Cornell, S., & Nilsson, N. (eds.) Europe’s Energy Security: Gazprom’s Dominance and Caspian Supply Alternatives (pp. 41-56). Singapore: Central Asia- Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program. Lelyveld, M. (2003, February 12). Moscow Seeks Takeover of Latvian Oil Port. RFE/RL. Retrieved March 11, 2013, from http://www.rferl.org/content/article/1102205.html. Leonard, M. &Popescu, N. (2007).A Power Audit of EU-Russia Relations.European Council on Foreign Relations.Retrieved November 21, 2012 from [http://ecfr.eu/page/-/documents/ECFR-EU-Russiapower-audit.pdf]. Marketos, T. N. (2009). Eastern Caspian Sea Energy Geopolitics: A Litmus Test for the U.S. – Russia – China Struggle for the Geostrategic Control of Eurasia. Caucasian review of International Affairs, 3 (1), 2-19. 27 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo Norling, N. (2008). The Nabucco Pipeline: Reemerging Momentum in Europe’s Front Yard. In Cornell, S., & Nilsson, N. (eds.) Europe’s Energy Security: Gazprom’s Dominance and Caspian Supply Alternatives (pp. 127- 140). Singapore: Central Asia- Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program. Olcott, M. B. (2010). Central Asia’s Oil and Gas Reserves: To Whom Do They Matter? Global Journal of Emerging M arket Economies, 2 (3), 257-300. Paillard, C. A. (2006). Rethinking Russia : Russia and Europe’s Mutual Energy Dependence. Journal of International Affairs, 63 (2), 65-84. Piebalg, A. (2007). Turkmenistan and the EU: Why we need an increased co-operation in the Energy Field? Speech at the 12th Turkmenistan International Oil and Gas Conference, Ashgabat, Turkmenistan. 15 November 2007. Retrieved March 7, 2013 from http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_SPEECH-07-720_en.htm. Pipinashvili, D. (2011). Sino-Russian Geopolitical Interest in Central Asia and South Caucasus. Bulletin of the Georgian National Academy of Sciences, 5 (2), 144-148. Sokolsky, R. &Charlick-Pailey, T. (1999). Caspian Security: A mission too far? Rand Cooperation. Washington D.C.: Rand Cooperation. Retrieved August 7, 2012 from http://www.rand.org/pubs/monograph_reports/MR1074.html. Tsereteli, M. (2008) The Black Sea/ Caspian Region in Europe’s Economic and Energy Security.In Cornell, S., & Nilsson, N. (eds.) Europe’s Energy Security: Gazprom’s Dominance and Caspian Supply Alternatives (41-56). Singapore: Central AsiaCaucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program. Zhengang, M. (2009).A Brief review of current international situation and China’s Diplomacy. China International Studies, 15 (2), 4-15. 28 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1474 Title A name given to the resource Europe’s Energy Security and Caspian Oil and Natural Gas Author Author TOLGA TURKER, Ahmet Abstract A summary of the resource. For the countries in the Caspian region, whether they have been endowed with large resources of oil and natural gas or not, the energy politics and energy security has been at the heart of their efforts to build sovereign and prosperous states. To this end, oil and gas producing countries in the region have established arrangements governing the exploration and transportation of their resources to world markets as a central element of their foreign policies, whereas consumer countries carefully crafted their levels of dependence on energy-endowed powers since it is vitally important in determining their ability to formulate their domestic and foreign policies independently. For Europe, on the other hand, the discovery of the importance of energy security has been more recent, and mainly linked to the increasingly assertive policies that the Russian government and its monopolistic subsidiary, Gazprom, have adopted over the past years. As the European Union countries have begun to realize their problem and look for ways to diversify its supply of energy, the potential role of the Caspian region has inevitably emerged on the agenda. However, member countries seem to pursue their own energy policy, which only decrease the overall security of the Union and limit the EU’s foreign policy options. Apart from this observation, this project explores several aspects of European energy security particularly its dependence on Russia and the role of Caspian states as a source of alterative supply and argue that European countries must establish a European level energy strategy. Accordingly this study will unfold in four sections. First section will review Europe’s energy vulnerability along with the similarities between European and Caspian states in terms of energy politics. Second section will provide an analysis of emerging Russian energy diplomacy and the role of Gazprom in the light of recent developments. Third section will put forward the Caspian and the Black Sea as a future hub of energy for Europe and will discuss the role and importance of Nabucco and Trans-Caspian pipelines as the two most important infrastructure projects. Final section will critically review the EU’s approach to energy security and discuss the need to develop a more cohesive EU approach towards Caspian countries as well as issues of energy security. Even though certain individual decisions can be made by member states alone, these decisions should be made in accordance with the greater strategy goals set by the European Union. Keywords: European Union, Caspian Sea, Energy, Security. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013-05-10 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 978-9958-834-23-3 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/b35f0b249a717c2ecb1632eba8235ffa.pdf 51c00a07f59a8eeba070698182e9945b PDF Text Text EUROPEAN BANKING UNION: EFFECTS AND CHALLENGES Emina Žunić Dželihodžić School of Economics and Business Bosnia and Herzegovina zunic.emina@gmail.com Abstract: This paper analyzes impact of new banking structure on different countries. Analysis include banking sectors of both: European Union members and non-European Union member’s countries. For the purpose of analysis, data from these banking and financial sectors for period 2008-2014 were used. European banking sector as well as entire financial sector integration is necessary. This necessity is deduced from the problems in this banking sector. Namely, widespread connection between banks and sovereigns which was detected by analysis of these two types of debts. Fragmentation of the Eurozone credit markets was, mainly, caused by sovereign debt crisis due their extremely high correlation. Analysis has shown that this was especially emphasized in peripheral countries of Eurozone. This was disclosed through correlation analysis of sovereign and bank Credit Default Risk premium. Therefore, banking union with good absorbing shock mechanism at union level, credible discipline on state level as well as with central regulatory mechanism should resulted in reduction of this correlation and its complete elimination in the long run. However, potential benefits of this new structure will be unequally distributed. Actually, effects will depend on number and size of banks which are located in certain country. Keywords: correlation, Eurozone, banking union, bank, sovereign JEL Classification: E44, E58, G21 Introduction Eurozone financial sector asset – including banks, insurance companies, ICPFs (pension funds) and so called „banking from shadow“ have almost double during last decade and reached level of 57 trillion euros in 2014th. From the beginning of the crisis 2008th Eurozone banking sector has pass through rationalization process that resulted in decrease of credit institutions. This banking sector consolidation is connected with pressures on cost reduce, deleveraging and restructuring. At the end of 2014th total number of credit institutions (including foreign branches) was 5.948 and it was reduced from 6.100 at the beginning of 2014th. By comparison, this number at the end of 2008th was 6.690. Developments over time resulted in decrease of 742 credit institutions since then to 2014th, what represents decrease of around 11, 1%. ICESoS 2016 - Proceedings Book 75 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’16) Graph 1: Number of credit institutions and foreign branches 2008 vs 2014 Source: Banking Structure Report, 2015 Market concentration measured by total asset hold by five greatest credit institutions or by Herfindahl index has increased in Eurozone as well as at European Union level from 2010th and further compared with the period before the crisis. This indicator recorded a high value in 2011th, after that it has decreased in 2012th and again recover in 2013th and 2014th, but in any case, remaining above the level before the crisis period. Graph 2: Market concentration Source: Banking Structure Report, 2015 76 ICESoS 2016 - Proceedings Book �Regional Economic Development: Entrepreneurship and Innovation A modest increase in 2014th was mostly caused by developments during the crisis in countries where big banks were affected by consolidation by parent banks decisions what was especially noticeable in Cyprus, Greece and Spain. If we compare those indices between different countries, we will notice a huge number of structural factors. Therefore, banking system in big countries such as Germany and Italy are much more fragmented with bigger amount of savings and more cooperative banking sector. On the other hand, banking systems in smaller countries are much more concentrated with exception of Austria and Luxembourg. At the end of 2014th market concentration has reached level of near 95% in Greece and at the Germany and Luxembourg a little bit above 30%. According to current situation development during period 20082014, it is expected that over time the banking structures have become much more concentrated in most countries. Literature review Since problematic that this paper considers is most recent problem in European banking sector, a few papers had the subject of this issue. Namely, idea of new banking sector structure have occurred a few years ago and together with that new researches occurred. First disclosed paper gives a first legal and technical analysis new banking structure proposals, referring also to some of the discussions that have already sprung up and identifying a few of the controversial points. (Wytmeersch, 2012) Further, researches have analyzed a number of euro-area countries that have been affected by a lethal negative feedback loop between banking and sovereign risk, followed by disintegration of the financial system, real economic fragmentation and the exposure of the European Central Bank. (Pisani-Ferry & Wolff, 2012) Following paper have shown that it was much easier to endorse the concept of a banking union than it is to design and implement one. Banks are central to the European financial system, supplying about three quarters of all credit, and are therefore critical to the functioning of the wider economy in Europe. Their supervision is not just a technical issue, but it requires many subjective judgments that have serious implications for credit provision, economic growth and jobs. (Elliott, 2012) The following paper have