1 10 16 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/cf97fe9e8f076c71d38e8c85fd00df92.docx 8dec822a0ef9e2f812997596ff90c23e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Chronological Perspective on the Studies of Turkisms Conducted in Balkan Languages Author Author Doğan YÜCEL Abstract A summary of the resource. Turkisms in the Balkan languages continue to be an essential research subject since Karadzic published the first Serbian Dictionary in 1818. Turkisms studies have been compared to countries where the studies were published, the researchers' nationalities, and the studies' languages in tables. We have evaluated total of 1392 research in this study. Turkism researchers published the highest number of studies in the Turkish and Bulgarian languages. Turkisms in six Balkan languages were published in 17 languages by researchers from 21 nationalities in 35 different countries. While evaluating the studies, they have been handled in five different periods according to the Balkans' significant political events during the last two centuries. We have classified studies according to 33 subtitles under four categories. These four categories are detection and collecting, classification, evaluation and analysis, and current frequency measurement and revitalization of Turkisms. The method used in this study is the same as the method used by Yücel in his six published bibliography studies. Turkism studies classified are based in this study on Yücel's six studies given in the bibliography. Keywords Keywords. Turkisms, Balkan languages, Turkish Loanwords. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/a2aa2831ea180fddfd77dd6345da764a.pdf e801655526780353283f7d14a57d18ef PDF Text Text Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1 (2), pp. 89-98, Winter 2018 Short report ISSN 2566-4638 © International Burch University http://dx.doi.org/10.14706/jeh2018125 An Analysis of Gender Differences in the use of Swear Words on Facebook Melika Muhanović Nejla Babić Esma Latić, MA International Burch University Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina melika.muhanovic@stu.ibu.edu.ba nejla.babic@stu.ibu.edu.ba esma.latic@ibu.edu.ba Abstract: The question of gender differences in language use has been repeatedly explored and claims about these distinctions that were once considered invariable have been questioned and refuted. One of the less explored areas within this issue, however, is the phenomenon of swearing. This paper aimed to explore how and why men and women swear on one of the most popular social media sites, Facebook, and how the context in which such utterances are produced modulates their frequency and form. The study found that both men and women are more likely to swear when commenting on the content produced by the same gender and also when surrounded by other males and females, respectively. Furthermore, the research confirmed some previous studies in which men were found to swear more out of aggressiveness, while women do so to exaggerate their words. Keywords: gender, differences, taboo language, swear words, social media Article History Submitted: 15 January 2019 Accepted: 3 February 2019 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 1. INTRODUCTION Research into language use in social media websites has shown it to reinforce and reproduce the gender dichotomy and gender roles of the offline world (Miller et al., 2016). In other words, the gender, here understood as a sociocultural category constructed through social upbringing and nurturing (Beauvoir, 1949; Haslanger, 1995; Millett, 1971) that one projects in the real world is likely to mirror the one projected on social media. Furthermore, taking into consideration that individuals form their identities, and thus different parts of it, including gender, by continually exploring and embodying different selves (Waterman, 1999), it is natural for individuals to find social media a suitable place for such an endeavour (Manago, Graham, Greenfield, & Salimkhan, 2008). This paper focuses on the use of taboo language as one of the features through which this formation of gender identity is realized. More specifically, it explores whether and how men and women differ in their use of taboo language on one of the most popular social media sites, Facebook, and what kind of image they desire to portray about themselves while using the language. Moreover, it attempts to clarify the question of whether certain patterns of behaviour or use of this kind of language might be gendered, i.e. attributed to one of the genders. Furthermore, the study looks at how the environment allows and encourages different types of behaviour as well as how some specific web pages reinforce the expressive language. 2. LITERATURE REVIEW Taboo language has been broadly defined as the category of expressions socially prohibited or evaded due to their, more or less severe, psychological harm that may affect the society’s members (Jay, 2009; Wardhaugh, 2010). The vagueness of this phenomenon makes its categorization quite difficult, but Jay (2009) suggests they can be classified into “sexual references; those that are considered blasphemous; scatological references and disgusting objects; animal names; ethnic-racial-gender slurs; insulting references to perceived psychological, physical, or social deviations; ancestral allusions; substandard vulgar terms; and offensive slang” (p. 154). Gauthier (2012) suggests that profanity is “bad language” that provokes many tensions and debates, similarly to slang, jargon, misuse, new forms etc. (p. 8). He further notes that bad language refers to linguistic performances deemed unacceptable by a majority due to their lack of conformity to the traditional linguistic rules of the culture in which they are uttered (Gauthier, 2012). Furthermore, Fägersten (2012) proposes that swearing refers to the use of words which have the potential to be offensive, inappropriate, objectionable, or unacceptable in any given social context. She adds that not every use of a swear word is an instance of swearing, nor has the definition of swearing 90 �An Analysis of Gender Differences in the use of Swear Words on Facebook Melika Muhanović, Nejla Babić & Esma Latić traditionally been restricted to the use of a particular subset of words, which implies that what is considered a swear word is quite subjective (Fägersten, 2012). Being stereotypically portrayed as “leaders, as dominant, aggressive, independent, objective, and competitive”, and juxtaposed with women, being “emotional, subjective, tactful, aware of the feelings of others, and as having their feelings easily hurt” (Aries, 1996, p. 164), it comes as no surprise that males, as is the case with many other linguistic forms demonstrating assertiveness, have often been associated with the use of swearing (Coates, 2013; Latić & BrdarevićČeljo, 2018). Although the accounts of real language use have shown that taboo language usage is found to be prevalent both among men (Coates, 2003; Gomm, 1981; Mehl & Pennebaker, 2003) and women (De Klerk, 1992; Eckert & McConnell-Ginet, 2003; Uhlman, 2015), the inclination to use strong swear words has been found among males mostly (Bailey & Timm, 1976; McEnery, 2005; Mehl & Pennebaker, 2003). One of the explanations for this phenomenon states that, in our ancestral communities, women probably adopted the so-called “tend-andbefriend” reaction, i.e. a less aggressive response to stress and danger (Lee & Harley, 2012; Taylor et al., 2006), since the costs of aggressive behaviour, involving the actions of fighting or fleeing, was often higher than its benefits, as the mother’s presence was more essential to the progeny’s survival than the father’s (Campbell, 1999). Consequently, as some studies of brain biology have shown (Gur et al., 2000; Jordan et al., 2002), these differences in the roles of men and women affected our brain development, causing the female brain to have a larger orbital frontal cortex that regulate amygdala-generated anger. The linguistic consequence of this phenomenon is thus reflected in the overall inclination of males to use taboo language more than females (Guvendir, 2015). In the context of social networking, commenting on threads online, as a form of social interaction, is a type of identity and hence gender performance (Marwick & Boyd, 2011; Thelwall, 2008). Studies on gender differences in online behaviour have shown that individuals tend to emphasize different aspects of their identity through varied linguistic behaviour (Nguyen et al., 2014), including the use of stereotypically feminine (e.g. a heart emoticon written as <3) or masculine (e.g. taboo words) language. Moreover, a variety of studies have researched online spaces including blogs (Mukherjee & Liu, 2010; Schler et al., 2006), Twitter (Bamman et al., 2014; Bergsma and Van Durme, 2013), YouTube (Filippova, 2012) and social network chats (Peersman et al., 2011) in search for differences in linguistic behaviour of men and women, and found that the former tend to use more links, numbers, technology words, etc., while the latter generally use more first person pronouns, emoticon, words expressing emotions, etc. (Bamman et al., 2014; Nguyen et al., 2013). In online spaces, although men have been found to swear more on sites such as MySpace (Thelwall, 2008), the difference that has been gaining more attention is the context as well as types of swearing (Murray, 2012), since, as Hall (2003) suggests, linguistic studies on gender should aim to “document the diverse range of women’s and men’s 91 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 linguistic repertoires as developed within particular contexts” (p. 375). Furthermore, these virtual spaces, just as any other space for social interactions in which people read contextual cues in order to understand what constitutes appropriate behaviour (Boyd & Heer, 2006), set and encourage certain social norms. This paper, therefore, aims to explore whether males and females on two different Facebook pages differ in their frequency as well as type of swearing, taking into account different contextual cues that might have encouraged such behavior. 3. METHODOLOGY The corpus of language data for this study was Facebook – a social website with over one billion daily active users. As a source of linguistic data, it does not only provide researchers with authentic language but also allows for inferences based on the users’ publicly available information such as age, education, gender, etc. In addition to that, the website contains interactive groups, i.e. Facebook pages, gathering users with common interests, which enables researchers to collect data from highly specific communities and thus infer more contextualized and reliable conclusions. In order to analyse data from demographically, socially, and psychologically varied language users, the data in this study was collected from five different public Facebook pages, all of which are considered popular, with millions of followers and hundreds of comments on every post: YouTube, 9gag, and the official pages of Nicky Minaj, Eminem, and Miley Cyrus. The pages receive comments that are mostly in English and this paper analysed only what is considered taboo in the English language. The total number of language users whose data was analysed is 50. The manner in which the data was gather is by searching through the comments of the most recent posts on these five pages and selecting only those containing taboo language. Further, the comments were categorized based on the users’ gender and the page the comments were found on. In addition to that, the swear words were categorized according to their purpose into those used humorously, for exaggeration, assertively/aggressively, and for disrespecting/insulting. 4. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION As is shown in Table 1, with 29 comments containing taboo words, males produced swear words more frequently than females (n=21), outnumbering them in three out of five pages. More specifically, on 9gag’s and YouTube’s Facebook pages, respectively six and nine out of ten comments observed were written by a male. When it comes to Nicki Minaj’s as well as Miley Cyrus’ official Facebook pages, more comments containing taboo language were written by 92 �An Analysis of Gender Differences in the use of Swear Words on Facebook Melika Muhanović, Nejla Babić & Esma Latić females. Finally posts on Eminem’s page had seven swearing comments written by males and only three written by females. Table 1: Frequency of Comments Containing Swear Words 9gag YouTube Nicki Minaj Miley Cyrus Eminem Total Male 6 9 4 3 7 29 Female 4 1 6 7 3 21 Interpreting these distinctions, certain patterns may be discriminated. First of all, the pages with more swear words used by females were the ones of female celebrities – Nicki Minaj and Miley Cyrus. Although they contain roughly equal number of female and male users’ comments, it seems that females here feel more encouraged to use swear words. Another important thing to note is that the swear words used by females on these posts were of the descriptive nature, i.e. they were mostly used to enhance their compliments or exaggerate their current feelings. On the other hand, men used swear words mostly to objectify or insult these female celebrities, and their usage of taboo words increased when commenting on pictures of a provocative nature. Furthermore, following the same pattern of using taboo language when commenting on the content produced by the same gender, more male fans (n=7) employed swear words on Eminem’s Facebook page. Based on these findings, it seems reasonable to infer that the use of taboo language is influenced and encouraged by the context. Both females and males used more swear words on pages of female and male celebrities, respectively, implying thus that males, as well as females, seem to generally feel bolder and more encouraged to use such words when writing comments about the same gender. In addition to that, taking into consideration that these pages usually attract either men or women, depending on the gender of the celebrity, it seems that both males and females find it safer to use taboo language in interaction with the same gender, while the opposite might lead to their losing of face. These findings are in line with Uhlman (2015), who found that 75% of participants believed to be more conscious of swearing when surrounded by the opposite gender as well as the study by Jay and Janschewitz (2008), where men were found to use swear words more often in company of other men. 93 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 Table 2 - Frequency of comments containing swear words classified according to their purpose Gender Humorously Exaggeration Anger/Assertiveness Disrespect/Insult Male 5 7 10 5 Female 5 13 3 2 In terms of the purpose of their swearing, as the data in Table 2 shows, male and female users used swear words equally for the purpose of being humorous, while women used them more than men for the purpose of exaggeration. On the other hand, males were found to swear more when angry or when trying to be assertive, as well when they are being disrespectful or insulting someone. Therefore, it seems that the results obtained by this study support previous research that have found men to be more likely to swear out of anger and frustration (Bird & Harris, 1990; Jay, 1996; McEnery, 2005; Mehl & Pennebaker, 2003). 5. CONCLUSION The study found that both men and women use swear words when commenting on social media, but with slight variations influenced by different factors, including the context in which the utterances are produced, the type of interaction being either single or mixed-gender one, and the purpose of the act of swearing itself. More specifically, men were found to swear on the site where the male community is larger, while women were found to do so on the website of a female celebrity, arguably attracting more female users. Furthermore, both men and women were more likely to use swear words when commenting on the sites of same-gender celebrities. Finally, the results have shown that men utter swear words mostly to express aggressiveness and assertiveness, while women do so to exaggerate their comments. In general, what may be inferred from this study is that swearing, be it online or offline, is a highly complex linguistic phenomenon that cannot be simplified through a mere calculation of its frequency of appearance in one’s language without taking into account a variety of other factors that cause, influence, and shape their use by individuals across different demographical, social and psychological categories. 