institucija, ali i njihov sam aktivitet, te aplikaciju međunarodnih standarda u BiH,
pokušati doći do odgovora na pitanje da li je Bosna i Hercegovina država ili
protektorat. Kroz implementaciju Daytonskog sporazuma se postiglo dosta, ali
većinom je zaslužan bio aktivitet međunarodne zajednice. Taja aktivitet ni, prema
Općem okvirnom sporazumu za mir, ne predviđa protektorat. Ipak, posebno u
prvim godinama funkcioniranja post-Daytonske Bosne i Hercegovine, brojni
ustavno-pravni teoretičari su pokušavali definirati pravnu prirodu odnosa
ovisnosti Bosne i Hercegovine prema međunarodnoj zajednici u određenim
elementima (koja se kasnije sve više ublažavala). Rezultati su pokazali da nema
jednoznačnog odgovora. Ovo pitanje je u posljednjih petnaest godina u domaćoj
ali i regionalnoj ustavno-pravnoj nauci prešlo na periferiju interesiranja. Ali, čini
se da je vrijeme da ga se ponovo postavi, posebno u svjetlu najave promjena
odnosa ključnih subjekata međunarodne zajednice prema Bosni i Hercegovini.
Takođe nas interesuje i pitanje koje je povezano s ovim centralnim istraživačkim,
a to je stepen suvereniteta države Bosne i Hercegovine unutra, ali i prema vani,
imajući u vidu Daytonski konstrukt uključenosti međunarodne zajednice u
ustavno-politički sistem Bosne i Hercegovine. / In this paper, through the analysis of the normative framework for the
operation of these institutions, but also their activity, and the application of
international standards in BiH, we will try to find an answer to the question of
whether Bosnia and Herzegovina is a state or a protectorate. A lot has been
achieved through the implementation of the Dayton Agreement, but most of it was
due to the activity of the international community. According to the General
Framework Agreement for Peace, this activity does not envisage a protectorate.
However, especially in the first years of the functioning of post-Dayton Bosnia and
Herzegovina, many constitutional and legal theorists tried to define the legal
nature of Bosnia and Herzegovina's dependence on the international community
in certain elements (which later softened). The results showed no unambiguous
answer. In the last fifteen years, this issue has moved to the periphery of interest
in domestic and regional constitutional and legal science. But it seems the time to
re-establish it has come, especially in light of the announcement of changes in the
attitudes of key actors in the international community towards Bosnia and
Herzegovina. We are also interested in the issue related to this central research,
which is the degree of sovereignty of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina inside
and outside, given the Dayton construct of the international community's
involvement in the constitutional and political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina.]]>