investigated the role of “Europeanisation” for bank recovery and resolution that will be managed nationally based on EU law. A first evaluation indicates that the potential benefits of solving bank problems via the resolution mechanism of a new European banking union would be distributed unequally between the member countries of the Euro area. Germany would be the biggest loser, Spain and the Netherlands the biggest winners. Of the non-euro countries, the UK and Sweden have the most to gain, but Poland would lose. The country-specific gains of European banking union depend on the number and size of banks which are located in a country. It is, however, not yet clear whether the goal of macroeconomic stabilizing of bank resolutions would be better achieved when executed via the Single regulation mechanism or with the ESM, both for the countries affected and for the Euro area as a whole. (Breuss, 2013) Further, authors have analyzed role of SRM. The central body of the SRM should be either the European Commission, or a new authority. This legislative effort should not be taken as an excuse to delay decisive action on the management and resolution of the current European banking fragility, which imposes a major drag on Europe’s growth and employment. (Veron & Wolff, 2013) Further, it was proven that 2014 handover, and a subsequent change in the European treaties that will establish the robust legal basis needed for a sustainable banking union, together define the policy sequence as a bridge that can allow Europe to cross the choppy waters that separate it from a steady-state banking policy framework. (Veron, A realistic bridge towards European banking union, 2013) ICESoS 2016 - Proceedings Book 77 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’16) Banking Union From the beginning of crisis 2008th, European Commission has worked hard to discover the lessons from the crisis in order to create a safe and stable financial sector. Commission has suggest 28 new rules for better regulation, supervision and financial sector management so that in the future, taxpayers will not pay full price for the mistakes of banks. Most of the rules are now in force or are nearing completion. Since financial crisis develop and transform to debt crisis in Eurozone 2010/11, it was clear that for these countries with together currency need to work harder in order to break the vicious circle between banks and public finances. Therefore, in June 2012 the Heads of State and Government decided to create a banking union, exclusively economic and monetary union in order to enable a centralized application for all banks in the euro area (as well as for those countries that are not EU members, but that they wanted to join). Therefore, the objectives of the introduction of this new structure could be defined as: • • • • • • • • • strengthening of bank capital and liquidity, “Single rule book” including rules about salaries, an effective resolution regime that protects depositors, effective control and supervision, suppression paradigm “too big to fail”, safer and more transparent financial markets, reducing reliance on credit ratings, identifying risks posed by “banking from the shadows” and prevention and punishment of market abuse. This new regulatory framework with equal rules for all banks in 28 member countries, listed in one rule book is basis of banking union. Uniform Rules will primarily help preventing a banking crisis and if banks get into difficulty a common framework for the management of the process including the means to mitigate them in the right way is defined. This uniform rules will also ensure that all EU deponents their deposits up to 100.000 euro will be secure at anytime and anywhere in Europe. Banking union ensure uniform implementation of these rules in Eurozone. New banking structure could be presented as follows. Figure 1: Banking Union 78 ICESoS 2016 - Proceedings Book �Regional Economic Development: Entrepreneurship and Innovation Since November 2014th ECB has become supervisor for 6.000 banks in Eurozone in the context of the single supervisory mechanism. In order to ensure that ECB has clear insight into banks that are under its control, a comprehensive assessment of the financial condition of each bank conducted. In case of bank meltdown despite strong supervision, unique new resolution mechanism will enable the efficient resolution of problems in banks through Unique-resolution committee and the Single-resolution fund. If the bank still suffers meltdown unique regulatory mechanism will with clear rules for decision-making for internationally active banks a ton more effectively solve problems than the existing framework of national resolution. Together with the new EU regulatory framework for the financial sector, the creation of a banking union is a big step in the economic and monetary integration in the European Union. This should lead to increase in financial stability. Thus, financial sector should now be able to lend to real sector, thereby supporting economic recovery and job creation. Figure 2: Steps in the implementation of new banking structure European Commission has prepared suggestions of 28 legal requirements that covers all financial participants in order to better manage financial sector. These proposals constitute a single rulebook. Therefore, it’s important to ensure strong pervasive regulation, without gaps, in order to be able to guarantee equal conditions for all banks that enable formulation of unique financial services market. A unique supervisory mechanism gives the European Central Bank responsibility for supervising banks in the Eurozone. Therefore, ECB is charged to ensure real European supervisory mechanism which is not intended to protect national interests but the weakening of the link between banks and public finances taking into account the risk to financial stability. Package capital requirements for banks and the regulation of capital requirements created by a new global standard for banking capital (known as the Basel III framework) in the legal framework of the European Union. The new rules have been in force since 01 January 2014 and, as such, allow banks to keep a sufficient level of capital both in terms of quality and in terms of quantity. The financial sector and the whole European Union is now based on a strong basis in the event that some of the banks will encounter difficulty. These resolutions require banks to present their recovery plans describing the measures that would be taken in the event of entering into unwanted financial situation and plans for changes to existing plans if they are no longer applicable. Banking supervisors have expanded their powers to be able to intervene in the event that an institution gets into financial difficulties, but before the problem becomes critical and while its financial position has not become irreversible. In banking union, if is considered that viability of banks in danger, ECB is only supervisory authority that will supervise early intervention in coordination with relevant resolution authorities. ICESoS 2016 - Proceedings Book 79 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’16) Advantages and Disadvantages From the conceptual point of view unified supranational banking supervision should help to strengthen the single European financial market. Also, as positive aspect of these new structure it should be considered unique rule book and fact that implementation of new banking union could help in raising cross-border comparability of de jure and de facto control of the banking sector in the euro area and the EU. The unique regulation of the banking sector as well as coordination will support the simplification and harmonization of critical areas such as stress tests or taxation of the banking sector. Concentration of banking sector supervision in one supranational body should also improve banking regulation management. Also, form practical point of view, supranational banking supervision should increase regulator independency from political parties, while it will also significantly help improve the banking as well as the capacity to manage the financial crisis. However, increased regulation of the banking sector and international cooperation in itself does not end there. A unique supranational regulatory body of the banking sector in Europe should ensure the achievement of the ultimate goal of regulation of the banking sector - financial stability. Mostly on a voluntary basis based participation of non-EU countries in supranational banking union should help in avoidance of excessive remuneration of national and / or additional uncoordinated local regulations. Such practices could literally eat profitability internationally active banks in non-EU countries, what potentially could lead to higher market risk at aggregate level some big banking groups from West Europe that operate in those countries. For larger internationally active banks to maintain and manage liquidity and capital buffers at the aggregate level will be much more effective than holding too much liquidity and capital buffers to each local market. Banking union will contribute to the termination of the links between banks and the state on following way: • • • Banks will be stronger and more immune to shocks - unified supervision will ensure the effective implementation of prudential requirements for banks, requiring them to keep an adequate level of reserves and liquidity. This will make the EU stronger banks, strengthen their capital in order to adequately manage the risks associated with their activities and absorb any losses; The problematic banks will be resolved without taxpayer money, limiting negative effects on government fiscal position - troubled banks will be solved by financing shareholders of the bank, its creditors and the decision of the Fund to finance industry. Banks should get out of trouble while the fiscal position of the country should not be weakened; Banks will no longer be “European in life but national in death” - since it will be watched truly European mechanism so will any destruction be supervised these same mechanisms. Besides advantages of these centralized and unified supranational banking sector, supervision and regulation by the banking union is carried ECB can cause a lot of nontrivial overflow, for EU countries and also for non-EU countries. Since non-EU countries are small markets, they won’t be standards market at the EU level as well as at the global level, but they will be its followers. For example, central banks of these countries have very limited de jure and de facto presence in the relevant international bodies and forums (such as the BIS, the ECB or G7 / G20 forum). The experience of European integration has shown that at some stage, banking union may suffer from some problems in the community, or more precisely, it was easier to create it, but to manage it. In addition, the marginal costs of cooperation are growing with the 80 ICESoS 2016 - Proceedings Book �Regional Economic Development: Entrepreneurship and Innovation growth of the number of members of the community as the banking