94 �An Analysis of Gender Differences in the use of Swear Words on Facebook Melika Muhanović, Nejla Babić & Esma Latić REFERENCES Aries, E. (1996). Men and Women in Interaction: Reconsidering the Differences. New York, NY, US: Oxford University Press. Bailey, L. A., & Timm, L. A. (1976). More on women's—and men's— expletives. Anthropological Linguistics, 18(9), 438-449. Bamman, D., Eisenstein, J., & Schnoebelen, T. 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Identity, the identity statuses, and identity status development: A contemporary statement. Developmental Review 19, 591–621. 98 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource An Analysis of Gender Differences in the use of Swear Words on Facebook Description An account of the resource Abstract: The question of gender differences in language use has been repeatedly explored and claims about these distinctions that were once considered invariable have been questioned and refuted. One of the less explored areas within this issue, however, is the phenomenon of swearing. This paper aimed to explore how and why men and women swear on one of the most popular social media sites, Facebook, and how the context in which such utterances are produced modulates their frequency and form. The study found that both men and women are more likely to swear when commenting on the content produced by the same gender and also when surrounded by other males and females, respectively. Furthermore, the research confirmed some previous studies in which men were found to swear more out of aggressiveness, while women do so to exaggerate their words. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Melika Muhanović Nejla Babić Esma Latić Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1 (2) Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Winter 2018 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2566-4638 DOI 10.14706/JEH2018125 Type The nature or genre of the resource Keywords: gender, differences, taboo language, swear words, social media https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/6055272bf5bff75055bb907851d7a402.docx da796af6a2ea489dd032330319d93f2e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Because Tumblr-Internet-Speak: Four Assumptions of Discourse Analysis Within New Rules of the English Language Author Author Nedima Krndžija Abstract A summary of the resource. The literature has described linguistic deviations from the conventional use of English in Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) as distinguishing aspects of language used on the Internet. (Page, Barton, Unger, Zappavigna, 2014) The purpose of this paper is to analyse the unique language patterns seen on Tumblr, a popular microblogging platform, and how these patterns fit into four assumptions of discourse analysis as described by Rodney H. Jones (2009). Using a textual analysis method on a corpus of 60 texts extracted from Tumblr, this paper shows how four assumptions of discourse analysis can be found in Tumblr posts. The four assumptions of discourse analysis are that language is ambiguous, it is always in the world, it is used to show belonging to social groups, and it is never used alone. The ambiguity of language is taken advantage of, and Tumblr users use this ambiguity as a way of creating new vocabulary. New terms on Tumblr are coined and used by different social groups to show their association or aversion to said groups. Furthermore, textual analysis shows how Tumblr users mostly use language such as contractions, abbreviated forms, and acronyms in their blogs, which indicates that the said language is always in the world - the context in which, when, and for what a language is used determines what it signifies. Lastly, the analysis shows that the language is never used all by itself: non-standard use of punctuation adds tone to the text, and it functions as a ranting tone that impersonates rhetorical speech. Keywords Keywords. tumblr, internet linguistics, internet, discourse analysis, language deviations, language ambiguity, textual analysis Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/483ef25d7056b867f5d42d6679a948dd.pdf ed05875e0cdf81f4aec8babf232016fc PDF Text Text Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1 (2), pp. 110-125, Winter 2018 Original research paper ISSN 2566-4638 © International Burch University http://dx.doi.org/10.14706/jeh2018122 Bilingualism in Kuwait – a linguistic landscape approach Amna Brdarević Čeljo1, PhD 1 International Burch University, Sarajevo B&H amna.brdarevic.celjo@ibu.edu.ba Sead Zolota2 2 Kuwait Academy Bilingual School, Riggae, Kuwait sead.zolota@gmail.com Abstract: This paper examined the linguistic landscape of the Governorate of Farwaniya, the biggest governorate in the State of Kuwait, by means of public and private signs displayed in the city center and side streets. A corpus of 150 photos of diverse signs, both official and non-official, was collected, categorized, analyzed and discussed. The results point to an undeniable representation of the Arabic language in both public and private spheres of life as well as to a substantial presence of the English language on a wide range of signage therefore confirming the imprint the process of globalization has made on this EFL context. The findings also indicate that some other world languages, namely Bengali, Hindi, and Chinese, are represented in the linguistic landscape of Kuwait but rather poorly. Keywords: linguistic landscape, monolingual and multilingual signs, official and non-official signs, ethnolinguistic vitality Article History Submitted: 15 January 2019 Accepted: 10 February 2019 �Bilingualism in Kuwait – a linguistic landscape approach Amna Brdarević Čeljo & Sead Zolota 1. INTRODUCTION In the modern day and age, we are constantly surrounded by a maze of intricate signage, whether it is a street sign, a shop sign, an advertisement, or a graffiti. The most frequent manifestation of a sign takes the shape of a written message, an image, or in most cases, a combination of both. Their display, content, location, and context constitute the concept of linguistic landscape and they represent the main investigatory data from which information about the linguistic and sociopolitical context of a country in question can be drawn. The field of linguistic landscape focuses on studying representations of language in public spheres of human life, which may include any visible signs, people`s perception of it, and how they interact with it. With the process of globalization in full swing and the ideologies of multilingualism and multiculturalism firmly rooted in different countries around the world, this field has attracted the attention and intense interest of researchers in different disciplines, such as sociolinguistics, sociology, linguistic anthropology, politics, semiotics, and urban studies. The term linguistic landscape has been contested and some other terms have been proposed, namely “the decorum of the public life” (Ben-Rafael, Shohamy, Amara & Trumper-Hecht, 2006, p. 10), the “environmental print” (Huebner, 2006, p. 33-35) and a “multilingual cityscape” (Gorter, 2006, p. 2). In all the aforementioned proposals, the notion of landscape has been avoided due to the fact that the term landscape denotes a large area of the countryside or “a painting depicting a scenery on land” (Gorter, 2006, p. 83) whereas the main focus of this field is actually a public, urban area. In addition to this, the term linguistic has also been found problematic since, as Jaworski and Thurlow (2010) maintain, linguistic is only one of the elements for the construction and interpretation of a place as the written discourse always “interacts with other discursive modalities: visual images, nonverbal communication, architecture, and the built environment” (Jaworski & Thurlow, 2010, p. 2). Still, as the notion of linguistic landscape has been widely accepted and frequently used by many researchers in the field (e.g. Backhaus, 2005; Ben-Rafael et al., 2006; Huebner, 2009; Landry & Bourhis, 1997) it is employed as such in the current paper. Linguistic landscape (LL) is described as “the language of public road signs, advertising billboards, street names, place names, commercial shop signs, and public signs on government buildings [that] combines to form the linguistic landscape of a given territory, region, or urban agglomeration” (Landry & Bourhis, 1997, p. 25) or as a language on the objects in the public space (BenRafael et al., 2006). It determines and clarifies which languages are most prominent and particularly valued in the public and private spheres and “indexes the social positioning of people who identify with particular languages” (Dagenais et al., 2009, p. 254). Shohamy and Gorter (2009, pp. 1-2) believe that the prime focus of LL research is language in the immediate environment, namely words as well as images displayed in public spaces and they associate the LL �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 with language that is visible and can be observed in schools, buses, government buildings, cities, etc. Thus, analyzing the language displayed in the researched context, the context itself, people identifying with that language as well as messages conveyed is the core of LL research. Researchers in the field of linguistic landscape gather data on language displayed in public spaces by visiting different geographical sites which they believe might contain interesting information on the (socio)linguistic or sociopolitical situation. Thus, some studies focused on the analysis of main streets or shopping streets (Blackwood & Tufi, 2015; Cenoz & Gorter, 2003) or researched the surrounding of a public transport route (Backhaus, 2007), while others focused on advertising billboards (Tulp, 1978) or shopping malls (TrumperHecht, 2009). As mentioned earlier, the main investigatory data in this field are signs from the environment performing different functions. The purpose and location of signs play a vital role in their interpretation and we distinguish them based on their function and the context in which they are displayed. According to Chandler (2002, p. 4) signs “take the form of words, images, sounds, odors, flavors, acts or objects, but such things have not intrinsic meaning and become signs only when we invest them with meaning”. Chandler (2002) emphasized that something represents a sign when it is interpreted as a signifier of something “referring to or standing for something other than itself” (p. 4). Scollon and Scollon (2003) state that there are three different ways a sign can have a meaning in semiotic theory. Firstly, the sign can be a picture of something in the environment and it is called an icon. Secondly, it can be a random representation of a thing in the world and it is called a symbol and thirdly, a sign has a meaning because of the place and time it is located in and it is called an index. Signs have been classified in various ways. Heubner (2009) focused on the purpose a sign has in the linguistics landscape and proposed that signs be classified as informational, interactional, directive, expressive, and poetic, which emphasizes the importance of the function of a sign. Likewise, Landry and Bourhis (1997) also attached great importance to the function of a sign and the function of the linguistic landscape of a territory in general and they stated that the linguistic landscape of a territory can have two different functions, namely informational and symbolic. Thus, the linguistic landscape serves to inform “ingroup and out-group members of the linguistic characteristics, territorial limits, and language boundaries of the region they have entered” (Landry & Bourhis, 1997, p. 25). However, Landry and Bourhis (1997) also point out the symbolic function of a sign and state that signs can emotionally and ideologically impact the members of the linguistic landscape in which these signs are displayed. Thus, the absence of a language on public signs certainly affects the feelings of the members of that language group in a setting featuring more than one language (Bourhis, 1992). 112 �Bilingualism in Kuwait – a linguistic landscape approach Amna Brdarević Čeljo & Sead Zolota Signs, such as traffic signs, may inform us or contain a warning notice we should heed, whereas other signs may display names of government institutions or product advertisements providing us with information which is in accordance with our interest. Based on the type of the information signs provide, they can be classified into private signs and government signs (Landry & Bourhis, 1997; Leclerc, 1989). Private signs are non-official and they are commercial signs on shops and other businesses, commercials on billboards, advertising signs in public transport system and individual cars (Landry & Bourhis, 1997). On the other hand, government signs are road signs, street names, names of different governmental institutions etc. Additionally, Ben-Rafael et al. (2010) rely on this classification providing different names for public and government signs. Thus, they classify signs as top-down and bottom-up, whereby top-down or official signs designate government signs while bottom-up or non-official signs designate private signs. In this division of signs, there exists an ambiguous area related to the discrepancies in the design of official and non-official signs due to a substantial difference between them. That particular area was scrutinized by Huebner (2009, p. 74), who claimed that “the distinction between `top-down` versus `bottom-up` failed to capture the notion of agency and how it impacted language forms in the linguistic landscape”. Official or government signs are frequently translated into some widely spread world languages mainly for the purpose of ensuring that tourists and foreigners who visit the country can read them and because of the language policy in the country (Backhaus, 2006), though there are still some official signs which are left untranslated. As for non-official or private signs, their translation depends on the owners of the shops or any other businesses and most owners decide to provide the translation because they want to attract as many tourists or foreigners as possible. The representation of other languages on signs apart from the native tongue is the basic criterion for distinguishing between monolingual and multilingual signs, the distinction made by Backhaus (2006) and the distinction which will be made in this paper. Though a rather new research field, linguistic landscape has sparked an interest of many researchers involved in decoding multilingualism on a global scale. One of the pioneers of linguistic landscape research, Spolsky and Cooper (1991), examined 100 signs in Jerusalem, proposing three classifications of signs. The first classification relates to the function and the use of signs (street signs, advertising signs, warning notices, building names, informative signs, commemorative plaques, signs labelling objects and graffiti), the second one takes into consideration the materials from which the sign is made or its physical form (metal, tile, poster, wood, and stone), while the third classification takes into account the language used in the sign and the number of languages, thus making clear distinction between monolingual signs, bilingual signs, and multilingual signs. The main focus of this study in the field of linguistic landscape was the language choice on street signs in Jerusalem and the results revealed that public �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 signs make an important contribution to communication between people of different ethnicities and that ethnic diversity is reflected on multilingual signs and “recongized and respected” (Spolsky & Cooper, 1991, p. 151) in the Old City of Jerusalem. Some other studies in this field followed. Hence, researching linguistic landscape of Montreal, Monnier (1991) presented interesting results which suggest that French was an overwhelmingly dominant language on the signs in department stores, whereas English was highly prevalent in hotels and restaurants. Moreover, Scollon and Scollon (2003) investigated the presence of English signs in the linguistic landscape of Beijing and they concluded that English is not used for the convenience of foreigners, but simply to advertise their taste and manners. In addition to these studies whose main investigatory data were solely signs, there were also some studies which employed questionnaires to gain people’s perceptions of the linguistic landscape of the area they inhabit or visit. Thus, Bruyèl-Olmedo and Juan-Garau (2009) conducted research on tourists’ expectations about the linguistic landscape in the resort of Arenal in Majorca and they stated that they expected to be able to see English in every place in public thus confirming a global trend of the omnipresence of English in the public space of an area, a tourist area in particular. A broad range of countries, cities, and environments have been analyzed offering a number of distinctive perspectives on multilingualism in different parts of the world. However, to our knowledge, no studies in the field of linguistic landscape have been conducted in Kuwait. Hence, this paper might make a modest contribution to the future of studies in this field. This paper examines the linguistic landscape of Kuwait which involves the presence of official and non-official signs and their dissemination throughout the Governorate of Farwaniya located in Kuwait. Kuwait, officially known as State of Kuwait, is a small country located in the Middle-East in the northern edge of the Persian Gulf bordering Iraq and Saudi Arabia. It is a culturally diverse country boasting numerous cultures and nationalities coming from Iran, Egypt, India, Arica, and western countries as well. Due to its highly developed economy, it has attracted many expatriates from around the globe. Consequently, more than half the population consists of expatriates, which was confirmed by The World Factbook (2015) stating that “Expatriates in Kuwait account for around 70% of Kuwait's total population. 60% of Kuwait's total population are Arabs (including Arab expats)”. The official language of Kuwait is Arabic. In addition to Arabic, minority languages, such as Hindi, Bengali, Tagalog, Chinese and Japanese, are also used as well as English which is most widespread due to its role as a global lingua franca. The fact that the members of this linguistic landscape speak different languages has contributed to the development of multilingualism and the emergence of bilingual or multilingual signs. In this paper, the representation of languages on signs in two urban areas, the main market street abounding in both official and non-official signage, 114 �Bilingualism in Kuwait – a linguistic landscape approach Amna Brdarević Čeljo & Sead Zolota namely the Governorate of Farwaniya and Riggae. Farwaniya was chosen on the grounds of it being culturally and linguistically diverse. On the other hand, Riggae is a sparsely populated area but was selected as a useful contrast to Farwaniya. Taking into consideration all the shops selling perfumes, food, jewelry, clothes, spices, and phones in the area of Farwaniya as well as some areas neighboring the institution of Manpower and Government Restructuring Program, the need for convenient signs was compelling, which granted us a generous amount of signage to capture and analyze. Thus, this paper will explore the presence of the native as well as minority languages on public and private signage to see which language dominates this linguistically contested area. Due to the importance and omnipresence of English in the world today, its representation on the signs in the linguistic landscape of the two aforementioned areas will be given particular attention. Thus, the current paper aims to answer the following research questions: RQ1: Which languages are most frequently represented on official and nonofficial signs in Kuwait and what is the role of English in the linguistic landscape of Kuwait? RQ2: What is the difference in the representativeness of two contestant languages, namely Arabic and English, on official and non-official signs in the linguistic landscape of Kuwait? RQ3: What is the difference in the representativeness of two contestant languages, namely Arabic and English, on signs displayed in city streets and in side streets in the linguistic landscape of Kuwait? 2. METHODOLOGY The research was conducted in the city of Farwaniya and in a smaller area in Riggae. The city center is replete with small businesses and large enterprises, local stores, supermarkets offering a wide variety of services and these were a remarkable source for this study because of innumerable signs strewn in and around the city center. Despite the overwhelming prevalence of non-official signage, we managed to collect a sufficient number of samples of official signage. For the research purposes, a smartphone camera was employed to capture the signage in both areas as it was done in some previous studies as well (Huebner, 2006; Muth, 2008). Thus, 150 photos were taken containing a wide range of signs including street, traffic, shop, warning signs and public places brimming with advertisements. In order to create data as diverse as possible, we photographed a range of different signs including street signs, advertisements, shop signs, warning notices, graffiti, and shops and restaurants of Indian, Filipino, and even Chinese cuisine in particular. The main street served as an ample source of �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 official signage consisting mainly of street names and traffic signs. Taking pictures of the signs near government buildings was impossible due to a strict prohibition of recording or photo taking imposed by the authorities. Nevertheless, in addition to the main street, we decided to explore a few side streets which proved to be abundant supply of non-official signage. The data analysis was conducted by means of qualitative method, which allows for convenient inspection and examination of signs and observation of the languages used on signs but “since such observations are not based on a clearly defined corpus, they cannot be quantified.” (Backhaus, 2005, p. 92-94) 3. RESULTS Which languages are most frequently represented on official and non-official signs in Kuwait? For the purposes of this study, 150 photographs of signs were collected, 42 official and 108 non-official signs. Although the number of two types of signs is disparate, it will not negatively affect the research results. Moreover, there were 11 official monolingual signs and 31 official bilingual signs, whereas there were as many as 52 non-official monolingual signs, 54 non-official bilingual signs, and 2 trilingual signs (Table 1). Table 1. Official and non-official signs Official signs Non-official signs Total Total 42 108 150 Monolingual 11 52 63 Bilingual 31 54 85 Multilingual 0 2 2 The native language of Kuwait, namely the Arabic language, is most commonly represented on various official and non-official signs displayed either in city or side streets (n = 128), which makes 85.33% of the overall number of signs. The language that seems to be contesting Arabic in this linguistic landscape is English as it is present on 108 signs (n = 108) or in 72% of instances. The number of signs in which only Arabic is employed is rather low (n = 42), which makes it only 28% of the overall number of signs, whereas there are 21 signs on which only English is displayed (14%). In addition to two competing languages on signs in the linguistic landscape of Kuwait, there are some other languages, such as Hindi, Bengali and Chinese, which are underrepresented since each language was presented on one sign only (Table 2). 116 �Bilingualism in Kuwait – a linguistic landscape approach Amna Brdarević Čeljo & Sead Zolota Table 2. Languages displayed on the signs Language Arabic Number of Instances (out of 150) 128 English 108 Hindi 1 Bengali 1 Chinese 1 The majority of sings is in Standard Arabic, since apart from natives many expatriates coming from other Arabic countries such as Egypt, Tunisia, Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon live in Kuwait. Since the varieties of Arabic spoken and used in those countries are rather different and sometimes mutually unintelligible, the use of Standard Arabic on signs is needed for their proper interpretation by both natives and expatriates. However, since a large number of people from some western countries and people from Pakistan, China, India and the Philippines etc. live in this area, such a high representation of English on signs is rather expected as it is a means of overcoming language barriers and it plays the role of a Kuwait’s lingua franca. Thus, with English being the most represented foreign language on signs in the linguistic landscape of Kuwait, its immense international prestige has been confirmed once again. Therefore, the results of the current study are fully in line with some previous research which also emphasized the leading role of English (among other foreign languages) in the linguistic landscapes around the globe (Cenoz & Gorter, 2006; Edelman, 2006; Lamarre, 2014 etc.). A low representation of other minority languages is not unexpected due to a small number of people using those languages living in this area. However, two of the three signs representing these minority languages are multilingual and they contain information in Arabic and English apart from either Chinese (Figure 1) or Bengali (Figure 2). One remaining sign is bilingual with the restaurant’s menu in Hindi and only the name of the restaurant in English (Figure 3). It seems plausible that these languages represent the language choice of the owners because they aim people from those specific cultures apart from others as signs very often serve either an expressive or a poetic function (Huebner, 2009). �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 Figure 1. Example of Chinese Language Representation Figure 2. Example of Bengali Language Representation Figure 3. Example of Hindu Language Representation 118 �Bilingualism in Kuwait – a linguistic landscape approach Amna Brdarević Čeljo & Sead Zolota What is the difference in the representativeness of two contestant languages, namely Arabic and English, on official and non-official signs in the linguistic landscape of Kuwait? Most official signs are bilingual (n = 31) in English and Arabic, and they represent 73.81% of the overall number of official signs (n = 42) (Figure 4). Out of those 31 bilingual official signs, the Arabic language is represented first and displayed above the English translation on 29 signs (93.55%) (Figure 4), whereas these two languages are placed next to each other, English on the left side and Arabic on the right side, on 2 signs only (6.45%) (Figure 5). However, there are no official bilingual signs on which English is represented first. 11 official signs (26.19%) are monolingual, and out of those 4 official signs represent only English, whereas 7 signs display information only in Arabic. Figure 4. A bilingual official sign As for non-official signs (n = 108), there are 105 signs which contain only English and/or Arabic and we will elaborate on these further. Namely, out of these 105 non-official signs, 52 signs are monolingual (49.52%), with 35 signs representing only Arabic and 17 signs displaying only the English language. 53 signs (50.48%) are bilingual containing information both in Arabic and English. On 25 bilingual non-official signs information in the Arabic language is represented first, on 11 signs the information in English comes first, whereas on the remaining 17 signs English and Arabic seem to be equally represented as the information in English is displayed on the left side and the information in Arabic on the right side of the sign (Figure 5). Figure 5. A bilingual non-official sign �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 These results are rather interesting, as they show that official signs are more frequently bilingual (73.81%) than non-official signs (50%), which points to the consciousness of the governmental institutions of the presence of foreigners in the country and their need to understand the displayed signs. The fact that Arabic is not present on only 4 official signs out of 42 (9.52%) and on only 17 out of 108 non-official signs (15.74%) points to a rather high awareness of nativism. Moreover, it is rather interesting that on bilingual official signs Arabic is displayed first in 93.55% instances which contrasts with the bilingual non-official signs on which Arabic is presented first in 47.17% instances. Such a predominance of Arabic on bilingual official signs can be ascribed to the country’s policies related to the language choice on public governmental signage. On the other hand, on 28 out of 53 bilingual non-official signs (52.83%), English has either an equal representation as Arabic or it is more prominent as it is presented first. Such findings point to the fact that English is directly competing with Arabic on non-official signs. Still, the high representativeness of Arabic and the place given to it on both official and non-official signs seem to suggest that nativism is still valued in Kuwait and that that country still has high ethnolinguistic vitality (EV) if Landry and Bourhis’s (1997) explanations of EV are taken into consideration. Official signs constitute a vital aspect in an ever-growing expatriate community of the State of Kuwait. One of the critical requirements for a functional community of expatriates is a proper and complete translation of public government signs which convey crucial information regarding street names, warning notices, or names of government buildings. Table 3 examines the translation of English on public signage and strives to see whether the information in Arabic is fully or partially translated into English. All 31 bilingual official signs have been translated from Arabic into English in their entirety. Conversely, the results are somewhat different concerning the translation of bilingual non-official signs into English. Thus, out of 53 bilingual non-official signs, 36 signs have been fully translated, and 17 signs have received a partial translation. Table 3. Translation on bilingual official and non-official signs Type of translation Official signs Non-official signs Full translation 31 36 Partial translation 0 17 What is the difference in the representativeness of two contestant languages, namely Arabic and English, on signs displayed in city streets and in side streets in the linguistic landscape of Kuwait? 120 �Bilingualism in Kuwait – a linguistic landscape approach Amna Brdarević Čeljo & Sead Zolota The research sample was further subdivided into two additional categories, namely the signs found in the city center along the main street and the signs located in side streets outside the city center. Following this division, 106 photos (70.67%) of signs were taken in the city center, whereas 44 photos (29.33%) of signs were taken in side streets. Out of 106 signs displayed in the city center, 36 signs are monolingual (33.96%), 69 bilingual (65.09%) and 1 sign is trilingual (.94%). On the other hand, out of the 44 signs on display in side streets, 27 signs were monolingual (61.36%), 16 signs were bilingual (36.36%) and 1 sign was trilingual (2.27%) (Table 4). Table 5. Signage in the city center and in side streets Total 106 Monolingual 36 Bilingual 69 Trilingual 1 Signs displayed in side streets 44 27 16 1 Total 150 63 85 3 Signs displayed in the city center The results also point to an almost equal presence of English (n = 87; 82.07%) and Arabic (n = 88; 83.02%) on the public signage in the city center and to a much greater prominence of Arabic (n = 40; 90.9%) than English (n = 21; 47.73%) in side streets (Table 5), which is an indication of a great presence of the Arab communities in those areas. Table 5. The representation of English and Arabic on the signage in the city center and side streets Language English Arabic City Center 87 88 Side Streets 21 40 Out of 68 bilingual signs displaying English and Arabic in the city center, it is rather peculiar to notice that on 42 signs Arabic is displayed first, on 16 signs both languages are represented equally and there are even 10 non-official signs in the city center which are only represented in the English language. Moreover, out of 16 bilingual signs displayed in side streets, 12 signs present information in the Arabic language first, 1 sign presents information in English first and on 3 signs both English and Arabic are given equal credit. It is rather interesting to notice that monolingual signs are more frequently displayed in side streets than in the city center as they represent 33.96% of all the signs displayed in the city center and 61.36% of all the signs displayed in side streets. Out of 36 monolingual �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 signs displayed in the city center, 17 signs are English and 19 Arabic. The discrepancy between monolingual English and Arabic signs is much more conspicuous in side streets, where out of 27 signs there were only 4 monolingual English signs and 23 monolingual Arabic signs. Table 6. Monolingual Signs in English and Arabic Area of Inquiry English Arabic Monolingual Signs City Center 17 19 Side Streets 4 23 Such findings show that monolingual English signs are not highly valued and present in side streets (only in 14.81% cases), where the majority of signs were monolingual Arabic signs. On the other hand, in the city center monolingual English and Arabic signs were almost equally represented, which also indicates that English and Arabic in this sociolinguistic context are two contestant languages. Due to the fact that side streets are not frequently visited by foreigners, Arabic seems to be a predominant language in such places, whereas in the city center, which is visited by many foreigners, both English and Arabic are displayed almost to an equal extent. This shows that in the linguistic landscape of Kuwait English is not competing with other foreign languages but its contestant language is the country’s native language, which proves that immense importance is attached to English in this rather peculiar sociolinguistic context. 