union. Therefore, policies to achieve the greatest possible number of voluntary members of the Union may be called into question. Furthermore, policy makers at the EU should be aware of the risk that voluntary entry into the banking union could mean entering the euro zone in particular non-EU countries. Also, as in the euro zone there is no option of voluntary leaving and the banking union the same option does not exist because it is not feasible from a practical point of view. The effect on Member States Inevitably there will be many demanding tasks in terms of implementation of new parts improved banking regulation in the years to come. Consistent implementation countercyclical capital protection will be a major challenge for both the EU Member States and to other countries and, as such, will require close co-ordination and cooperation. The implementation of the new requirements will be especially difficult for developing countries. In some of these countries there is still considerable scope for financial deepening. Therefore, the gap in the ratio of loans / GDP is significant in these countries, which per se does not have to result in financial stability. On the other hand, a fairly consistent implementation of additional capital requirements, particularly in the European Union and banking union, can definitely stimulate regulatory arbitrage. All in all, a consistent implementation of anti-cyclical policy and capital protection throughout the European banking market will definitely be a challenge in the future. A recent upgrade of regulations is definitely put emphasis on the fact that the Bank of Western Europe and reduce the risk of borrowing in an unstable economic environment with disappointing low level of GDP growth. In this regard it is worth mentioning that there is empirical evidence that even the application of Basel I in countries whose economies are not bank-based, such as the United States, had a significant impact on credit growth. Therefore, it’s not surprise that there is very weak credit growth in Eurozone. From the perspective of the private sector should be emphasized that the deleveraging in non-EU countries was gradually and that definitely can be classified in one of the toughest on the European banking market. Therefore, it should be noted that the recent strengthening of the regulation is definitely the most impact on the less profitable business lines and markets. Therefore, the bank became even more challenging to implement long-term strategies and make a profit at low interest rates. Graph 3: Total cross-border claims of European banks Source: http://www.rbinternational.com/eBusiness/01_ template1/829189266947841370-829189181316930732-829189181316930732-NA-2-EN. html ICESoS 2016 - Proceedings Book 81 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies (ICESoS’16) Conclusion Regardless of the foregoing, the fact is that the supranational control under the control of the ECB met with resistance from the competent national authorities since new structure take away some of the powers that until then had control of the banks. Large European banks must still work with their supervisors in their daily regulatory programs. This is especially true for banks that operate outside the euro zone markets. Consistent and supranational banking sector supervision in entire Europe will, unquestionably, become one of the main factors for strengthening of cooperation in banking sector and strengthening of financial stability in west as well as in central and east Europe. Political initiator to coordination, harmonization and simplification of regulation and supervision of banking sector is, also, good thing for CEE countries. Namely, banking markets at this region are highly integrated with banking sector of west Europe. Ideally speaking, unique supranational supervision could help to reduce overall IT costs, direct and indirect, as well as supervisory who control the private sector. References (2015). Banking Structure Report. Frankfurt: European Central Bank. Breuss, F. (2013). European Banking Union. Osterreichisches Institut Fur Wirtschaftforschung. Elliott, J. D. (2012). Key issues on european banking union. Global Economy and Developement. Pisani-Ferry, J., & Wolff, G. (2012). The fiscal implications of a banking union. Bruegel Policy Brief. Veron, N. (2013). A realistic bridge towards European banking union. Bruegel Policy Contribution. Veron, N., & Wolff, G. (2013). From supervision to resolution: Next steps on the road to European banking union. Bruegel Policy Contribution. Wytmeersch, E. (2012). The European Banking Union, a first analysis. Financial Law Institute. 82 ICESoS 2016 - Proceedings Book � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 3322 Title A name given to the resource EUROPEAN BANKING UNION: EFFECTS AND CHALLENGES Author Author Zunic Dzelilhodzic, Emina Abstract A summary of the resource. Abstract: This paper analyzes impact of new banking structure on different countries. Analysis include banking sectors of both: European Union members and non-European Union member’s countries. For the purpose of analysis, data from these banking and financial sectors for period 2008-2014 were used. European banking sector as well as entire financial sector integration is necessary. This necessity is deduced from the problems in this banking sector. Namely, widespread connection between banks and sovereigns which was detected by analysis of these two types of debts. Fragmentation of the Eurozone credit markets was, mainly, caused by sovereign debt crisis due their extremely high correlation. Analysis has shown that this was especially emphasized in peripheral countries of Eurozone. This was disclosed through correlation analysis of sovereign and bank Credit Default Risk premium. Therefore, banking union with good absorbing shock mechanism at union level, credible discipline on state level as well as with central regulatory mechanism should resulted in reduction of this correlation and its complete elimination in the long run. However, potential benefits of this new structure will be unequally distributed. Actually, effects will depend on number and size of banks which are located in certain country. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2016 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed H Social Sciences (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/55bd3d27f91059da0ff59775e76544e3.pdf 994dc5d615493f26dd42365ef3aa30e4 PDF Text Text International Conference on Economic and Social Studies, 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo European Collective Identity in Terms of MicroNationalism Yusuf Yurdigül Atatürk University, Erzurum, Turkey yusufyurdagul@hotmail.com Aslı Yurdigül Atatürk University, Erzurum, Turkey asli.yurdagul@hotmail.com The point the European Union, idealized with respect to being European or Europeanising, has reached today is a result of union ideas lasting for about 700 years in Europe. This ideal initiated by some countries coming together has entered in the process of development in terms of expanding intellectual background, giving it a global aspect and creating a collective social memory, and so it has turned into a European collective identity in terms of politics, economy and culture. However, the idealized European collective identity cannot be seen as long-lasting in today’s Europe where nationalism has become popular among the rising values. Although collective identity has been formed as a modern concept providing for the union of nation state structure, national identity and citizenship concept, it has become a source of problem in multinational states with the European Union process. The differences in the European Union countries have become remarkably clear. With the European Union process, member states including different national identities, have inevitably confronted some problems in which different and rival sense of belonging factors are created. While xenophobia arisen out of immigrations to Europe has empowered nationalist discourse in member states due to economic and religious causes, micro-nationalist movements have matured in local elements that have been strengthened thanks to the EU domestic policies. Moreover, the EU has almost got to represent a constitution in which nationality and citizenship concepts have been gradually separating each other with regards to member states. This separation which has been observed more intensively with the increasing numbers of membership to the Union has caused two types of nationalism to gain strength: the one which was arisen as an xenophobia in reaction to immigrations from East and South to the Western countries, and the 278 �International Conference on Economic and Social Studies, 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo micro-nationalist dynamism which was gained by local elements as a result of implementing the EU policies by member states. This study building a conceptual framework in the context of the European Union, nationalism and micro-nationalism aims to discuss the results of nationalism fact rising in Europe for idealized multi-cultural and supranational European collective identity, and whether or not the dynamics that exist in Europe but do not seem as European and that have become an identity by not being a local element in terms of the EU policies will be a threat for the EU process. Keywords: European Union, European Collective Identity, Nationalism, Micro-Nationalism. 