4. CONCLUSION This study aimed to analyze the linguistic landscape of the Governorate of Farwaniya, the biggest governorate in Kuwait. Within the corpus of 150 photographs taken in the city center along the main street and side streets, the overall presence and language structure of official or public signs and nonofficial or private signs was explored. The results indicated that English is the most dominant foreign language and that no other foreign language is so highly represented in this socio-cultural context with Bengali, Hindi and Chinese each occurring only once in the corpus. Thus, English is the only foreign language competing with the native tongue, namely Arabic in this linguistic landscape. The findings further pointed to a difference between official and non-official signs, as well as between the signs displayed in the city center and those displayed in side streets in terms of the property of monolingualism and bilingualism and the positioning of the languages represented. Thus, it was noticed that on bilingual official governmental signs Arabic is either represented 122 �Bilingualism in Kuwait – a linguistic landscape approach Amna Brdarević Čeljo & Sead Zolota first or Arabic and English are on an equal footing while there were no signs on which English was positioned first. However, this was not the case with nonofficial signs. Moreover, the findings also pointed to a much lower presence of English monolingual signs in side streets (n = 4) than in the city center (n = 17). Compared to the number of 23 Arabic monolingual signs in side street, it strengthens the belief that nativism is still nourished in this country in particular outside a strictly public domain. The results of the current study are rather important as they provide a clearer insight into the linguistic landscape of yet another country where English has a prominent international role. REFERENCES Backhaus, P. (2005). Signs of multilingualism in Tokyo – a linguistic landscape approach. Unpublished doctoral thesis. Duisberg-Essen: University of DuisbergEssen. Backhaus, P. (2006). Multilingualism in Tokyo: A Look into the Linguistic Landscape International Journal of Multilingualism, 3(1), 52-66 doi:10.1080/14790710608668385 Backhaus, P. 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Gorter (eds) Linguistic Landscape: Expanding the Scenery (pp. 1–10). New York: Routledge Spolsky, B. & Cooper, R.L. (1991). The Languages of Jerusalem. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Trumper-Hecht, N. (2009) Constructing national identity in mixed cities in Israel: Arabic on signs in the public space of upper Nazareth. In E. Shohamy and D. Gorter (eds) Linguistic Landscape: Expanding the Scenery (pp. 238–252). London: Routledge Tulp, S. M. (1978) Reklame en tweetaligheid: Een onderzoek naar de geographische verspreiding van franstalige en nederlandstalige affiches in Brussel. [Commercials and bilingualism: A study into the geographic distribution of French and Dutch advertisements in Brussels]. Taal en Sociale Integratie 1, 261-288. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Bilingualism in Kuwait – a linguistic landscape approach Description An account of the resource Abstract: This paper examined the linguistic landscape of the Governorate of Farwaniya, the biggest governorate in the State of Kuwait, by means of public and private signs displayed in the city center and side streets. A corpus of 150 photos of diverse signs, both official and non-official, was collected, categorized, analyzed and discussed. The results point to an undeniable representation of the Arabic language in both public and private spheres of life as well as to a substantial presence of the English language on a wide range of signage therefore confirming the imprint the process of globalization has made on this EFL context. The findings also indicate that some other world languages, namely Bengali, Hindi, and Chinese, are represented in the linguistic landscape of Kuwait but rather poorly. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Amna Brdarević Čeljo Sead Zolota Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1 (2) Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Winter 2018 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2566-4638 DOI 10.14706/JEH2018122 Type The nature or genre of the resource Keywords: linguistic landscape, monolingual and multilingual signs, official and non-official signs, ethnolinguistic vitality https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/93ad8e438ec751c94c2d0a3af49697f2.pdf b743dfacd07d30b2dd135db34a79b93f PDF Text Text Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3 (2), pp. 33-47, Winter 2020 Original research paper ISSN 2566-4638 © International Burch University Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Dr. sci. Davor Trlin Doc. dr. Esad Oruč International Burch University davor.trlin@ibu.edu.ba esad.oruc@ibu.edu.ba Abstract: In this paper, through the analysis of the normative framework for the operation of these institutions, but also their activity, and the application of international standards in BiH, we will try to find an answer to the question of whether Bosnia and Herzegovina is a state or a protectorate. A lot has been achieved through the implementation of the Dayton Agreement, but most of it was due to the activity of the international community. According to the General Framework Agreement for Peace, this activity does not envisage a protectorate. However, especially in the first years of the functioning of post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina, many constitutional and legal theorists tried to define the legal nature of Bosnia and Herzegovina's dependence on the international community in certain elements (which later softened). The results showed no unambiguous answer. In the last fifteen years, this issue has moved to the periphery of interest in domestic and regional constitutional and legal science. But it seems the time to re-establish it has come, especially in light of the announcement of changes in the attitudes of key actors in the international community towards Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are also interested in the issue related to this central research, which is the degree of sovereignty of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina inside and outside, given the Dayton construct of the international community's involvement in the constitutional and political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Sažetak: U ovom radu ćemo, kroz analizu normativnog okvira za djelovanje ovih institucija, ali i njihov sam aktivitet, te aplikaciju međunarodnih standarda u BiH, pokušati doći do odgovora na pitanje da li je Bosna i Hercegovina država ili protektorat. Kroz implementaciju Daytonskog sporazuma se postiglo dosta, ali većinom je zaslužan bio aktivitet međunarodne zajednice. Taja aktivitet ni, prema Općem okvirnom sporazumu za mir, ne predviđa protektorat. Ipak, posebno u prvim godinama funkcioniranja post-Daytonske Bosne i Hercegovine, brojni ustavno-pravni teoretičari su pokušavali definirati pravnu prirodu odnosa ovisnosti Bosne i Hercegovine prema međunarodnoj zajednici u određenim elementima (koja se kasnije sve više ublažavala). Rezultati su pokazali da nema jednoznačnog odgovora. Ovo pitanje je u posljednjih petnaest godina u domaćoj ali i regionalnoj ustavno-pravnoj nauci prešlo na periferiju interesiranja. Ali, čini se da je vrijeme da ga se ponovo postavi, posebno u svjetlu najave promjena odnosa ključnih subjekata međunarodne zajednice prema Bosni i Hercegovini. Takođe nas interesuje i pitanje koje je povezano s ovim centralnim istraživačkim, a to je stepen suvereniteta države Bosne i Hercegovine unutra, ali i prema vani, imajući u vidu Daytonski konstrukt uključenosti međunarodne zajednice u ustavno-politički sistem Bosne i Hercegovine. Keywords: Protectorate, International Community, High Representative, Peace Implementation Council, Bonn Powers. Ključne riječi: Protektorat, Međunarodna zajednica, Visoki predstavnik, Vijeće za implementaciju mira, Bonske ovlasti. Article History Submitted: 30 October 2020 Accepted: 10 December 2020 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 1. UVOD Ustavni sistem Bosne i Hercegovine je determiniran sporazumom za mir, koji je postignut u Daytonu (Ohio, SAD) novembra 1995. godine, a formalno potpisan u Parizu, decembra 1995. godine. Aneks 4 ovog sporazuma je Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine. Prema Članu I tačka 2, Bosna i Hercegovina je demokratska država koja funkcionira u skladu sa zakonom i na osnovu slobodnih i demokratskih izbora. Iako ova odredba proklamuje koncept demokratije, Aneks 4 sadrži dosta normi koje nisu u skladu sa demokratskim principima, ali je i antinomičan, tj. određene njegove odredbe su međusobno nesaglasne (npr. proklamovan je princip zabrane diskriminacije, ali istovremeno je pojedinim kategorijama uvedeno nejednako aktivno i pasivno biračko pravo, odnosno postoji otvorena ustavna diskriminacija). O donošenju ovog akta, ali i pojedinim njegovim odredbama, te komparaciji ovog akta sa drugim aneksima sporazuma bitnim za ovaj rad ćemo detaljnije pisati u slijedećim poglavljima. 2. POJAM PROTEKTORATA Protektorat je jedan odnos ovisnosti jedne (slabije) države od druge (jače), protektora. Klaić (1986), pod „protektorom (protekcijom) podrazumijeva: 1. pokrovitelj, zaštitnik; 2.u međunarodnom pravu država koja preuzima nad nekom zemljom protektorat. Protektorat- pokroviteljstvo, zaštićivanje, okrilje, obrana uopće, a osobito: formalno pokroviteljstvo jače države nad slabijom; faktički- pokroviteljstvo je oblik zavisnosti koji imperijalističke države nasilno nameću drugim zemljama; 2. naziv ovako okupirane zemlje; isto i protektorstvo.” Prema Ibleru (1987) nastaje na temelju međunarodnog ugovorai kojim se odnos ovisnosti uređuje tako što se navode prava i dužnosti obiju strana (s. 259). Iz ovog razloga se npr. ne može prihvatiti da je Čehoslovačka bila pod protektoratom Trećeg Rajha, budući da između njih nije zaključen ugovor. Protektirana oblast je uspostavljena jednostranim aktom okupacije, i postala je dio „teritorije velikog njemačkog Rajha“. U Hoffmanovoj analizi (1987) navodi se da se država zaštitnica ugovorom obavezuje da će štiti protektiranu državu od agresije ili drugih oblika povrede prava zajamčenih međunarodnim pravom, te od internog ugrožavanja, a država zaštitnica preuzima njene ovlasti u međunarodnim odnosima (s. 1153). Dvije su vrste protektorata: potpuni i ograničeni. Kod potpunog protektorata država štićenica u potpunosti ugovorom o protektoratu stavlja svoje aktivnost u nadležnost države zaštitnice, a kod ograničenog zadržava poslovnu sposobnost, ali je ograničena naknadnim odobrenjem protektora. Seidl i Hohenveldern (2006) navode da protektirani teritorij ne ulazi u državni teritorij protektora, državljani zadržavaju svoja državljanstva, a ugovori koje protektor zaključuje obavezuju protektiranu državu (s. 177). Neki pravni teoretičari među oblike „složenih država“ ubrajaju i protektorat. Berislav Perić (1994) dijeli složene države na: 1) protektorat, 2) unija (realna i personalna), 3) konfederacija, 34 �Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Davor Trlin & Esad Oruč 4) federacija (s. 103). Fuad Muhić (1998) smatra da su se kroz istoriju razvila dva osnovna oblika složenih država – konfederacija i federacija (s. 104-107). Ovaj autor navodi da su unije „oblici povezivanja država koji se nalaze na sredini između konfederacije i federacije.“ – (s. 109). Dijeli ih na realne i personalne unije, a kao vrstu personalne unije podrazumijeva protektorat: „Kao oblik državnog uređenja, unije su u modernom dobu iščezle, i na njih donekle podsjećaju samo veze nekih malih evropskih državica sa susjednim državama, koje za njih obavljaju većinu najvažnijih poslova (veze San Marina sa Italijom, Monaka sa Francuskom, Lihtenštajna sa Švajcaskom i Andore sa Španijom i Francuskom). Takva veza naziva se protektoratom (štićeništvom)“ (s 109.). Međutim, moderna pravna teorija kao ni međunarodno pravo ne smatraju protektorat za oblik državnog uređenja već za odnos ovisnosti. Tako ih svrstava Degan (2000), a ne među oblike država (s. 294-295). Najviše su protektori bili Francuskaii i Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irskeiii. Schweisfurth (2006) je dao detaljan pregled protektorata UK (s. 25.). Može se reći da je klasičnih protektorata, kao odnosa dvije države (zaštitnice i štićenice) kroz povijest nestalo i da su se oni transformirali u tzv. „Međunararodnu teritorijalnu upravu“, institut međunarodne zajednice kojim ona osigurava međunarodni pravni poredak. Protektorat nisu ni slučajevi kad se manja država služi većom za obavljanje određenih poslova (primjer Lihtenštajna u odnosu sa Švicarskom ili San Marina u odnosu sa Italijom), gdje države imaju autonomiju odlučivanja. To npr. nije slučaj sa Monakomiv pa se može reći da je ispravna tvrdnja Seidla i Hohenvelderna (2006) da je ovo jedan od rijetkih primjera (oslabljenog) protektorata u savremenom društvu (s. 176.). 3. ULOGA EKSTERNOG FAKTORA U USTAVOTVORNOM DRŽAVNOM POSTUPKU „Daytonski“ ustav nije jedini slučaj u ustavnoj istoriji da je ustav određene države sačinjen uz pomoć i nadzor eksternog faktora. Tako su savezničke okupacijske sile, nakon poraza Njemačke u Drugom svjetskom ratu, ukinule Weimarski ustav, koji je bio na snazi u Njemačkoj od 1919. do 1945. godine. Na snagu je, u Zapadnoj Njemačkoj“ stupio Temeljni zakon (23. 05. 1949. godine, nakon što je odobren 08. 05. 1949. godine, u Bonnu (sve su Zemlje, osim Bavarske, takođe potvrdile), te od, strane Saveznika Drugog Svjetskog rata 12. 05. 1949. godine). Ovaj ustav je sada, uz određene amandmane, na snazi u Saveznoj Republici Njemačkoj. Sačinili su ga, pod usmjeravanjem Zapadnih sila, 1948. godine, ministri-predsjednici zapadnonjemačkih država, koji su formirali Parlamentarno vijeće. Takođe je Ustav Japana od 03. 05. 1947. godine, kojeg je, pod nadzorom Vrhovnog komandanta Savezničkih snaga, Douglasa MacArthura, sačinio određen broj državnih službenika i vojnog osoblja SAD. Nakon toga su japanski pripadnici akademske zajednice pregledali i modificirali tekst, prije konačnog usvajanja ustava od strane Nacionalnog dijeta, parlamenta Japana. Ustav od 1947. godine je zamijenio dotadašnji autoritarni sistem kvaziapsolutne 35 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 monarhije, sa liberalnom demokratijom, a cilj učešća Saveznika je bio da se suspregne militaristički nacionalizam japanske vlade. 4. SUVERENOST, MEĐUNARODNO PRAVO I USTAVNO PRAVO Tri osnovna elementa državne organizacije su: stanovništvo, teritorija i suverena vlast. Prije nego što objasnimo sintagmu „suverena vlast“, trebamo prvo objasniti šta zapravo znači termin „vlast“ i u čemu je to suštinska razlika između moći i vlasti. Vlast je institucionalizovana i legitimizovana moć. Prema Viskoviću (2006) „Vlast je nešto više od gole moći i prisile. To je prisila koja je legitimna ili barem formalno zasnovana na običajnim i pravnim normama, tj. koja je po mišljenju nekih ljudi opravdana kao „dobra“ ili se barem poziva na običaj i pravo.“ (s. 19). Vlast znači da se tačno znaju hijerarhijski odnosi između onih koji imaju vlast i onih koji je nemaju (tj. između nadređenih i podređenih) i da se ti odnosi moraju poštovati. Razne su vrste vlasti, ako je moć određenih društvenih subjekata zasnovana na pravnim normama. Tako postoje ekonomska vlast, roditeljska vlast, državna vlast. Ova zadnja, državna vlast najviša je vlast u društvu. Vrhovnost državne vlasti je element državne suverenosti. Državna suverenost se manifestira dvojako: 1. kao unutrašnja suverenost (profesor Visković ju naziva „pravna vrhovnost“) i 2. kao vanjska suverenost. 