279 � https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/7941cef83e80dd3bb0bc1bfa17eea0e5.docx 6d125ca1e8737b75c2c14ea2e0e23745 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/a18ca3654e2f033b6cad04d03cdc9eae.pdf 0356851f5da1307e245085b195536e4b PDF Text Text International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo European Collective Identity in Terms of Micro-Nationalism Yusuf Yurdigül Atatürk Ü. İletişim Fakültesi, Erzurum, Türkiye yusufyurdagul@hotmail.com AslıYurdigül Atatürk Ü. İletişim Fakültesi, Erzurum, Türkiye asli.yurdagul@hotmail.com Abstract The point the European Union, idealized with respect to being European or Europeanising, has reached today is a result of union ideas lasting for about 700 years in Europe. This ideal initiated by some countries coming together has entered into the process of development in terms of expanding the intellectual background, giving it a global aspect and creating a collective social memory, and so it has turned into a European collective identity in terms of politics, economy and culture. However, the idealized European collective identity cannot be seen as long-lasting in today’s Europe where nationalism has become popular among the rising values. Although collective identity has been formed as a modern concept providing for the union of nation state structure, national identity and citizenship concept, it has become a source of problem in multinational states with the European Union process. The differences in the European Union countries have become remarkably clear. In the European Union process, member states including different national identities, is inevitably confronting some problems in which different and a rival sense of belonging factors is created. While xenophobia arisen out of immigrations in Europe has empowered nationalist discourse in member states due to economic and religious causes, micro-nationalist movements have matured in local elements that have been strengthened thanks to the EU domestic policies. Moreover, the EU has almost got to represent a constitution in which nationality and citizenship concepts have been gradually separating each other with regards to member states. This separation which has been observed more intensively with the increasing amount of membership to the Union has caused two types of nationalism to gain strength: the one which was arisen as an xenophobia in reaction to immigrations from East and South to the Western countries, and the micro-nationalist dynamism which was gained by local elements as a result of implementing the EU policies by member states. This study builds a conceptual framework in the context of the European Union, nationalism and micro-nationalism aims to discuss the results of nationalism fact rising in Europe for idealized multicultural and supranational European collective identity, and whether or not the dynamics that exist in Europe but do not seem as European and that have become an identity by not being a local element in terms of the EU policies will be a threat for the EU process. Keywords: European Union, European collective identity, nationalism, micronationalism 1 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo Introduction In today’s Europa that nationalism is becoming popular within the values rising again, the differences become evident conspicuous.Although the nation - state structure as a modern phenomenon has been fictionalized with a mentality which envisages combination of the concept of national identity and citizenship, as of last point has been reached with the EU accession process, it is observed that this situation has begun to create a source of problem in multi-national states. In this context the European Unionsymbolizesa formation, in this formation concepts of nationalityandcitizenshipis increasinglyseparatedfromeachother.In the EU accession process, the states,which have different national identities, are faced with problems which have been created by the rival different elements of belonging inevitably. For example, the problem of England about Ireland has been resulted with separation / division, this result shows that the EU has structured its policies in a framework to enable the development of local elements. Therefore, while the EU provides the possibility of establishing a relationship with the EU institutions by bypassing its own nation-states to in the regions which are in unity, it agitates argument about the regions can be only understrong structure of nation-states by the presence of the EU's supranational institutions. Also the ideal of an independent Scotlandin the European Union is a typical reflection of this situation. With the pressures which are caused by globalization, enlargement of the European Union, migration towards to western countries from east and south of the earth are creating a suitable ground for the spread of racism and increasing hostility towards foreigners(Demirtepe, USAK,2006). The ethnocentrism which is caused by migrations to Europe, while being effective in accelerating the nationalist discourse in the member states, on the other hand it leads to the maturation of micro-nationalist movements in local elements which have gained strength due to EU policies. Therefore, discussing the phenomenon of rising nationalism in Europe, in two different contexts will be the most appropriate method. Firstly, the migration towards the European Union member states and nationalism which is shaped within the framework of ethnocentrism arising from economic problems as a result of this migration and the secondly the micro-nationalism resulting from regional policies applied by the European Union to local specificities. Nationalism Developed Against “Other” In the political trend which is occurring in the first type nationalism i.e. in case of nationalism which is arising in the context of the EU member states,rather than a political language based on racial or cultural superiority, a result is at stake which is developing against groups defined as “other”.A nationalist stance is taken against these groups which aresometimes followers a cultural tradition and sometimes followers of a religious community and an ethnic group, this nationalist stance nourished from fear that they will exploit and occupythe country. This type of nationalism ensues as a result of the perception of authorization more than making emphasis to nation phenomenon in the classical sense. Today in Europa there is nationalism which is originated from attitudes developed against others just like the concern about “Europe will become a Muslim continent in over fifty years" (Kalın, Zaman, 2006) that is underlying the reason of Bernard Lewis’ effort to mobilize Europeansagainst Muslim immigration wave.As mentioned above, the effect of the wave of migration flows to Europe from different countries is very important on the occurrence of such nationalism. At first, these migrations were not being too much trouble,but after, with unemployment observed in the countries which are considered asthe 2 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo dynamic forces of the EU, migrations have led to the emergence of the process of otherization which is taking its source economic reflex. Yaşar Nuri describes the process has been experienced as; “Europa took political refugee and migrant workers, from the 1960s until the end of 1990s from different countries. If we look at the Europe of the 1960s a prosperous Europe was experiencing a golden age. Europe has recognized the people that it heard their screams as “We are under political pressure” as a political refugee because of a number of different reasons, morale and responsibility that it has against the former colonies. Although a part of themwere economic refugees, they won political refugee statusby claiming that they are under political pressure and they have started to live in Europa countries. But now the outlook has changed in Europe… In today's Europe, all immigrants have become a problem. Now radical right is rising in Europa and European officials, politicians are concernedfrom time to time very deep.” (Yaşar, HPD, 2005: 137–166). In France and Germany where these concerns were experienced extensively, the most negative scenario was the emergence of ethnic or religious conflict, events which started in the Netherlands, after Dutch film director Theo Van Gogh has been murdered by a Moroccan Muslim in 2004, where the initial spark in terms of processing of this negative scenario. In fact,while long-term conflicts that occurred in 2005 in the ghettos of Franceafter this eventpaved way for a new and unusual approaches and solutions about "Foreign problem" in the European Union, on the other hand they demonstrated how a nationalist wave from below is very important. The murder which is presented as “a MoroccanMuslim killed a Dutch Christian artist” has been translated from religious discrimination to racial discrimination. "Integration problem" discussions were initiated in Germany in 2006 after the events, provided the problem was discussed as a migrant workers' problem and migrant workers have become "foreigners"non-integrated and who refuse to be integrated. This ethnocentrism which has developed within the framework of economic and religious reasons has causedin Europe the elevation of radical right and nationalist parties in this ground, in the political sense.In the past periods; in France Le Pen’s votes showed substantial proportion increases compared with previous years,in the 1999 elections in AustriaLibertarian Party of Jörg Haider took %27 vote became junior partner of the power and in 2001, in Italy, a coalition partnershipof Gianfranco Fini emerged. All these developments became ominous developments¹ for the common European identity as important historical indicators of the nationalist movement which has begun to rise in Europe. Movement of Jörg Haider in Austria was the most obvious and worrisome development of nationalist movement in Europe about ethnocentrism. In 1986, the Austrian Freedom Party which was one of smallest party used slogan such as "Because, solid head in a healthy body ONLY" and “We guarantee that we will stop ALİENATİON” on 1999 election posters and it formalized ethnocentrism, this party which was the racist party of Jörg Haider took %27 vote and became junior partner of the power in 1999 elections (Özcan, 2000: 557). This situation which is an important indicator of ethnocentrism in European countriesstill continues today.In these countries many of the extreme right wing parties are increasing their votes gradually in local or general elections and they have started to have the right of representation in national parliaments. For example, the Democratic Party of Sweden which is known as a conservative party in Swedentook%5. 7votein the 2010 election and 3 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo became a parliamentarianfor the first time. Belgium Vlaams Belang Partyknown for its opposition to Turk increased its vote rate which was %9, 9 in 1999 general elections to %28, 6 in 2012 local elections.Ultra nationalistic Golden Dawn Party of neighboring country Greece increased its vote rate to %6, 97 in 2012 and has gained a significantright of representation in parliament. These kinds of risings which are not suitable for the ideal of a common European identity have disturbed central institutions and politicians in EU extremely.The European Union Commissioner of Interior Malmström warned about “Rising racism’s and ethnocentrism’s representatives in politics in Europe have reached peak” (www.haber7.com). The effects of this kind of political structures intended for nationalism have been tried to minimize their own country parliaments,the European Parliament as well as in other EU institutions. For example, the EU countries reacted violently to a racist party become a partner in power began to pressure for ousting it from power. For this purpose, 14 EU member states began to impose social, economic, and diplomaticsanctions against Vienna and began to pressure for ousting Freedom Party from power, upon extreme right-wing Austrian Freedom Party formed a coalition with the Conservative People's Party. Although sanctions and pressures provided Jörg Haider’s resignation in year 2000, his party continued as a coalition partner(Özcan, 2000: 556–58). The formations which do politics intended to nationalist and conservativediscourse such as the Freedom Party in Austria which is one of a member of the European Union, and GianFranco Fini coalition in France, although they are pressured by the EU, they continue their activities intended to center politics by softening their radical opinions with popular discourses. Micro-Nationalism The micro-nationalist