1. Unutrašnja suverenost državne vlasti znači da država ima isključivo pravo da stvara najviše pravne akte. Državna vlast ima pravo izricati određene sankcije za nepoštivanje dispozicija pravnih normi iz pravnih akata koje je donijela, i u tu svrhu koristi prinudu. Ona je jedina organizacija u društvu koja ima monopol legalne fizičke prinude. Perić (1994) navodi:„“Glede toga predložio bih da državu treba šire definirati kao onu društvenu organizaciju koja ima: (1) VLAST, koja (a) unutar državnih granica raspolaže NE monopolom prisile, nego NAJVEĆOM prisilom, (b) u odnosu na druge države, dakle „prema vani“, nastupa kao „jednak s jednakima“. Ova vlast, također, ima sljedeća obilježja: ona je društvena organizacija, suverena, ona je i prisilna. Ima svoj: (2) TERITORIJ, (3) STANOVNIŠTVO i (4) PRAVO, tj. PRAVNI POREDAK. Ukazujući na činjenicu da državna vlast, ako hoće ostati državna, mora na svom teritoriju raspolagati (ne monopolom fizičke prisile, jer to je nemoguće) n a j v e ć o m ili n a j j a č o m p r i s i l o m. Nadalje, ako takva država izgubi i tu najjaču prisilu, ona bi prestala biti državna vlast i njene bi izreke prestale biti pravo. Druga politička snaga, koja bi u svoje ruke preuzela ili osvojila tu najveću i najjaču prisilu, time bi postala i nova državna vlast.“ (s. 137). Država nije i jedina organizacija u društvu koja stvara pravne norme. To su i brojni subjekti autonomnog prava (privredna društva, vjerske organizacije, sindikati...). Moderno poimanje suverenosti je nastalo zahvaljujući konceptima narodne suverenosti i pravne države. Ono je dokinulo apsolutističko, feudalno poimanje suverenosti države o pravno neograničenoj vlasti monarha. 36 �Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Davor Trlin & Esad Oruč 2. Vanjska suverenost državne vlasti znači da je državna vlast nezavisna u odnosu na druge državne vlasti (tj. jednoj državi nijedna druga država ne može nametati svoju volju). Ona je u međunarodnim odnosima ravnopravna sa drugim državnim vlastima, bez obzira na sve razlike koje u modernom društvu objektivno postoje između država. Ipak, postoje i određeni, istina, ne brojni slučajevi pravne neravnopravnosti državnih vlasti u međunarodnoj zajednici i međunarodnim odnosima. To se najbolje vidi na primjeru Vijeća sigurnosti, gdje sile pobjednice Drugog svjetskog rata imaju pravo veta. Suverenost državne vlasti u modernom društvu može biti veća ili manja. Brojne su države u kojima se vode oružani sukobi i one koje su u specifičnim odnosima ovisnosti o drugim državama, međunarodnim organizacijama ili čak cijeloj međunarodnoj zajednici država. Svaka država mora pribavljati sredstva kojim se osigurava materijalna osnova za brojne zadatke koje država mora obavljati, ali i da bi mogla egzistirati. Tim sredstvima se zadovoljavaju i objektivno postojeće potrebe u društvu (prvenstveno ekonomsko-socijalne prirode), ali se i zadovoljavaju dobra neophodna za reprodukciju ljudske vrste i same države. Postavlja se pitanje da li šira decentralizacija unitarne države, odnosno veće nadležnosti federalnih jedinica, znače i dijeljenje suverene državne vlasti između oblika decentralizacije i unitarnih država, odnosno federalnih jedinica i federacije? Teoretski, suverenost državne vlasti ne može biti podijeljena. Suverenost državne vlasti je jedinstvena. Određena unitarna država ili federacija može samo biti više ili manje suverena, ako je u unitarnoj državi oblicima decentralizacije data široka autonomija – npr. kod zakonodavne decentralizacije, odnosno ako u federativno uređenim državama federalne jedinice imaju brojne nadležnosti i to one koje su u velikom broju federacija na saveznom nivou. Zavisno od oblika državnog uređenja, uže političko-teritorijalne zajednice mogu dobiti određena prava i dužnosti reguliranja finansijskih odnosa na svojoj teritoriji. Tako, samo federalne jedinice, kao i sama federacija imaju finansijska prava. To nije slučaj (izuzev kod zakonodavne decentralizacije), kod unitarnih država. Dakle, kod unitarnih država, za razliku od federacija, samo centralna vlast ima (puni) finansijski suverenitet. Kod Dautbašića (2004), u njegovom udžbeniku, nalazimo da je kod unitarnih država postoje dva sistema regulisanja odnosa između centralnih organa i decentralizovanih i lokalnih organacentralizovani i decentralizovani finansijski (fiskalni) suverenitet (s. 57). Kode centralizovanog finansijskog suvereniteta, kakav je apliciran npr. u Francuskoj Republici, centralne vlasti zakonom utvrđuju temeljne elemente fiskalnih dažbina (npr. porezna osnovica), a decentralizovani organi i lokalni organi svojim pravnim aktima dalje razrađuju i reguliraju ove dažbine. Decentralizirani finansijski suverenitet (npr. primijenjen u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irske), znači da decentralizovani i lokalni organi vlasti imaju široke ovlasti u pogledu reguliranja finansijskih (i uže, fiskalnih) odnosa, dok centralni organi samo kontroliraju cjelokupni finansijski i fiskalni sistem unitarne države. Kod federacija postoje i vertikalno i horizontalno raspoređivanje potreba i prihoda, tj. raspoređivanje između federacije i federalnih jedinica i 37 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 javnopravnih kolektiviteta, i horizontalno raspoređivanje potreba i prihoda, tj raspoređivanje između javnopravnih kolektiviteta istog stepena. Profesor Dautbašić (2004) navodi da se vertikalno raspoređivanje prihoda vršilo, a i sada se vrši, po nekim od sljedećih sistema: sistem učešća, konkurentni sistem, sistem odvajanja, sistem povezivanja (zajednica), sistem jednoobraznosti, kombinirani sistem, te da postoje dva metoda za primjenu sistema separacije, sistema zajednice i mješovitog (kombiniranog) sistema: automatski (utvrđuje se fiksna kvota prihoda za nosioce finansiranja) i diskrecioni (koji se sastoji od pojedinačnog odlučivanja o raspoređivanju prihoda u ovisnosti o vrsti i obimu potreba) (s. 58-62). Još treba napomenuti da je svaka državna vlast titular javnih subjektivnih prava. Ona se nazivaju državnim javnim subjektivnim pravima. Dihotomija javnih subjektivnih prava je, inače, na individualna javna subjektivna prava i državna javna subjektivna prava. Otajagić (2005) piše o državnim javnim subjektivnim pravima, te objašnjava da se ona nalaze u ustavnom, upravnom i procesnom pravu, i prema svom objektu, dijele se na: 1. čisto lična državna prava, odnosno prava na svoju radnju (npr. pravo na krivičnu sankciju utvrđenu krivičnim zakonima); 2. prava države na tuđu radnju neimovinskog karaktera (npr. pravo na vojnu službu pojedinaca); 3. prava na tuđu radnju imovinske prirode (npr. pravo države na određivanje i naplatu poreza) i 4. čisto imovinska državna prava (npr. pravo na slobodnu trgovinsku zonu u drugoj državi na osnovu ugovora) (s 78 i 79). Kod unitarnih decentralizovanih država ne postoji, izuzev kod zakonodavne decentralizacije, pojava da su oblici decentralizacije titulari ovih državnih javnih subjektivnih prava. Rijetke su federacije koje na centralnom nivou nemaju mnogo državnih javnih subjektivnih prava, a da ih suprotno, federalne jedinice imaju više nego savezna vlast. 5. MEĐUNARODNO UGOVARANJE USTAVA: SLUČAJ BIH Kod Sokola i Smerdela (1998) nalazimo da je Daytonski mirovni sporazum sklopljen između predsjednika Republike Hrvatske, Republike Bosne i Hercegovine i Savezne Republike Jugoslavije, uz sudjelovanje predstavnika konstitutivnih naroda u BiH, te uz aktivno sudjelovanje američkih dužnosnika (s 297). Ovim sporazumom je okončan oružani sukob ali su se i postavili temelji za organizaciju državne vlasti BiH. Potpisan je u Parizu 14. 12. 1995. godine, kao Opći okvirni sporazum za mir. Opće odredbe Sporazuma, potpisali su, za Republiku BiH, Alija Izetbegović, za Republiku Hrvatsku, Franjo Tuđman, za Saveznu Republiku Jugoslaviju, Slobodan Milošević. Kao svjedoci, Sporazum su potpisali predstavnici EU, Francuske Republike, Savezne Republike Njemačke, Ruske Federacije, Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva Britanije i Sjeverne Irske i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Ovaj dokument ima 11 članova, te isto toliko aneksa. Kod Bakotića su navedeni Aneksi (1998): Aneks 1-A - Sporazum o vojnim aspektima mirovnog rješenja, Aneks 1-B - Sporazum o regionalnoj stabilizaciji, Aneks 2 Sporazum o granici među entitetima i srodnim pitanjima, Aneks 3 - Sporazum o 38 �Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Davor Trlin & Esad Oruč izborima, Aneks 4 - Ustav, Aneks 5 - Sporazum o arbitraži, Aneks 6 - Sporazum o pravima čovjeka, Aneks 7 - Sporazum o izbjeglicama i prognanicima, Aneks 8 - Sporazum o komisiji za očuvanje nacionalnih spomenika, Aneks 9 - Sporazum o javnim poduzećima Bosne i Hercegovine, Aneks 10 - Sporazum o provedbi civilnih aspekata, Aneks 11 - Sporazum o međunarodnim operativnim policijskim snagama (s. 6). Pored ovih 11 aneksa, koji uređuju detaljnije obaveze za njegovu realizaciju, postoje još dva opća dodatka – Sporazum o parafiranju i Završnu izjavu sudionika u posrednim mirovnim pregovorima u BiH. Sporazumom nijedna strana nije stekla pravo nad Bosnom i Hercegovinom. Kada je riječ o centralnom istraživačkom pitanju ovog rada, treba napomenuti da su se strane obavezale prihvatiti aranžmane koji se odnose na civilnu implementaciju sporazuma, tj. OHR i Visokog predstavnika. Aneksom 10, potpisnici „zahtijevaju imenovanje visokog predstavnika, koji će biti imenovan u skladu sa relevantnim rezolucijama Savjeta bezbjednosti UN“, takođe je Visokom predstavniku u mandat dato i tumačenje Sporazuma. Na osnovu ovog aneksa, uspostavljen je Ured Visokog predstavnika. 6. DA LI JE BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA PROTEKTORAT: TEORIJA I NORMA Ideja o Bosni i Hercegovini kao protektoratu se često spominjala tokom 1993. godine u sklopu mirovnih pregovora i različituh prijedloga za prekid ratnih sukoba i buduće organizacije države, a Andrassy, Bakotić i Vukas (2006) pisali da se predlagala se čak i za pojedine dijelove Bosne i Hercegovine ili gradove (s. 111). Daytonski sporazum uspostavio je sistem uloge međunarodne zajednice u funkcioniranju javnog sistema u BiH. Tako Aneks 3 (Sporazum o izborima), zadužuje OSCE da uspostavi izborni sistem u BiH. Aneksom 7 (Sporazum o izbjeglicama i prognanicima) poziva se UNHCR da pripremi plan repatrijacije i povratka raseljenih osoba. Organizacija Ujedinjenih Nacija je, na osnovu Sporazuma o Međunarodnim operativnim snagama, zadužena da organizira policijske snage. Za ovaj rad najznačajniji je Aneks 10 koji predviđa instituciju Visokog predstavnika čiji je, kako se navodi kod Sloan (1998) zadatak da koordinira aktivnostima organizacija i agencija koje se uključene u projekat civilnog aspekta mirovnog rješenja (s. 84). Prvi Visoki predstavnik bio je švedski diplomat Carl Bildt, koji je za vrijeme svog mandata formirao Vijeće za provedbu mira, koje je uključivalo 40 zemalja i 10 međunarodnih organizacija, s ciljem koordinacije humanitarnih organizacija, Ujedinjenih nacija, UNHCR-a i OSCE-a. Bosna i Hercegovina je bila podvrgnuta saradnji sa Haškim sudom za bivšu Jugoslaviju (ICTY). Član IX. Ustava BiH je odredio: “Nijedna osoba koja izdržava kaznu što ju je izrekao Međunarodni sud za bivšu Jugoslaviju i nijedna osoba protiv koje je taj sud podigao optužnicu, a koja se nije pokorila nalogu da izađe preda nj, ne može se kandidirati ni biti imenovana ili birana ili na koji drugi način postavljena na bilo koju javnu funkciju na području Bosne i Hercegovine.” Ovo se ne može smatrati ograničenjem suvereniteta u okviru protektorata međunarodne zajednice, nego naprosto obavezom države koja je proistekla iz 39 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 članstva u Ujedinjenim Nacijama. U prilog tome ide i činjenica da su i Hrvatska, te Srbija i Crna Gora imale jednaku obavezu saradnje sa istim međunarodnim forumom. Smatramo da se može prihvatiti Maslin (2000) da je Opći okvirni sporazum za mir, ugovorni odnos kojim bi se mogao zasnovati odnos protektorata (s. 8). Međutim, njime se on nije zasnovao niti proglasio (a takođe ni neki drugi oblik ovisnosti, npr. starateljstvo).v Protektirani odnos nije reguliran ni u jednom od ugovorenih odnosa i ovo je vjerovatno i ključni argument za osporovanje teze da je Bosna i Hercegovina protektorat (Dautbašić 1998, 51 ). Nema države kao subjekta međunarodnog prava koja stupa u funkciju protektora niti se vidi izražena volja Bosne i Hercegovine da slobodu u odlučivanju podvrgne ograničavanju od strane druge države. Da Bosna i Hercegovina nije protektorat posebno se vidi i iz činjenice da su državni organi Bosne i Hercegovine vanjsku suverenost od početka post-Daytonske ere imali u potpunom kapacitetu, a država je svoj međunarodnopravni subjektivitet koristila bez ikakvih ograničenja kakva su imale protektirane države (Maslin 2000, 6). Ostalo je da ispitamo da li je unutrašnja suverenost ograničena, što ćemo učiniti u redovima koji slijede. Iz brojnih normativnih rješenja može se zaključiti da Bosna i Hercegovina nije protektorat. Tako, Ustav BiH u članu I ističe kontinuitet Republike Bosne i Hercegovine koja nastavlja pravno postojanje prema međunarodnom pravu kao država, uz prilagodbu unutrašnjeg uređenja prema predviđenim odredbama Sporazuma. Bosna i Hercegovina ostaje članica Ujedinjenih nacija, te može tražiti članstvo u organizacijama unutar sistema Ujedinjenih nacija i drugim međunarodnim organizacijama. Takođe, prema članu VII/2 Ustava BiH, ostaje ili postaje strankom međunarodnih sporazuma nabrojenih u Prilogu I Ustava.vi U prilog tezi da Bosna i Hercegovina nije protektorat idu i određene nadležnosti Predsjedništva BiH, i to: samostalno vođenje vanjske politike, imenovanje ambasadora i drugih međunarodnih predstavnika Bosne i Hercegovine, predstavljanje Bosne i Hercegovinu u međunarodnim i evropskim organizacijama i ustanovama, te mogućnost traženja članstva u organizacijama i ustanovama kojih Bosna i Hercegovina nije članica. Iz ovoga se može zaključiti da Bosna i Hercegovina nije ni protektorat potpunog oblika. Osnovi tvrdnji zastupnika ideje da Bosna i Hercegovina jeste protektorat, nalaze se u pojedinim odredbama Ustava, a posebno Aneksa 10, koji sadrži Sporazum o provedbi civilnih aspekata mirovnog rješenja. Kada je riječ o Ustavu, u navedenom smislu, relevantne su odredbe koje uređuju izbor i imenovanje sudaca Ustavnog suda BiH. Tri suda Ustavnog suda (od ukupno devet) bira predsjednik Evropskog suda za ljudska prava, a oni ne smiju biti državljani Bosne i Hercegovine ni susjednih država. Prvog guvernera Centralne banke, koji također nije smio biti državljanin Bosne i Hercegovine niti neke susjedne države, imenovao je Međunarodni monetarni fond, a Ustav BiH je propisao i da Guverner može imati odlučujući glas u slučaju neriješenog ishoda glasanja (Član VII.2 Ustava BiH.). 