movement which is the second movement of movements that arose within the framework of the nationalismtop title;This isa micro-nationalism pursuits which have been developed against the dominant identity by groups have deindividuation syndrome and in the grip of projects revealed by the EU for nation building of local elements found in the member states and the policies implemented by the EU for the protection of member states' national identity.Micro-nationalist pursuits are singular fundamentally, but alsoemphasizehomogeneity and provide a new togetherness and sharing area for individual.The individuals who see that the rights are not provided individually and the government has not done enough and even sometimes behave hypocritically, they become in solidarity with their counterpartsinstead of struggling one by one. The individuals, who have religious, linguistic and ethnic qualification, demand the minority status. These pursuits which exceed being a community in the community, as a product of an effort (Yaşar, HPD, 2005: 137-166) to create a nation within a nation; Through "Paradiplomacy" which has turned into maneuver mechanism that is very important in the EU recently, they have achievedrival positions to state / nation that they belong.The EU's policies towards to local level identities, has provided a national minority status to groups who are in a struggle fornation building and regional governments gained the status of minorityhave evolved into international actors through the paradiplomacy. The paradiplomacy (Lecours, 2002: 1–5) which has come out as a result of the pursuits of increasing the powers of the national minority regions, has confronted micro-nationalism to the nation-state as a major power.The European Union’s policy towards national 4 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo minorities have directed ethnic communities to identify themselves as "nationality" or "national" minorities for gaining legitimacy and being successful. For example, many ethnic communities including Moravians in the Czech Republic and Silesians in Poland have started to define ² their identity in national line(Tesser, 2003: 493-94). These actorsturned into a minority position through Paradiplomacy, behaved like nation and presented themselves like this.In this context Paradiplomacy created an impression as nationalist minorities who do not have is a state, in the international arena is accepted in the form of "nation". And this became a situation which gets a reaction of nation-states member of the EU, as an effect that is mobilizing micro-nationalism in sovereign nations. This react has ensued in the form of meeting demands orsuppressing demands of micronationalist pursuits and this react has led to problems intended for the representation of sub-elements’ identity and problems intended for the sovereign nation, so it threatened the common "European Identity" ideal. In a nutshell, "Today,in many The European Union member states, religious and ethnic discrimination is at peak levels ... For Europa that is shown as the homeland of democracy and freedoms, this is a contradictory and an embarrassing table (Laçiner, Özcan and Bal, 2004: 29). Because of racist experiences happened in the past, Europe has canalized to theories that ignore experienced racism nowadays and it isexperiencing the crisis of European identity which is designated by policies intended for who are outside the boundariesrather than the who are inside the boundaries. The idea of an idealized The European Union and incompatibility problem of European culture are at the center of this identity crisis. It is possible to see traces of this crisis in almost all the studies themed identity, these studies have occurred after the political structure of the European Union for the integration of the European Union. The political debates, experienced in many European countries about nation, nationalism and citizenship, accelerate nutrition of national identity with ethnocentrism racism and increasingly and also these political debates accelerate emergence of identities of groups which perceived themselves as religious, ethnic, national or regional communities (Rattansi and Westwood, 1997: 221). Nationalist tendencies observed in many of the member countries of The European Union cause for shaping the researches on the subjectwithin the framework of the question "How a European?".The identity and legitimacy issues onthe level of development reached by the EU, has increased with effect of racism in Europe (Karaosmanoğlu, 2001: 163), thus increasing leads the need for the development of "European identity" which should be away from nationalist rhetoric. Because both after the union and before the union, (although it shows discrepancies in their own),the European identity states identitieswhich are in a body generally. The policies about trying to make the elements minority or a local qualified as a nation and the efforts for to homogenize National identities of the Member States towards the idea of a federal Europe, lead popularizationof nationalism as an emerging trend in the EU. And this situation threatens integrative effect of the identity of a common European which has been idealized, and makes "How a Europe?" question a difficult question to answer. Because "Union citizenship" concept which has been fictionalized towards the European Union has not been adopted and has not been acceptedby the citizens of the member states sufficiently, this situation makes the answer of the question “How a Europe” a quite difficult. In many European countries, the citizens do not feel themselves as European, and they feel themselves belong to their own country and they define themselves with their national identity. According to a study, %38 of EU citizens think that they have a common European culture,%49 of them do not think that.In another study made by the European 5 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo Commission in 2001, the survey that “EU citizenship or national identity, which one you have embraced more?" question has been asked. As a result of this study the Luxembourg with %20 rate took place in the front row as the country which has people who want to be only EU citizens. According to this survey, the United Kingdom and Sweden are the countries, which have appropriated EU citizenship minimum.The adoption of both of national identity - the identity of the EU and only EU identity in these two countries has the lowest ratio(Duyar, USAK: 2006). However, the answers of “How much do you feel yourself as European” question in many European countries have been highly significant positive. The rate of feeling as European is too much than the rate of the adoption of European identity, the reason of this difference may be because the controls feel themselves as they have been articulated to Europa geographically.The ideal of a common European identity which is tried to be placed with "Citizenship of the Union"consciousness,as seen in the studies has not been very effective. The underlying reason is arising from the concept of integration in Europe in other words, it is arising from the purpose of ensuring integrity betweenthe EU's northern, eastern, western and southern. The more explicit term; the European identity projectidealized by taking support from points such as EU member countries have a common geographical structure, contains a common culture partly and have a large majority of the same religion,in fact it is not targeted / ideal that EU countries are trying to realize individually.The enhancement of Europeanness concept towards a common identity with religion, geography, culture, or with a common historydoes not seem very possible. If we think about Central Eastern European Countries (CEEC) which have been joined with the European Union subsequently or some regions in countries which are the first 15 members and minorities such as Basques, Catalan, Scotland it will be recognized that it is a wrong foundation. European countries do not adopt on the contrary in most cases they define themselves with their national identities that they belong to it. Conclusion Especially since 2008, the financial, fiscal andsocialcrisishasa veryimportant role in the rise of nationalist movements in Europe (www.euronews.com).Until a short while ago the Europeans who were seeking employees to run, using immigrants at this point, makingthemservethemselvesbymakingthem work in jobs that they do not want work, now they started to see these people as "others" who are stealing their work and forming the cause of imbalances in social and employment policies and inter-regional disparities in the country. It is indispensable that offering becomes an asset which is increasing rapidly when cultural / political and religious factorsadded to the causes economic-based. Another remarkable aspect of the event; this situation is using by ultra-nationalist political parties and extreme right-wing movements as an important means of propaganda and pronunciation. Mümtazer Turkoneconsiders these movements in Europe which is using many elements of fascismas ideological in the background as "neofascism ". On the other hand, the European Union has taken important steps about the common identity of the European with The Helsinki Summit and European Union has accepted that there is no candidate country and individual will be alienated for reasons such as religious and cultural diversity and it has accepted that at this point only the criteria is if democratic values is embraced or not. According to the European Union; one of the most important criteria for the success of the EU project has literally been the support which will be given by nationals of Member States to this project. One of the important indicators of it that the 6 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo European Union has started to have commonality perceptiveness after the Treaty of Maastricht for the purpose of political integration in many fields including especially economic policies. In this context, a common European identity will make important contributions to EU governance structure. On the other hand a common European identity will bring alongthe potential of the EUto become an alternative political force in a globalized worldthroughimportant values such as democracy and human rights. Finally, bringing closer together thecommunities which are forming EU within the framework of shared values, developing and strengthening thesocial communication is an important factor on EU’s desiderative which is about to create a common identity(Tekin, 2007:34). But however, the European Union's policy about creating "common identity" has changed with time. The most important change in this sense isthe developed policies which are developed by the European Union, forprotecting the cultural diversity that exists in Europe. In this context, cultural diversity is realized in two ways. The first of these; to identify with the culture which is highlighted that it needs to be supported with public utilities, especially with the mass media, and the second one is acceptance of the other one and to be open to other cultures. The meaning of this is; rejection of the religious, linguistic, cultural and nationalist fundamentalism and acknowledgment of other cultural products. This is also an attempt to export a specific culture(www.konrad.org.tr). The result of this initiative is emerging as the micro-nationalist movements. However, in this environment that the national identities are important elements in defining Europeanness, are a diversity of nationsin the EU and the presence of European invisible identity elements of threat for an idealized common European identity? How will nationalist rhetoric put forward the European identity firstly, in today's Europe that firstly German after European, firstly France after European and firstly Dutchafter European opinion dominates?