40 �Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Davor Trlin & Esad Oruč Kod Bakotića (1998) se može izvršiti uvid da je ključni razlog zašto su pojedini autori tvrdili da je Bosna i Hercegovina protektorat je pravni položaj Visokog predstavnika u ustavnom sistemu BiH, a posebno njegovo konačno pravo u pogledu tumačenja Sporazuma o provedbi civilnih aspekata mirovnog rješenja (s. 148). Treba napomenuti da se rješenja koja se tiču Visokog predstavnika, mogu dovesti u suprotnost sa Aneksom 4, koji propisuje da su građani i konstitutivni narodi i Ostali u Bosni i Hercegovini suvereni. Drugi razlog je bio angažman međunarodne zajednice u vidu Međunarodnih operativnih policijskih snaga Ujedinjenih nacija (IPTF) zbog implementacije programa pomoći u cijeloj Bosni i Hercegovini. IPTF je nastao nakon što su Republika Bosna i Hergecovina, Federacija Bosne i Hercegovine i Republika Srpska, zaključili Sporazum o međunarodnim oružanim snagama, na osnovu kojeg su zahtijevali da Vijeće sigurnosti UN pokrene operaciju UNCIVPOL, tj. da uspostavi vid UN policije sa ciljem povećanja međunarodnog mira i sigurnosti, podržavanjem država članica u konfliktu, post-konfliktnim i drugim kriznim situacijama. Cilj je bio realizirati efektivnu, efikasnu, reprezentativnu, odgovarajuću i odgovornu policijsku službu koja služi i štiti populaciju. IPTF je bio autonoman u obavljanju poslova, a njihovim aktivnostima koordinirao je Visoki predstavnik, koji je izdavao upute Povjereniku na čelu IPTF-a. Između ostalog, pomoć IPTF-a se sastojala u obučavanju osoblja za osiguranje primjene prava te procjenu prijetnji javnom poretku, te savjetovanje u pogledu sposobnosti službi za osiguranje primjene prava da se nose s takvim prijetnjama. Od 1998. godine, visoki predstavnik međunarodne zajednice je dobio prošireni mandat, pa je mogao sam donositi odluke koje ustavni organi ne mogu donijeti. Ovo, kao i prisustvo SFOR-a je opredijelilo pojedine autore, poput Sokola i Smerdela (1998), da zauzmu stav da je Bosna i Hercegovine protektorat (s. 299). Koncem 1997. godine, Vijeće za provedbu mira u BiH u Bonnu jednostavno „pozdravlja odluku Visokog predstavnika da koristi svoje široke ovlasti“, a što uključuje ovlast smjenjivanja izabranih dužnosnika, nametanja i ukidanja zakona u Bosni i Hercegovini, kao i drugih nedefiniranih mjera koje on smatra nužnima. Zbog ovakve formulacije, tj. načelnog odobravanja preuzimanja ovih ovlasti od strane Visokog predstavnika na ovoj konferenciji, one se danas zovu Bonskima. Visoki predstavnik je imao autonomiju u korištenju „Bonskih ovlasti“; države potpisnice i države svjedoci Daytonskog sporazuma nisu imale nikakvu ulogu. Visoki predstavnik, nikome nije davao argumente, obrazloženja za donesene odluke. Pojedini autori, poput Pehara (2012) su smatrali da za njih i nije bilo moguće podastrijeti jasne, razumljive i opće valjane razloge (s 3-9). Visoki predstavnik u implementaciji ovih ovlasti preuzeo tri državne funkcijezakonodavnu, izvršnu i sudsku. Odluke mu po pravnoj prirodi najviše liče na akte egzekutive, budući da su neposredno izvršive. Ovo je u kontradikciji sa postojanjem Ustavnog suda BiH, ali i implementacija Schmittove ideje da čuvar ustava treba biti predsjednik, tj. izvršna vlast (s. 211-253) (za razliku od Kelsena, koji je tvrdio da to treba biti ustavni sud). Visoki predstavnik je ovlašten da tumači Daytonski sporazum u cijelosti, pa i odredbi koje se tiču samog sebe, tj. on ima ovlast tumačenja svojih ovlasti. Njegov legitimitet izvodi se „odozdo“, tj. 41 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 iz građana Bosne i Hercegovine, ali i „odozgo“, jer on treba da djeluje po uputama Upravnog odbora Vijeća za provedbu mira (PIC-a).vii 7. AKTIVITET MEĐUNARODNE ZAJEDNICE PREMA DRŽAVNIM ORGANIMA BIH Decembra 1995. godine je Vijeće sigurnosti Ujedinjenih nacija ovlastilo države članice da u roku od godine dana uspostave međunarodne implementacijske snage (IFOR) sa mandatom da nadziru i podupiru provedbu odredbi Sporazuma o vojnim aspektima mirovnog rješenja i Sporazuma o regionalnoj stabilizaciji, te djeluju u skladu sa glavom VII Povelje Ujedinjenih nacija. Prema Lerotiću (2004), provedbu sporazuma trebale su jamčiti snage NATO-a od 60.000 vojnika (s. 138). Lapaš (2004) navodi da je IFOR, sastavljen od kopnenih, zračnih i pomorskih snaga NATO-a, (s. 217) je zamijenio UNPROFOR, a kasnije su snage IFOR-a zamijenile Stabilizacijske snage (SFOR). Aneks 10 se vrlo teško provodio. Prisustvo međunarodne zajednice se opravdavalo nedovoljnim stepenom demokratičnosti lokalnih lidera, i to OHR-a za provedbu postavljenih demokratskih ciljeva, a ITA-e za tržišnu ekonomiju i slobodu medija (Wilde 2001, 601). Iako je „bonski“ mandat evidentno nedemokratski, korišten je više puta u toku evolucije društveno-političkog sistema post-Daytonske BiH. U početku su visoki predstavnici snažno koristili „bonske“ ovlasti, i to kroz cijeli period svog mandata. Ilustrativan je primjer nametanja amandmana na Ustav F BiH, koji je Visoki predstavnik Wolfgang Petrisch izveo pred kraj mandata, u aprilu 2002. godine, a na osnovu odluke Ustavnog suda F BiH iz jula 2000. godine. Visoki predstavnik Valentin Inzcko je 2011. godine suspendirao Odluku Središnjeg izbornog povjerenstva, tijela koje je među najvažnijim u institucionalnodemokratskom sistemu. Visoki predstavnik Schwarz-Schilling je 2007. godine donio odluku da je nevažeća odluka Ustavnog suda BiH u kojoj je utvrđeno da su smjene ili zabrane rada političkih dužnosnika u BiH od strane Visokih predstavnika, kršenje temeljnih političkih prava tih dužnosnika. Na ovaj način se dovodila u pitanje i vladavina prava u BiH. Takođe se onemogućilo da su sva tri kulturna segmenta u BiH, postojanje i funkcionisanjem institucije Visokog predstavnika, onemogućene da kroz neposredni dijalog dođu do rješenja (O stavovima Visokog predstavnika Carlosa Westendropa u: D’Amato 1999,). Istina, dešavalo se i da se izbjegne djelovanje Visokog predstavnika. Republika Srpska je uspjela blokirati Lajčakovu odluku od 19. oktobra 2007. godine o promjeni etničkih kvota potrebnih za ulaganje veta u Vijeću ministara i Parlamentu BiH. Milorad Dodik je 2011. godine uspio zaobići Visokog predstavnika Valentina Inzka i postići dogovor s visokom predstavnicom EU za vanjske poslove i sigurnosnu politiku, Catherine Ashton, o potrebi reformiranja pravosudnih organa na nivou BiH. Aktivitetom Visokog predstavnika formirane su brojne institucije na državnom nivou (uspostavljeno Visoko sudsko i tužilačko vijeće BiH, uspostavljeni Sud BiH i Tužilaštvo BiH), te prenesene nadležnosti sa entiteta na 42 �Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Davor Trlin & Esad Oruč nivo Bosne i Hercegovine. Od 2000.-2006. godine došlo je do obimne izmjene ustavnog uređenja BiH, bez ijedne intervencije u sam Ustav BiH, ali su zato izvršene izmjene entitetskih i kantonalnih ustava, a brojni zakoni su stupilli na snagu. Ovdje je međunarodna zajednica imala odlučujuću ulogu, putem Ureda Visokog predstavnika. Od 2006. godine su domaće politične snage sve više i više preuzimale ulogu u legislativi. Nakon ovog perioda se generalno smanjivala intervencija međunarodne zajednice u pravni sistem BiH, a region je generalno bio manje u fokusu također. Neki su sektori javnog sistema reformisani bez nametanja rješenja od Visokog predstavnika (odbrana, uspostavljanje sistema indirektnog oporezivanja, itd.). Ključna godina za promjenu uloge Visokog predstavnika u političkoj praksi bila je 2006. godina. Prvo je, nakon isteka mandata Paddyja Ashdowna,viii Upravni Odbor Vijeća za provedbu mira, donio odluku o pripremi zatvaranja Ureda visokog predstavnika, odnosno o prestanku važenja „bonskoga mandata“. Nakon toga je došlo do neusvajanja tzv. „Aprilskog paketa“ ustavnih reformi. PIC je Odluku o pripremi za zatvaranje Ureda visokog predstavnika, odnosno o prestanku važenja „bonskog mandata“ donio 23. 06. 2006. godine. Ova je odluka obrazložena činjenicom da je vrijeme da BiH preuzme odgovornost za vlastitu sudbinu. Istovremeno je BiH iz faze implementacije Daytona ušla u fazu „euro-atlantskih integracija“. U februaru 2007. Upravni odbor PIC-a odgađa tu odluku, a mandat Visokog predstavnika je produžen za nešto više od godinu dana (do juna 2008.). Samo je Rusija izdvojila mišljenje u komunikeu o podršci djelovanja Visokog predstavnika pod „bonskim ovlastima“. Vremenom je konsenzus o primjeni „bonskih ovlasti“ iščezao. Politički direktori Upravnog odbora Vijeća za provedbu mira su na sastanku u Bruxellessu 26. i 27. 02. 2008. godine utvrdili slijedeće zahtjeve koje organi BiH trebaju ispuniti prije zatvaranja OHR-a, a koje su organi Bosne i Hercegovine već prethodno prihvatili: - Prihvatljivo i održivo rješenje pitanja raspodjele imovine između države i drugih razina vlasti; - Prihvatljivo i održivo rješenje za vojnu imovinu; - Potpuna provedba Konačne odluke za Brčko; - Fiskalna održivost (promovirana putem Sporazuma o utvrđivanju stalne metodologije za utvrđivanje koeficijenata za raspodjelu sredstava UINOa i osnivanje Nacionalnog fiskalnog vijeća); i - Zaživljavanje vladavine prava (demonstrirano putem usvajanja Državne strategije za ratne zločine, donošenjem Zakona o strancima i azilu i usvajanjem Državne strategije za reformu sektora pravosuđa). Pored ovih ciljeva, Upravni odbor Vijeća za provedbu mira je također utvrdio dva uvjeta koje treba ispuniti prije zatvaranja OHR-a: - Potpisivanje SSP-a; i - Pozitivna procjena situacije u BiH od strane Upravnog odbora Vijeća za provedbu mira utemeljena na punom poštivanju Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. 43 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 Upravni odbor Vijeća za provedbu mira je redovno na svojim sastancima od 2008. godine vršio uvid u pomake ostvarene u pogledu realiziranja programa (tzv. 5+2). OHR je konstatovao da, iako su u nekim oblastima ostvareni pomaci, zbog neslaganja domaćih političkih elita, postoje zastoji u realizaciji programa. Nakon ovog perioda je Visoki predstavnik prestao sa intervencijama u pravni sistem BiH. Pehar (2014) smatra da se ovo, pored težnje o samostalnom razvoju bosanskohercegovačke demokratije, vjerovatno desilo i zbog nastojanja da se na globalnom planu spriječe konfrontacije između Ruske Federacije i SAD, te između SAD i Evropske unije. 8. ZAKLJUČAK Protektorat nije institut savremenog međunarodnog i unutrašnjeg prava. Danas su rijetke situacije u kojima samo jedna država obnaša ulogu države zaštitnice. Umjesto protektorata u ulozi zaštitnika određene države u posljednih četrdeset godina se javlja međunarodna zajednica kroz tzv. međunarodnu teritorijalnu upravu. Daytonski mirovni sporazum ne predviđa protektorat i vrlo je precizan u određivanju uloge Visokog predstavnika, kada mu propisuje da je dužan da „pomaže naporima koje strane ulažu“, da „nadgleda“ i „koordinira“. Uloga međunarodne zajednice je, uz neke druge faktore, bila segment ograničenja unutrašnjeg suvereniteta Bosne i Hercegovine, iako je, paradoksalno, mnogo učinila u formiranju državnih organa i sprovođenju izbora. Ostali su drugi faktori koji ometaju da Bosna i Hercegovina ima pun unutrašnji kapacitet na svom teritoriju, a to su prvenstveno djelovanje pojedinih političkih elita, ali izvedbeni oblik federalizma, koji su manifestuje kroz manjak ekonomskih funkcija BiH te generalno državnih javnih subjektivnih prava (oba koncepta su predstavljena u poglavlju 4). Stiče se dojam da je strategija izlaska međunarodne zajednice iz ustavnog i političkog sistema Bosne i Hercegovine bila da se ne oktroiraju demokratske vrijednosti, već da njen politički sloj i njeni građani, moraju da ih nauče, a za to treba vremena. Nastojalo se i vremenom ograničene ovlasti Visokog predstavnika rijetko koristiti kako bi se državljanima Bosne i Hercegovine dala prilika da sami upravljaju svojom sudbinom. Smanjivala se ovisnost Bosne i Hercegovine od međunarodne zajednice. „Klasičnim“ protektoratom bi ova ovisnost bila još i veća, a spriječila bi samoodrživost bosanskohercegovačkog društva. Vježbe iz demokratije su svaki slijedeći izbori, koji se odavno odvijaju bez međunarodne zajednice. Međunarodna zajednice želi pustiti političkim elitama da se dogovore oko novog Ustava. Takođe, ne miješa se u proces odvajanja ekonomije i pravosuđa od politike, što se odvija veoma sporo. Iz svega se vidi da se trenutno i da će se u budućnosti uloga međunarodne zajednice svoditi na to da usmjerava i pomaže. Nejasno je da li će Visoki predstavnik u budućnosti nametati određene ključne zakone (ekonomske reforme, povratak izbjeglica, nova radna mjesta...), ako većina članova parlamenata ne bude spremna da ih donese. Najavljeno je npr. nametanje Zakona o negiranju genocida. U intervjuu za njemački TAZ, Visoki predstavnik Valentin 44 �Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Davor Trlin & Esad Oruč Inzko je nedavno izjavio kako tzv. princip pod nazivom „ownership” (princip preuzimanja odgovornosti od strane domaćih političara) nije bio uspješan u BiH. Pojasnio je i da je OHR imao dvije faze: „robusnu fazu koja je trajala 12 godina i koja je donijela čuda – zajedničku graničnu policiju, šest dodatnih ministarstava na razini cijele države, zajedničko Ministarstvo odbrane pri čemu je od tri vojske postala jedna kao i zajedničku valutu – konvertibilnu marku koja je postala stabilna.”. Nakon ovog je nastupila druga faza suzdržavanja od primjene Bonskih ovlasti, a Inzko smatra i da bi sada trebala uslijediti „treća faza u kojoj bismo morali ponoviti neke elemente iz prve faze, inače ćemo izgubiti još 15 godina”. Bosna i Hercegovine evidentno može funkcionisati i bez velikog uplitanja međunarodne zajednice, ali je njen put prema Evro-Atlantskim integracijama onda jako spor. Djeluje da se procesi poput: jačanja nadležnosti BiH, deblokada institucija i reforma pravosuđa, ne mogu adekvatno izvesti bez međunarodne zajednice. To nas ipak ne dovodi do zaključka da je BiH protektorat, što ona nije, ni prema teorijskom pojmu ovog odnosa ovisnosti, ali i prema Daytonskom sporazumu. Činjenica je da taj odnos još uvijek ne postoji u Teoriji države i prava, Međunarodnom pravu i Ustavnom pravu. Najbliži je odnosu međunarodne uprave, ali nije ni to. Kada pravnici nešto ne mogu definisati nazovu to sui generis (poseban oblik). Tako bismo i mi, do neke adekvatnije terminologije, nazvali odnos ovisnosti BiH prema međunarodnoj zajednici, koji postoji i prema pravnim rješenjima, ali i npr. prema odnosu prema MMF-u, nazvali „poseban oblik odnosa ovisnosti sui generis“. 45 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 LITERATURA 1. Andrassy, J., Bakotić, B. & Vukas, B. (2006) Međunarodno pravo, sv. 1, Zagreb: Školska knjiga. 2. Bakotić, B. (1998) Daytonski sporazum, Zagreb: Pravni fakultet Sveučiliπta u Zagrebu. 3. Dautbašić, I. (2004). Finansije i finansijsko pravo, Sarajevo: Magistrat. 4. Degan, V. Đ. (2000). Međunarodno javno pravo, Rijeka: Pravni fakultet Sveučilišta u Rijeci. 5. Hoffman, G. (1987). Protectorates. u: R. Bernhardt, (ur.) Encyclopedia of Public International Law, sv.10, Amsterdam, New York, Oxford, Tokyo, North-Holland, 1153-1154. 6. Ibler, V. (1987), Rječnik međunarodnog javnog prava, Zagreb: Informator. 7. Klaić, B. (1986) Rječnik stranih riječi, Zagreb: Nakladni zavod MH. 8. Lapaš, D. (2004) Sankcija u međunarodnom pravu, Zagreb: Pravni fakultet u Zagrebu. 9. Lerotić, Z. (1996). Postdaytonska Hrvatska, Politička misao, sv. 33., br. 4., 131149. 10. Maslo, S. (2000). Bosna i Hercegovina između „principa odgovornosti“ i protektorata, Pravna misao, 9-10/2000 11. Muhić, F. (1998) Teorija države i prava III izdanje, Sarajevo: Magistrat. 12. Office of the High Representative (2008). Očitanje sa: http://www.ohr.int/program-52-2/ . 13. Otajagić, F. (2005). Javna subjektivna prava u složenim državama, Sarajevo: Studentska štamparija Univerziteta u Sarajevu. 14. Pehar, D. (2012). Bosna i Hercegovina kao veleposlanstvo Visokog predstavnika – republikanska kritika, Političke analize, br. 10, 3-9. 15. Pehar, D. (2014). Zašto Visoki predstavnik sa “bonskim” mandatom nikada nije značio pozitivni pomak za Bosnu I Hercegovinu: četiri refleksije. Očitanje sa linka: https://www.idpi.ba/visoki-predstavnik/ 16. Perić, B. (1994) Država i pravni sustav, Šesto izdanje, Prvo izdanje u „Pravnoj biblioteci“, Zagreb: Informator. 17. Rješenje Firera i Kancelara Rajha od 16. 03. 1939. godine, RGBI, I 1939 s. 485. 18. Schmitt, C. (1929) Čuvar ustava, u: S. Samardžić (iz.) Norma i odluka – Karl Šmit i njegovi kritičari Prevod njemačkog originala: Danilo N. Basta, Beograd: „Filip Višnjić“, 211-253 19. Schweisfurth, T. (2006). Völkerrecht, Tübingen. 20. Seidl I. & Hohenveldern, T. (2006.). Völkerrecht Tübingen. 21. Sloan E. C. (1998). The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina u: Bosnia and the New Collective Security, London: Praeger, 1998. 22. Sokol & Smerdel (1998) , Ustavno pravo, Zagreb: Informator. 23. Visković, N. (2006) Teorija države i prava, Zagreb: Birotehnika. i 46 Usp. Rješenje Firera i Kancelara Rajha od 16. 03. 1939. godine, RGBI, I 1939 s. 485. �Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Davor Trlin & Esad Oruč Najpoznatiji su oni nad Marokom (od 1912.- 1956. godine), i Tunisom (1881.-1956. godine). Posljednji britanski protektorat je Brunei . 1959. je Brunei dobio samostalnost, ali su vanjski poslovi i odbrana i dalje bili u nadležnosti Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva. 1983. godine je ugovorena puna nezavisnost, a od 01. 01. 1984. godine, Brunei je samostalna država, koja je 1984. godine primljena u Ujedinjene nacije. iv Na osnovu ugovora od 27. 07. 1919. godine, Francuska je imala uticaja na personalni sastav vlade Monaka. Do današnjeg dana, francuska vlada ima odgovornost za odbranu Monaka, dok Monako ima samo male policijske snage i stražu palate. Ugovorom koji je potpisan 09. 11. 