(Oğuzlu, 2006). Therefore, the European identity which will dominate in multicultural and supranationalEuropean Union will be possible within the framework of identity discourse which will be shaped around the ideal of the common Europeanness in the form of European France, European Germany and European Netherlands. References Is "European" Identity Resolving Against Nationalism? Online:www.tr.euronews.com/2011/05/05/ ab-ve-milliyetci-akimlar, 01.05.201 "Racism and Ethnocentrismon the rise in Europe," Online:http://www.haber7.com/avrupa/haber /983635-avrupada-irkcilik-ve-yabanci-dusmanligi-yukseliste, 20.04.2013. Demirtepe T, “United Kingdom, Sub-national belonging and the EU ", Online:http://www.usakgu ndem.com/yazarlar.php?:=708type=4, 17.08.2006. Duyar E.“ "To Be UnionIn Europe: EU Citizenship"”, Online:http://www.usakgundem.com/ makale.php?id=23, 17.08.2006. Kalın I., “Europe is KeepingTo Oneself Rapidly”, Zaman Gazette, 31.05.2006. Karaosmanoğlu A.L. (2001). The Relations Between Turkey and the European Union in terms of the European Security and Defense Identity. East West Journal, European Edition,14, 163. 7 �International Conference on EconomicandSocialStudies (ICESoS’13), 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo Laçiner S., Özcan M., Bal İ , (2004).Possible Effects of Turkey to the EU. Turkish European İstanbul: USAK Library, Hayat Broadcasting. Lecours A.(2002). When Regions Go Abroad: Globalization Nationalism and Federalism, Globalization, Multilevel Governance and Democracy: Continantel Comparative and Global Perspectives, Paper for Conference, Queen’ University, May 3-4, 2002, s.1-5. Özcan M. (2000). A Review on Integration in the European Union In Light of Austria Elections Yeni Türkiye Journal EU Special Edition, Number:35-36. Oğuzlu T. (2006). Howthe rejection of the EU Constitution should be interpreted?, Online: http://www.liberaldt.org.tr/index.php?lan=tr&message=article&art=404, 17.08.2006. Poyraz T., Arıkan G. (2003). Europe-Turkey Relations and Other Definitions which change periodically. Ankara: Hacettepe University Literary Magazine, Volume: 6: 20, Number: 2. Tekin Y.O. (2007). Causes of the European Union's efforts to create a common identity, Unpublished Master's Thesis, Balikesir University, Institute of Social Sciences, Department of Public Administration. Tesser L.M. (2003). The Geopolitics of Tolerance: Minority Rights Under EU Expansion in East-Central Europa, East European Politics and Societies,Vol: 17, No:483. Yaşar N., Turhanlı T. (2005). A Matter of National Identity in Turkey, Istanbul: HPD Legal Perspective Magazine, Number :3, 137-166. Vernet D. “Protection of national culture and European Culture: Example of France and the EU ",Le Monde, Paris, Online:http://www.konrad.org.tr/index.php?id=131. Yıldız S. (2007). Social Identity and National Identity Concepts Nature, Istanbul: National Folklore, Issue: 74. Wiewiorka M. (1997). Racism in Europe: Unity and Diversity, Ed: Ali Rattansi, Salliye Westwood, Racism, Modernity and Identity, translator: Sevda Akyüz, Istanbul: Sarmal Publishing House. 8 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1685 Title A name given to the resource European Collective Identity in Terms of Micro- Nationalism Author Author YURDIGUL, Yusuf YURDIGUL, Asli Abstract A summary of the resource. The point the European Union, idealized with respect to being European or Europeanising, has reached today is a result of union ideas lasting for about 700 years in Europe. This ideal initiated by some countries coming together has entered in the process of development in terms of expanding intellectual background, giving it a global aspect and creating a collective social memory, and so it has turned into a European collective identity in terms of politics, economy and culture. However, the idealized European collective identity cannot be seen as long-lasting in today’s Europe where nationalism has become popular among the rising values. Although collective identity has been formed as a modern concept providing for the union of nation state structure, national identity and citizenship concept, it has become a source of problem in multinational states with the European Union process. The differences in the European Union countries have become remarkably clear. With the European Union process, member states including different national identities, have inevitably confronted some problems in which different and rival sense of belonging factors are created. While xenophobia arisen out of immigrations to Europe has empowered nationalist discourse in member states due to economic and religious causes, micro-nationalist movements have matured in local elements that have been strengthened thanks to the EU domestic policies. Moreover, the EU has almost got to represent a constitution in which nationality and citizenship concepts have been gradually separating each other with regards to member states. This separation which has been observed more intensively with the increasing numbers of membership to the Union has caused two types of nationalism to gain strength: the one which was arisen as an xenophobia in reaction to immigrations from East and South to the Western countries, and the micro-nationalist dynamism which was gained by local elements as a result of implementing the EU policies by member states. This study building a conceptual framework in the context of the European Union, nationalism and micro-nationalism aims to discuss the results of nationalism fact rising in Europe for idealized multi-cultural and supranational European collective identity, and whether or not the dynamics that exist in Europe but do not seem as European and that have become an identity by not being a local element in terms of the EU policies will be a threat for the EU process. Keywords: European Union, European Collective Identity, Nationalism, Micro-Nationalism. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013-05-10 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2303-4564 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/2856ad4d111cc4c67cfa664b3e0d52e5.docx 3a2f7b0d53fb9a979238de98c9838c19 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/6cd5b3dbf67e21bc91c3a3479181eb34.pdf fc27461a74e8ae862a268ea3c6cde315 PDF Text Text European Union Integration: The Impact in Albanian Economy and Life UrmatRyskulov Epoka University Albania uryskulov@epoka.edu.al RiadaBerhani Epoka University Albania riadaberhani@gmail.com Abstract: Most of the countries in South-East Europe have a political, economic and social goal to access the European Union. The focus of this paper is the process of Albanian accession in EU and its impacts on Albanian economy and life. Theoretical and empirical researches were used to analyze these impacts. The theoretical research analyzes the economic advantages and disadvantages of the increase of foreign direct investment which will result by the integration into EU as well as the political and social impacts. Empirical analysis forecast the trends of Gross Domestic Product and Foreign Direct Investment in Albania by using time series forecasting methods according to two different scenarios. It predicts that GDP will increase by 16.60-23.92% and FDI level in Albania will increase by 29.22-32.12%. Keywords: Albania, EU integration, FDI 17 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 2443 Title A name given to the resource European Union Integration: The Impact in Albanian Economy and Life Author Author RYSKULOV, Urmat BERHANI, Riada Abstract A summary of the resource. Most of the countries in South-East Europe have a political, economic and social goal to access the European Union. The focus of this paper is the process of Albanian accession in EU and its impacts on Albanian economy and life. Theoretical and empirical researches were used to analyze these impacts. The theoretical research analyzes the economic advantages and disadvantages of the increase of foreign direct investment which will result by the integration into EU as well as the political and social impacts. Empirical analysis forecast the trends of Gross Domestic Product and Foreign Direct Investment in Albania by using time series forecasting methods according to two different scenarios. It predicts that GDP will increase by 16.60-23.92% and FDI level in Albania will increase by 29.22-32.12%. Keywords: Albania, EU integration, FDI Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014-04-24 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2303-4564 H Social Sciences (General) https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/7032fd3eae0cfb5f02e742073960a0ab.pdf 1c975b251ff697546c8e9944f3dbc423 PDF Text Text 3rd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, May 31 - June 01 2012, Sarajevo European Union Membership Process Of Turkey; Its Pros And Cons For Turkey Turhan Durmus Gokhan Suleyman Demirel University Isparta/TURKEY E-mail: gokhanturhan@sdu.edu.tr Abstract The membership process of Turkey has been carried out since 1959 when Turkey first applied to join what was then called the European Economic Community. This process had profound influence on Turkey in many fields such as economy, social life, international policy, education etc. The first agreement signed between Turkey and European Union was “Ankara Agreement” which took place in 12 September 1963. This agreement envisaged establishment of customs union, which is aimed at integration of Turkey and European Economic Community in three main phases. Following this agreement additional protocols were signed. The year 1987 was another turning point for the process that Turkey applied for full membership on this date. Besides the developments in 1987, in 2004 Turkey realized an important step on the way to becoming a full member. In 2004 European Union Member States decided that negotiations with Turkey could be initiated. The negotiations are still carried out. All of the agreements and protocols in the process required Turkey perform new policies which affect the society in many fields. The question of how this process has affected Turkey, which is asked by many, is still one of the most questioned issues of Turkey. It is obvious that 53 years-old process has had a lot of advantages and disadvantages for Turkey. To see the main pros and cons clearly, the issue must be analyzed under three main subtitles; economy, social life and policy. Keywords: EU, Turkey, Membership Process, Customs Union, Ankara Agreement. 