2005. u Parizu, Monako je dobio veću autonomiju u međunarodnim odnosima, ali i dalje ima obavezu da se za najvažnija pitanja konsultira sa Francuskom. v Razlog je što bi takav odnos bio u suprotnosti sa članom 78. Povelje Ujedinjenih nacija i uslovima pod kojima je BiH primljena u članstvo UN-a. Šire: Edin Šarčević, Ustav iz nužde, Rabic, Sarajevo, 2010., s. 332. vi To su: Konvencija o sprečavanju i kažnjavanju zločina genocida iz 1948., Ženevske konvencije I-IV o zaštiti žrtava rata iz 1949. sa Ženevskim protokolima I-II iz 1977., Konvencija o statusu izbjeglica iz 1951. s Protokolom iz 1966., Konvencija o državljanstvu udatih žena iz 1957., Konvencija o smanjenju slučajeva bez državljanstva iz 1961., Međunarodna konvencija o ukidanju svih oblika rasne diskriminacije iz 1965., Međunarodni pakt o ekonomskim, socijalnim i kulturnim pravima iz 1966., Međunarodni pakt o građanskim i političkim pravima iz 1966. s fakultativnim protokolima iz 1966. i 1989., Konvencija o ukidanju svih oblika diskriminacije žena iz 1979., Konvencija protiv mučenja i drugih okrutnih, nečovječnih ili ponižavajućih postupaka ili kazni iz 1984., Evropska konvencija o sprečavanju mučenja i nečovječnih ili ponižavajućih postupaka ili kazni iz 1987., Konvencija o pravima djeteta iz 1989., Međunarodna konvencija o zaπtiti prava svih radnika migranata i članova njihovih obitelji iz 1990., Evropska povelja za regionalne ili manjinske jezika iz 1992., Okvirna konvencija za zaštitu nacionalnih manjina iz 1994. vii Ovo uključuje: Sjedinjene Američke Države, Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irske Njemačku, Francusku, Tursku (u ime Organizacije islamske konferencije), Rusku Federaciju, i Predsjedništvo Evropske unije. viii Riječ je o Visokom predstavniku koji je sa funkcije smijenio najviše dužnosnika u BiH (uključujući i smjenu člana Predsjedništva BiH). Samo u 2004. godini je smijenio šezdeset dužnosnika Republike Srpske zbog „nekooperativnosti u pronalaženju i hapšenju Radovana Karadžića“. Samo mjesec dana prije (juni) iste godine, je Parlamentarna skupština Vijeća Evrope, pozdravila činjenicu smanjivanja broja intervencija Visokog predstavnika u BiH, što je bila jedna indicija jačanja demokratije u BiH. ii iii 47 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Author Author Davor Trlin, Esad Oruč Abstract A summary of the resource. U ovom radu ćemo, kroz analizu normativnog okvira za djelovanje ovih institucija, ali i njihov sam aktivitet, te aplikaciju međunarodnih standarda u BiH, pokušati doći do odgovora na pitanje da li je Bosna i Hercegovina država ili protektorat. Kroz implementaciju Daytonskog sporazuma se postiglo dosta, ali većinom je zaslužan bio aktivitet međunarodne zajednice. Taja aktivitet ni, prema Općem okvirnom sporazumu za mir, ne predviđa protektorat. Ipak, posebno u prvim godinama funkcioniranja post-Daytonske Bosne i Hercegovine, brojni ustavno-pravni teoretičari su pokušavali definirati pravnu prirodu odnosa ovisnosti Bosne i Hercegovine prema međunarodnoj zajednici u određenim elementima (koja se kasnije sve više ublažavala). Rezultati su pokazali da nema jednoznačnog odgovora. Ovo pitanje je u posljednjih petnaest godina u domaćoj ali i regionalnoj ustavno-pravnoj nauci prešlo na periferiju interesiranja. Ali, čini se da je vrijeme da ga se ponovo postavi, posebno u svjetlu najave promjena odnosa ključnih subjekata međunarodne zajednice prema Bosni i Hercegovini. Takođe nas interesuje i pitanje koje je povezano s ovim centralnim istraživačkim, a to je stepen suvereniteta države Bosne i Hercegovine unutra, ali i prema vani, imajući u vidu Daytonski konstrukt uključenosti međunarodne zajednice u ustavno-politički sistem Bosne i Hercegovine. / In this paper, through the analysis of the normative framework for the operation of these institutions, but also their activity, and the application of international standards in BiH, we will try to find an answer to the question of whether Bosnia and Herzegovina is a state or a protectorate. A lot has been achieved through the implementation of the Dayton Agreement, but most of it was due to the activity of the international community. According to the General Framework Agreement for Peace, this activity does not envisage a protectorate. However, especially in the first years of the functioning of post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina, many constitutional and legal theorists tried to define the legal nature of Bosnia and Herzegovina's dependence on the international community in certain elements (which later softened). The results showed no unambiguous answer. In the last fifteen years, this issue has moved to the periphery of interest in domestic and regional constitutional and legal science. But it seems the time to re-establish it has come, especially in light of the announcement of changes in the attitudes of key actors in the international community towards Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are also interested in the issue related to this central research, which is the degree of sovereignty of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina inside and outside, given the Dayton construct of the international community's involvement in the constitutional and political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Keywords Keywords. Protektorat, Međunarodna zajednica, Visoki predstavnik, Vijeće za implementaciju mira, Bonske ovlasti. / Protectorate, International Community, High Representative, Peace Implementation Council, Bonn Powers. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 2566-4638 DOI Digital object identifier 10.14706/JEH2021323 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/12e3f17de9b0e90606d47caa6ad09f60.pdf 006c07311a567400a76719e99abf843c PDF Text Text Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3 (2), pp. 23-32, Winter 2020 Original research paper ISSN 2566-4638 © International Burch University Colonizing the Mind: A Dialectic Approach to Education and Language in Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories Adisa Ahmetspahić, MA University of Zenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina ahmetspahicadisa1@gmail.com Abstract: Mind colonization has been a burning issue in the last few decades in the fields of science and humanities. It is argued that mind colonization of the indigenous populations has been conducted via education and language in the mission of ‘civilizing’ since education and language carry culture specific sets of meaning, including knowledge and truth which condition our perception of the world. Zitkala-Ša is one of the earliest Native American authors and activists who sought to subvert the epistemological hierarchy imposed through mind colonization. Zitkala-Ša’s autobiographical collection of short stories titled American Indian Stories (1921) documents her boarding school experience and the acquisition of the colonizer’s education and language. The present paper seeks to address mind colonization through language and education on the example of Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories relying on a number of theories and approaches. The paper also reflects on the importance of Zitkala-Ša mastery of the colonizer’s language. Keywords: Native American, mind colonization, education, language, boarding schools Article History Submitted: 3 November 2020 Accepted: 28 December 2020 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 1. INTRODUCTION Native American self-determination and activism officially began with the formation of the Red Power Movement in the 1960s. The Red Power Movement emerged when the US Congress sought to abolish tribal organization by relocating Native American communities off the reservations, thus enticing assimilation. Cross-country protests, the seizure of Alcatraz Island and Wounded Knee occupation were all part of Native American appeal for self-government and self-redefinition caused by “the political and economic threats to indigenous people, land, and sovereignty” (Coulombe, 2001, p. 34-35). Writers and scholars, such as Vine Deloria Jr. with his book Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian Manifesto (1969), also partook in the movement for the Native American cause. Nevertheless, Native American activism had begun in the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries as evident in the speeches by Native American chiefs who advocated Native American right to sovereigntyi. Although frequently overlooked and neglected, the personage of ZitkalaŠa (original name: Gertrude Simmons Bonnin), a Yankton Sioux, is illustrious both for her literary oeuvre and ardent activism which sought to promote the rights of the Native American population and resist colonial binarities. ZitkalaŠa graduated from Quaker boarding school in Wabash, Indiana and Earlham College in Richmond, Indiana. She obtained a diploma in teaching and afterwards worked at the Pennsylvania Carlisle Indian Industrial School (Fisher, 1979, pp. v-xii). As noted by Tadeusz Lewandowski in his study of Zitkala-Ša’s luminary titled Red Bird, Red Power: The Life and Legacy of Zitkala-Ša (2016), Gertrude Simmons Bonnin’s embracement of the name Zitkala-Ša (Red Bird) and her zealous nature adumbrated the pan-Indian solidarity and the formation of Red Power groups. Zitkala-Ša’s essays, public speeches, and establishment of the National Council of American Indians in 1926 make her a predecessor to the midtwentieth century Native American (female) activism (Lewandowski, 2016, p. 14). In a similar vein, Mary A. Stout describes Zitkala-Ša’s literary opus as follows: “Although she wrote as an American Indian and a female at a time when few similar voices were being heard, she did not flinch, nor did she moderate her voice” (303). Much of Zitkala-Ša’s life is known from her autobiographical stories and essays collectively known as American Indian Stories (1921). This particular work is deemed to be one of the earliest examples of unaided autobiographical writing, i.e. without any mediators such as interpreters or editors. The stories and essays are concerned with her Native American childhood, teenage years spent at the boarding school in Carlisle, and her subsequent life and work (Fisher, 1979, pp. v-vi). American Indian Stories has been a frequent topic in the analyses of ZitkalaŠa’s and Native American biculturality and double consciousness as well as boarding school experience. However, little attention has been paid to education and language in American Indian Stories and no attention to education and language as a mind colonizing weapon on the example of this short story 24 �Colonizing the Mind: A Dialectic Approach to Education and Language in Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories Adisa Ahmetspahić collection. The present paper argues that education and language are some of the most powerful armory in mind colonization. American Indian Stories shows that both education and language carry culture specific sets of meaning, including knowledge and truth which condition our perception of the world. Another notable aspect of this short story collection is its discussion on how resettlement and mind colonization work together towards the erasure of the colonized. It can be inferred that Zitkala-Ša is one of the earliest Native American authors and activists who sought to subvert the epistemological hierarchy imposed through mind colonization. The paper takes a dialectic approach in its analysis, relying on a number of differing theories and studies, including those by Homi Bhabha, Michel Foucault, and Abdul JanMohamed, which speak of power/knowledge relations in the (post-) colonial context and the reversal of these relations. The contrariety of the theories is not discussed due to space constraints and the thematic preoccupation of the paper. Therefore, the working of the theories toward the idea of mind colonization is paid more heed. 2. COLONIZING THE MIND: EDUCATION AND THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE IN AMERICAN INDIAN STORIES Boarding schools are considered to be only one among a plethora of the assimilation policies imposed upon the Native American population. The inception of boarding schools is traced to 1860s when the Bureau of Indian Affairs founded the first boarding school on the Yakima reservation. “Kill the Indian Save the Man”, coined by Richard Henry Pratt who established Carlisle Indian School, was the boarding schools’ raison d'être (“History and Culture”, n.d.). Pratt’s motto is evocative of the Manichean understanding of the world as a series of antagonistic structures, e.g. good-bad, light-dark. In the (post-) colonial context, the term was used by JanMohamed in Manichean Aesthetics: The Politics of Literature in Colonial Africa (1983) to denote the colonial relations in terms of conflicting categories between the colonizer (‘good’, ‘civilized’) and the colonized (‘bad’, ‘degenerate’): The colonial world is a Manichean world. It is not enough for the settler to delimit physically, that is to say with the help of the army and the police force, the place of the native. As if to show the totalitarian character of colonial exploitation the settler paints the native as a sort of quintessence of evil …. The native is declared insensible to ethics; he represents not only the absence of values, but also the negation of values. He is, let us dare admit, the enemy of values, and in this sense he is the absolute evil. (as cited in JanMohamed, 1983, p. 4) Such understanding of the world endorses the legitimacy of colonial claims for the usurpation of the land as well as the usurpation of the mind conducted through boarding schools. However, both types of usurpation are 25 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 tightly linked as argued by Teresa L. McCarty. Based on the US legal documents, McCarty concludes that there is a link between education and land balkanization. In 1887, Senator Henry Dawes formulated a policy known as The General Allotment Act, or Dawes Act. The policy presented an appeal for the partition “of reservation lands into 160 acre family parcels, with the surplus to be sold to the whites.” (McCarty, 2013, pp. 51-52). Concurrently, a law requiring education for all Native American children was passed. Parents who did not abide by this law were imprisoned. In other words, sequential physical and mental larceny would ensure a faster erasure of Native American cultures (McCarty, 2013, pp. 51-52). According to John McLeod, “[c]olonialism uses educational institutions to augment the perceived legitimacy and propriety of itself, as well as providing the means by which colonial power can be maintained” (2000, p.140). Perceived legitimacy of the colonizer originates from the perceived epistemological hierarchy. According to Foucault, epistemological hierarchy is engendered by power/knowledge relations, especially disciplinary power as the one practiced at boarding schools, whereby power shapes knowledge to hew the purposes of those who possess the power. Foucault further suggests that if knowledge signifies and/or produces the truth and if knowledge is conditioned by power, it follows that truth also is a protean notion conditioned by power: ‘Truth’ is to be understood as a system of ordered procedures for the production, regulation, distribution, circulation and operation of statements. ‘Truth’ is linked in a circular relation with systems of power which produce and sustain it, and to effects of power which it induces and which extend it. (Foucault, 1980, p.133) Manifest Destiny is a fitting example of the above-mentioned interpretation of truth as a concept strongly attached to “the forms of hegemony, social, economic and cultural, within which it operates at the present time” (Foucault, 1980, p.133). Apart from having been a justification for imperial and colonial expansion, Manifest Destiny was a firm belief that the English nation was chosen by God, on account of its supremacy in all aspects of life, to eradicate what they deemed to be savage customs in the indigenous population. In the words of Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, the colonizers attempted to change “the mental universe of the colonized” (1986, p.16) and to succumb the colonized to their version of truth. As mentioned previously, education, which implies the acquisition of the colonizer’s language in this context, is one of the methods of mind colonization. The recruitment of Native American children for boarding schools was mostly performed by Christian missionaries. In 1632, Gabriel Sagard, a missionary, informed that Native American languages are “defective in words for many things…like Trinity, Glory, paradise, Hell, Church etc.” (as cited in Irwin,2002, p. 106). Sagard’s words reflect the Eurocentric view of the world and Foucauldian notion of truth. Sagard as a member of the colonizer’s race was able to postulate his knowledge of the world 26 �Colonizing the Mind: A Dialectic Approach to Education and Language in Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories Adisa Ahmetspahić as a fact. Zitkala-Ša’s first contact with the missionaries confirms Sagard’s previously mentioned words. The missionaries seized the imagination of Native American children by telling them stories of “a more beautiful country than [Native American]” (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 39), and a country where grew red, red apples; and how we could reach out our hands and pick all the red apples we could eat. I had never seen apples. I had never tasted more than a dozen red apples in my life; and when I heard of the orchards of the East, I was eager to roam among them. (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, pp. 41-41) The excerpts point to a patronizing perspective that compares worldviews and favors one over the other as a fixed idea of truth which, as Foucault states, “induces pleasure, forms knowledge, produces discourse” (Foucault, 1980, p.119). The missionaries’ presentations of the country induced pleasure in the minds of Zitkala-Ša and other Native American children since they pleaded with their mothers to let them go with the missionaries. Simultaneously, the missionaries formed knowledge and presented definite truths that places where Native Americans resided were not beautiful, thus instilling