1. INTRODUCTION The relations between Turkish people and the European civilization have a deep and long history. Remarkable relations date back till the Seljuk Empire times then it continues with the Ottomans. The Otoman Empire was recognized as a European state with the Declaration of Paris in 1856 (Eldem, 2005). After Ottoman Empire’s collapse, Turkish Republic was founded and its fundamental aim was to reach modern civilizations level. 253 �3rd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, May 31 - June 01 2012, Sarajevo The way of reaching modern civilizations level was to internalize developments experienced in the west without destroying our own values. Till the end of 1950s, the relations ran at an idle, however 1959 was a landmark in view of Turkey’s relationships with Europe. In this year the Turkish government applied to European Community to be an associate member. The second important date is 1963. The Turkish government signed the Ankara Agreement with the EEC. It was the first financial protocol between the community and Turkey (Euractive 2004) and constituted legal foundations of the membership process. After Ankara Agreement, another important component in the relations was The Additional Protocol of 13 November 1970 which meant Turkey would be a part of customs union step by step. After the long period of negotiations, protocols and different obstacles which took nearly thirty years, in 1995 Customs Union Agreement was signed. With this agreement, Turkey became a full member of the Customs Union in 1 January 1996 and almost 60 per cent of Turkey’s trade is now with European states. 1999 Helsinki Summit followed Customs Union Agreement and Turkey became a candidate country. After Helsinki Summit, another important date was October 2004 when the Commission presented the 2004 regular report on Turkey’s progress towards accession and recommended the opening of accession negotiations with Turkey in this report (Pime Ministry Undersecretariat of Customs 2007). In October 2005 negotiations started and membership process took a new route. As seen above, Turkey has a very long membership process. The main aim of this long and grueling period was to reach modern civilizations, therefore what must be asked at this point is what are the pros and cons of this membership process for Turkey. In this study this question will be examined. 2. Advantages of the Membership Process The long membership process has had profound affects on Turkey in many areas. Main advantages of the process can be classified under these subtitles; 2.1. Political Framework In political area, the membership process has gained Turkey many important aspects. Turkey is a geographically strategic country which has strong bounds with Asian Turkish Countries, Muslim World and Balkan Countries. If Turkey can carry out effective policies toward these areas, it can be one of the key states in the union and increase its effectiveness. Using her cultural, historical and religious ties, Turkey can be an important bridge between the east and west, that is because Turkey is one of the unique countries that have such strong ties with both the east and the west, which makes Turkey an important player. 254 �3rd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, May 31 - June 01 2012, Sarajevo 2.2. Democracy, Social Standards and Human Rights Framework The process has contributed enormously to the development of democracy understanding in Turkey. Turkey has been exposed to many military coups and as a result there existed a morbid understanding that army have right to interfere with the government. This means army is the power above all foundations, which conflicts with the democracy notion. During the process positive steps have been taken to eliminate this misunderstanding and democracy has been strengthened through the laws and regulations passed during the process. Actually the membership process has been used as an instrument to convince the obsolete pro-militarists and achieve the real democracy. During the membership process, human rights and judicial reforms have been one of the most important issues that should be dealt with neatly. The civil, political, social and economic rights of humans are likely the main concerns of the union. Some reforms aiming at enriching human rights, judicial organization and eliminating strict restrictions have been dictated by European Union as a part of membership conditions and these reforms have had positive effects in terms of human rights and social standards. Many practices such as capital punishments, torture, child labor, restrictions on freedoms, poor working conditions, poor social security etc., which are not suitable for a modern country, have been amended or entirely abolished in accordance with European Union standards. 2.3. Economic Framework When examined the economic benefits of the membership process, it is clearly seen that Customs Union is the key term in this field. With Customs Union Agreement Turkey has taken an important step in view of her technical regulations in economic fields. To be able to exist in European markets and compete with other states, Turkey needed production standards. These high standards and regulations were provided with Turkey by European Union as parts of the membership process. Customer satisfaction, food security and product quality are main targets of the regulations and undoubtedly these regulations increased quality and standards in Turkey. European Union means a new market for Turkey. European Union lacks of many products which are abundant in Turkey. If Turkey can achieve quality and high technical standards, she can make huge profits from the new market. With the process many regulations about export and import were made flexible and trade among Europe countries became much easier. This increased Turkey’s economic importance in the region as well. Turkey’s location resembling a bridge between Asia and Europe became much more important with the membership process. With Turkey which is dependable partner state, European Union has broaden its economic affairs to Middle East and Asian states. As a result, Turkey’s importance and effectiveness got bigger. 255 �3rd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, May 31 - June 01 2012, Sarajevo 2.4. Cultural Framework Cultural framework is one of the most controversial issues in the membership process. Some spheres argue that cultural alienation occurs as a result of the reforms, developments and alterations experienced during the process, while others argue the society has interaction with other cultures which results in positive feedbacks. Being aware of different cultures and taking good samples from these cultures may be one of the most significant outcomes of the process. During the process, many reforms have been realized in all spheres, a lot of Turkish citizens had chance to visit different countries of the union, many university students have benefited from different exchange programs and undoubtedly all of these have contributed to cultural structure of Turkey. For example, many university students had a chance to travel different countries of the union and these experiences opened up new vistas for them. Apart from social interaction, there are cultural outcomes stemming from economical, social and political developments. Especially social reforms affected Turkey’s cultural structure more than the others. Many social reforms bettering life conditions have been passed and cultural aspects started to alter as a result. For example, many restrictions on freedoms have been abolished and the citizens added freedom understanding to their cultural heritage. Another good example is that effect of military foundations on fields of politics has been eliminated and democracy understanding has been internalized as a part of culture. 3. Disadvantages of the Membership Process In spite of the advantages mentioned above, there are many disadvantages experienced and foreseen. The main issues centre on fear of cultural assimilation, interference to domestic policy and possible compatibility problems. 3.1. Possible Compatibility Issues There are two main roots of a culture; the first one is religion and the other one is national history. Nearly all of the European Union countries come from the same religious roots and they have a common historical background. On the other hand, the Christian Europeans put a distance on every different social, religious and ethnic structures and cultures for ages. They excluded and tried to destroy the different cultures and these thoughts remained not only in politician’s minds but also remained in regular European citizen’s mind (Hatipoğlu 2004). At this point there is a strong controversy that Turkey has a different religious and historical background. If the union is a Christian Union as implied above, does Turkey have a place in the union? Even if she finds a place, can she have adaptation? These are the questions which are asked and examined by both sides. 256 �3rd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, May 31 - June 01 2012, Sarajevo 3.2. Fear of Cultural Assimilation Each culture has its own unique values and aspects. In the process many values and aspects of Turkish Culture has degenerated as a result of dominant culture of the union which stems from economic, social, political and cultural strength of European Union. Many citizens of Turkey are afraid of cultural assimilations and the signs of cultural assimilations observed till now have supported their concerns. 3.3. Interference with Domestic Policies Each state has unique laws, foundations, regimes, state structures... As a result, some laws necessary for a country can be found exaggerated or insufficient by another country. Similar conditions can be seen in the membership process. Many regulations and laws had to be abolished, changed or passed in accordance with European Union’s requirements. This case raised the questions in minds whether European Union interferes with Turkey’s domestic policies. Does European Union have right to force Turkey to change any law about her own domestic policy? This is one of the biggest question marks in minds. Another worry is that the future of the EU is not certain. It is a big question whether EU is going to be a union of states or a federal state or something else. But it is certain that the EU is moving towards to a federation. Modern state has the right to control its domestic affairs and can decide for its actions.(Tulgar 2009) If European Unions is moving towards federation, in the future will Turkey be able to decide for her own actions or will Turkey control her own domestic affairs herself? Is Turkey’s sovereignty restricted? 4. Conclusion The membership process of Turkey has been carried out since 1959 when Turkey first applied to join what was then called the European Economic Community. This process had profound influence on Turkey in many fields such as economy, social life, international policy, education etc. The question of how this process has affected Turkey, which is asked by many, is still one of the most questioned issues of Turkey. It is obvious that 53 years-old process has had a lot of advantages and disadvantages for Turkey. In this paper, main advantages and disadvantages of the process are mentioned and examined under various subtitles. REFERENCES Ulgar F. G., Advantages and Disadvantages of EU Membership for Turkey, M.A. Thesis, 2009, Bahcesehir University, İstanbul. Eldem E., Ottoman Financial Integration with Europe: Foreign Loans, the Ottoman Bank and the Ottoman Public Debt, Boğaziçi University, Department of History 257 �3rd International Symposium on Sustainable Development, May 31 - June 01 2012, Sarajevo Hatipoğlu M. M., Avrupa Birliği: Çağdaş Uygarlığın Yolu mu, Ulusal Egemenliğin Sonu mu? ( Is the EU way to modern civilizations or the end of national sovereignty?) Symposium, 0809.11.2004, Istanbul Hacettepe University Publication Hakim A., Middle East Needs Turkey’s EU Membership, The Journal of Turkish Weekly Opinion, 02 October 2005 Euractiv http://www.euractiv.com, the independent media portal fully dedicated to EU affairs, 2007 Ministry of Foreign Affairs http://www.mfa.gov.tr/agreement-establishing-an-association-between-the-european economic-community-and-turkey-signed-at-ankara_-september-1_-1963_.en.mfa, 2008 The Role Of Twin Deficit Problem In Sustainable Growth: An Econometric Analysis For Turkey Halil Uçal, Mehmet Bölükbaş Adnan Menderes University, Faculty of Economic and Administritive Sciences, 09900, Nazilli, Aydın, Turkey. E-mails:hucal@adu.edu.tr, mbolukbas@adu.edu.tr Abstract In economics literature the relationship between budget deficit and current account deficit is known as twin deficit hypothesis. The Keynesian Approach accepts a relationship between two deficits. In contrast to this, Ricardian Equivalence Hypothesis defends there is no relationship between these two deficits. Twin deficit has become the subject of several studies to test which of these hypotheses are reliable but no consensus has achieved. Some studies found a relationship from budget deficit to current account deficit but some of them had the opposite result. Especially after 1980 it is known that many developed and developing countries encountered with this twin deficit problem. Also Turkey has the problem of twin deficit. Therefore, it is important to find whether there is a causality between them and the direction of this causality. In this study the relationship between budget deficit and current account deficit is examined by using Johansen Cointegration Analysis. This study is based on period 1996:Q1-2011:Q4. According to results of co-integration; variable coefficients are statistically significant and consistent with what we expected in hypotheses. CAD has a significant negative effect on BD. When there is a 1% increase in CAD, BD decreases 0,12%. This finding is consistent with economic theory because according to Keynesian Approach two deficits have 258 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1331 Title A name given to the resource European Union Membership Process Of Turkey; Its Pros And Cons For Turkey Author Author Turhan , Durmus Gokhan Abstract A summary of the resource. The membership process of Turkey has been carried out since 1959 when Turkey first applied to join what was then called the European Economic Community. This process had profound influence on Turkey in many fields such as economy, social life, international policy, education etc. The first agreement signed between Turkey and European Union was “Ankara Agreement” which took place in 12 September 1963. This agreement envisaged establishment of customs union, which is aimed at integration of Turkey and European Economic Community in three main phases. Following this agreement additional protocols were signed. The year 1987 was another turning point for the process that Turkey applied for full membership on this date. Besides the developments in 1987, in 2004 Turkey realized an important step on the way to becoming a full member. In 2004 European Union Member States decided that negotiations with Turkey could be initiated. The negotiations are still carried out. All of the agreements and protocols in the process required Turkey perform new policies which affect the society in many fields. The question of how this process has affected Turkey, which is asked by many, is still one of the most questioned issues of Turkey. It is obvious that 53 years-old process has had a lot of advantages and disadvantages for Turkey. To see the main pros and cons clearly, the issue must be analyzed under three main subtitles; economy, social life and policy. Keywords: EU, Turkey, Membership Process, Customs Union, Ankara Agreement. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2012-05-31 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed H Social Sciences (General),HB Economic Theory,HG Finance,HJ Public Finance https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/b8d7516e7b9472ac6aa34f0db4b135d8.pdf 1ee422ce60e74fc71cf302dc6072027f PDF Text Text International Conference on Economic and Social Studies, 10-11 May, 2013, Sarajevo European Union within the Context of “World-State” and “European Universalism” in the History of Western Political Thought İdris Demirel Celal Bayar University, Manisa, Turkey idirisdemirel@gmail.com Hüseyin Gül Adnan Menderes University, Aydın, Turkey huseyingul@adu.edu.tr There is a historical background and assumptions which form the essentials of European/Western civilization. These assumptions and fundamentals also form the economic, social and political structures of the European/Western civilization. One of the important elements of these fundamentals is the ideal of “World state” and “European Universalism”. The political thought based on the “polis-centered” political thought represented by Platon and Socrates was transformed especially by the stoic philosophers during the Hellenistic and Roman period into the ideals of “brotherhood of the human beings” and “world state”. Late Christian philosopher St Augustinus has developed the ideal of “unity of human beings” through philosophy of law. During the late medieval and early modern period, Dante put this ideal into a more secular context. These views can be analyzed through the “European Universalism” approach developed by Immanuel Wallerstein. The purpose of the study is to approach the European Union in the light of this historical background and with a critical perspective. Keywords: Political thought, civilization, West/Europe, World State, European Universalism, European Union. 167 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 1607 Title A name given to the resource European Union within the Context of “World-State” and “European Universalism” in the History of Western Political Thought Author Author DEMIREL, Idris GUL, Huseyin Abstract A summary of the resource. There is a historical background and assumptions which form the essentials of European/Western civilization. These assumptions and fundamentals also form the economic, social and political structures of the European/Western civilization. One of the important elements of these fundamentals is the ideal of “World state” and “European Universalism”. The political thought based on the “polis-centered” political thought represented by Platon and Socrates was transformed especially by the stoic philosophers during the Hellenistic and Roman period into the ideals of “brotherhood of the human beings” and “world state”. Late Christian philosopher St Augustinus has developed the ideal of “unity of human beings” through philosophy of law. During the late medieval and early modern period, Dante put this ideal into a more secular context. These views can be analyzed through the “European Universalism” approach developed by Immanuel Wallerstein. The purpose of the study is to approach the European Union in the light of this historical background and with a critical perspective. Keywords: Political thought, civilization, West/Europe, World State, European Universalism, European Union. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013-05-10 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2303-4564 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/facf73d4ccb7f44b7e17064b636f6726.pdf b06e1b782e1bfca69605500d5e23bae8 PDF Text Text ������������ https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/738d631c742def07d8d605d00b6de9a4.docx 85751e831bf771a2ebf26db78d84709b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 3114 Title A name given to the resource Europske integracije i Bosna i Hercegovina - Bosna Srebrena (Bosna Argentina) Author Author ČAUŠEVIĆ, Dženana Abstract A summary of the resource. „...Slavonija, Dalmacija, a osobito Bosna i Hercegovina, to su zemlje o čijoj prošlosti od četiri do pet stoljeća nije moguće ni stranice napisati, a da se ne susretneš s franjevcima kao glavnim čindbenicima i nosiocima prvih uloga...“ A.G.Matoš Posmatrajući položaj Bosne i Hercegovine u kontekstu europskih integracija, može se istaći da je Bosna još od svoga nastanka u geopolitičkom, kulturno – historijskom, civilizacijskom, a posebno u religijskom pogledu uvijek pripadala europskom krugu država. Zahvaljujući Bosanskoj franjevačkoj vikariji, a kasnije u osmanskom periodu Provinciji Bosni Srebrenoj, bosanska država je još od srednjevjekovnog perioda i teritorijalno, a i u vjerskom pogledu dijelila sudbinu s tadašnjim europskim državama. Ahdnama je svjedočila o međusobnom uvažavanju pripadnika različitih religija, koji su u to vrijeme živjeli zajedno na ovim prostorima, zadržavši i u ovom periodu svoju vjersku toleranciju, kulturnu tradiciju i civilizacijsku multilateralnost. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Bihaću i Centar za društvena istraživanja Internacionalnog Burč univerziteta Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2014 Keywords Keywords. Article PeerReviewed K Law (General) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Extent The size or duration of the resource. 899 Title A name given to the resource Evaluacija Ortografskih Testova Kao Diferencijalnih na Završnim Ispitima iz Novogrčkog Jezika Author Author Vulovic, Ljiljana Abstract A summary of the resource. Značaj dobrog poznavanja ortografije novogrčkog jezika kod studenata prve godine, na nivoima A1 i A2 /CEFR je veoma veliki. S obzirom da je ortografski test eliminatoran, i ukoliko se uspešno ne položi, studenti ne mogu pristupiti polaganju testova iz drugih jezičkih veština. (gramatička kompetencija, veština prevodjenja, veštine slušanja i čitanja).U radu se analiziraju najčešće greške kod studenta prve godine Neohelenistike na završnim ispitima iz Savremenog grčkog jezika 1 i 2 ( prvi i drugi semestar) . Daje se sistematski prikaz grešaka i model po kome bi se jedan deo grešaka mogao uspešno savladati na časovima Savremenog grčkog jezika Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2012-05 Keywords Keywords. Conference or Workshop Item PeerReviewed P Philology. Linguistics