epistemological hierarchy in their minds and ultimately the genesis of the inferiority complex as well as the prosperity of the superiority complex. JanMohamed argues that “[s]uch claims, designed to rationalize and perpetuate the colonizer’s dominant position, are not accurate appraisals of reality but rather projections of the settler’s own anxieties and negative self-images” (1983, p. 3). As presented further in the narrative, the children were subjected to strict educational and dietary regimes. Upon their arrival, they had their clothes taken away and soon after their hair cut. In the story titled “The Cutting of My Long Hair”, Zitkala-Ša recounts the moment when her braids, cultural markers, were cut off. Zitkala-Ša realized the gravity of the situation because “[their] mothers had taught [them] that only unskilled warriors who were captured had their hair shingled by the enemy. Among our people, short hair was worn by mourners, and shingled hair by cowards” (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 54). Without her braids, she would also be considered a coward defeated in a different type of battle. Along with the loss of hair, she felt the loss of her spirit which was invested in the Native American system of beliefs. The above-mentioned practices of haircutting and the imposition of the colonizer’s attire would prove viable in the process of mind colonization. As an adult Zitkala-Ša reflects back on Native American education in the light of the attitude that such cruel treatment is a method of ‘civilizing’: In this fashion many have passed idly through the Indian schools during the last decade, afterward to boast of their charity to the North American Indian. But few there are who have paused to question whether real life or long-lasting death lies beneath this semblance of civilization. (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 99) 27 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 Zitkala-Ša’s words speaking about death, a long-lasting one, hint at genocide though a cultural one. George E. Tinker maintains that cultural genocide involves the destruction of those cultural structures of existence that give people a sense of holistic and communal integrity. [...]Finally, it erodes a people’s self-image as a whole people by attacking or belittling every aspect of native culture. (1993, p. 6) In addition to clothingii, which, in Tinker’s terms, constitutes cultural practices, language is another structure that provides people with identity and a structure frequently used in cultural genocide. For wa Thiong’o, language is the most straightforward method of mind colonization since language carries cultures and histories which in turn carry “the entire body of values by which we come to perceive ourselves and our place in the world” (1986, p. 16). On a similar note, Foucault perceives knowledge and language as inextricable concepts of the mind: “It is in one and the same movement that the mind speaks and knows. [...] Hence the possibility of writing a history of freedom and slavery based upon languages” (Foucault, 2005, pp. 95-97). When translated into the world of colonialism, Foucault’s argument would indicate that if the colonizer’s language is imposed then the colonizer’s truth is imposed through it. Rules against speaking Native American languages at boarding schools were strict and punishments were severe. One of the Comissioners of Indian Affairs, Hiram Price, explains the “No Indian Talk” rule: “The Indian child … must be compelled to adopt the English language.” (as cited in McCarty, 2013, pp. 52-53). John D.C. Attkins, another Commisioner, expounds the same: “There is not an Indian pupil … who is permitted to study any other language than our own” (as cited in McCarty, 2013, pp. 52-53). The above-referenced insistence upon the acquistion of the English language by the indigenous population has several interpretations. Tove Skutnabb-Kangas and Robert Dunbar’s study Indigenous Children’s Education as Linguistic Genocide and a Crime Against Humanity? A Global View (2010) highlights linguicism, “linguistically argued racism”, as one of the leading arguments for English language learning and a more subtle method of subduing minority groups (p. 41). According to Skutnabb-Kangas and Dunbar, linguicism leads to linguicide, the genocidal campaign against indigenous languages (2010, p. 40), which concurs well with cultural genocide mentioned above. However, there is a political dimension to it which argues for the augmentation of dominance. Bill Ashcroft et al’s definition of language in the process of colonization is rooted in the main tenets of power/knowledge relations introduced by Foucault as outlined earlier in the paper. Ashcroft et al argue that language is “the medium through which a hierarchical structure of power is perpetuated, and the medium through which conceptions of ‘truth’, ‘order’, and ‘reality’ become established” (2002, p. 7). 28 �Colonizing the Mind: A Dialectic Approach to Education and Language in Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories Adisa Ahmetspahić Zitkala-Ša reverts the idea of power by excelling in the colonizer’s language. Zitkala-Ša’s objective can be traced to her schooldays. It is mentioned in the story collection that a series of language misunderstandings occurred at school. The confusions resulted in severe beatings of the children and ignited young Zitkala-Ša contempt of such an education: “Within a year I was able to express myself somewhat in broken English. As soon as I comprehended a part of what was said and done, a mischievous spirit of revenge possessed me” (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 59).Soon after, she began attending oratory competitions as the college representative. In one of the competitions, Zitkala-Ša faced blatant racism when some college rowdies threw out a large white flag, with a drawing of a most forlorn Indian girl on it. Under this they had printed in bold black letters words that ridiculed the college that was represented by “squaw”. (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 79) The rest of story has it that she won the competition and that“[t]he he evil spirit laughed within [her] when the white flag dropped out of sight, and the hands which hurled it hung limp in defeat” (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, 80). Despite her momentary feelings of triumph, Zitkala-Ša is aware of how the education at boarding schools altered her identity, as presented in “The Four Strage Summers” story: During this time I seemed to hang in the hearts of chaos, beyond the touch or voice of human aid. My brother, being almost ten years my senior, did not quite understand my feelings. My mother had never gone inside of a school house and so she was not capable of comforting her daughter who could read and write. Even nature seemed to have no place for me. I was neither a wee girl nor a tall one; neither a wild Indian nor a tame one. This deplorable situation was the effect of my brief course in the East, and the unsatisfactory “teenth” in a girl’s years. (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 69) Zitkala-Ša’s feelings of (un)belonging or the state of in-betweeness are ascribed to her partial immersion into both cultures precipitated by her education as a Native American at the boarding school. JanMohamed problematizes the position of the colonized after colonial education as a double bind position that is unable to espouse any of the two polarities: if he chooses conservatively and remains loyal to his indigenous culture, then he opts to stay in a calcified society whose developmental momentum has been checked by colonization. If, however, the colonized person chooses assimilation, then he is trapped in a form of historical catalepsy because colonial education severs him from his own past. (1983, p. 5) 29 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 Zitkala-Ša’s Native American community, represented by her mother, shunned the education of the colonizer for its goals and methods, which she speaks of in the story “Incurring My Mother’s Displeasure:” “Her few words hinted that I had better give up my slow attempt to learn the white man’s ways” (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 76). It is revealed throughout the stories that Zitkala-Ša’s mother held a grudge against her decision to go to college for a long period of time since her mother perceived the act as something that would deepen the chasm of acculturation. As outlined in the above-quoted section, Zitkala-Ša felt she did not belong fully to her Native American community any longer. Similarly, the white community did not see her as an equal, even after she had attained their education and started working as a teacher at Carlisle, evident when her employer told her the following: ““I am going to turn you loose to pasture!” He was sending me West to gather Indian pupils for the school, and this was his way of expressing it” (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 85). He is assuming a condescending attitude and categorizing her as if she were a chained animal that would be given freedom by those who possess the power over it. Bhabha defines the double bind position mentioned previously as Third Space. For Bhabha, the friction between antagonistic/manicheancultures, which have opposing truths, assists the emanation of new identities. According to Bhabha, although dangerous, this position need not necessarily be unfavorable since the “interstitial passage between fixed identifications opens up the possibility of a cultural hybridity that entertains difference without an assumed or imposed hierarchy” (Bhabha, 1994, p. 4). Hence, Bhabha’s theory might be beneficial in analyzing Zitkala-Ša’s ability to appropriate education and language as a power reversal strategy that would benefit her in spreading the Native American cause in the language of the colonizer. It seems as if Zitkala-Ša followed Ema LaRocque’s formulation: “I have sought to master this language so that it would no longer master me” (as cited in McLeod, 2000, p. 125). Ashcroft et al argue that writing in English would prove high-yielding for many Native Americans since the language enabled them “to intervene more readily in the dominant discourse, to interpolate their own cultural realities, or use that dominant language to describe those realities to a wide audience of readers” (2007, p. 16). The significance of Zitkala-Ša’s boarding schools experience and mastery of the English language could be paralleled to Diane Glancy’s (Cherokee) chronicle of events at Fort Marion prison titled Fort Marion Prisoners and The Trauma of Native Education (2014). According to Glancy’s study, about seventytwo Plains Indian warriors were captured and imprisoned after the Red River War (1874-1875). A rigorous regime was installed in the prison. The prisoners were stripped off their clothes and their hair was cut. They were also taught English and given ledger books to produce paintings and drawings for profit. Glancy provides a number of these drawings which, surprisingly, portray Native American battles, implying that a new, although unintentional, mode of Native American cultural continuity was created in spite of the epistemological hierarchy that was foisted upon the indigenous population. 30 �Colonizing the Mind: A Dialectic Approach to Education and Language in Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories Adisa Ahmetspahić 3. CONCLUSION The aim of this paper was to investigate the link between education and language and mind colonization on the example of Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories. The analysis was supported by a number of theories and studies and as such provided an overview of different aspects closely related to education and language in the process of colonization. Although the theories used in the paper are somewhat differing and from different domains, they meet at the point of the same inference: education and language are less aggressive methods of colonization, in a physical sense, yet most dangerous. For example, Foucault’s theories on power/knowledge relations help understand the mindset of the colonizer and ultimately its propensity in transferring that particular mindset onto those who are in a less favorable position. On the other hand, theories of Homi Bhabha reveal the position of the colonized, namely Zitkala-Ša, after they have been immersed into the education and language of the colonizer as well as her ability to speak up. It is plausible that a number of limitations could have influenced the analysis of the paper given that relatively little publications have dealt with the importance of Zitkala-Ša and no publications, to the best of my knowledge, have discussed education and language in this story collection. However, this analysis might be valuable in understanding the methods and outcomes of mind colonization, eventually creating a link between the past, the present, and the future. In addition, Native American literary tradition is rich in narratives that speak of mind (de)colonization and the reinvention of Native American identity in the contemporary world of the United States where they are enrolled as legal citizens yet marginalized. Hence, Zitkala-Ša’s subversion of colonial modes of dominance can be considered a forerunner to such matters. Overall, this study has gone some way towards enhancing our understanding of the benefits and hindrances of education and language for the indigenous population in the US. Further work needs to be performed to establish the use of religion in mind colonization as well as gender aspects in the same process based on American Indian Stories. 31 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 REFERENCES Ashcroft, B., Griffiths, G., & Tiffin, H. (2007). Post-colonial studies: The key concepts, (2nd ed.). Routledge. Ashcroft, B., Griffiths, G., & Tiffin, H. (2002). The empire writes back: Theory and practice in post-colonial literatures (2nd ed.). Taylor & Francis e-Library. Bhabha, H. (1994). The location of culture. Routledge. Coulombe, J. (2001). Reading Native American literature. Routledge. Fisher, D. (1979). Foreword. In American Indian stories (pp. v-xx). University of Nebraska Press. Foucault, M. (1980). Power/Knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings 19721977 (C. Gordon, Ed.). Pantheon Books. Foucault, M. (2005). The order of things: An archaeology of the human sciences. Taylor & Francis e-Library. History and culture: Boarding schools. (n.d.). Retrieved October 31, 2020, from http://www.nativepartnership.org/site/PageServer?pagename=airc_hist_boar dingschools Irwin L. (2002). Native American spirituality: History. In Deloria, P., & Salisbury, N. (Eds.), A companion to American Indian history (pp. 103–120). Blackwell. JanMohamed, A. (1983). Manichean aesthetics: The politics of literature in colonial Africa. University of Massachusetts Press. Lewandowski, T. (2016). Red bird, red power: The life and legacy of Zitkala-Ša. University of Oklahoma Press. McCarty, T. (2013). Language planning and policy in Native America: History, theory, praxis. Multilingual Matters. McLeod, J. (2000). Beginning Postcolonialism. Manchester University Press. Skutnabb-Kangas, T., & Dunbar, R. (2010). Indigenous children’s education as linguistic genocide and a crime against humanity? A global view (Vol. 1). GálduČála – Journal of Indigenous Peoples Rights. https://www.afn.ca/uploads/files/education2/indigenouschildrenseducation .pdf. Stout, Mary A. (2012). Zitkala Ša. In Wiget, P. (Ed.), Native American literature (pp. 303-307). Routledge. Tinker, G. (1993). Missionary conquest: The gospel and Native American cultural genocide. Augsburg Fortress. wa Thiong’o, N. (1986). Decolonising the mind: The politics of language in African literature. James Currey Ltd. Zitkala-Ša. (1979). American Indian stories. University of Nebraska Press. For more information see Bob Blaisdell's Great Speeches by Native Americans (2012). should be noted here that it is not my intention to contribute to the stereotyped portrayal of Native Americans. i iiIt 32 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Colonizing the Mind: A Dialectic Approach to Education and Language in Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories Author Author Adisa Ahmetspahić Abstract A summary of the resource. Mind colonization has been a burning issue in the last few decades in the fields of science and humanities. It is argued that mind colonization of the indigenous populations has been conducted via education and language in the mission of ‘civilizing’ since education and language carry culture specific sets of meaning, including knowledge and truth which condition our perception of the world. Zitkala-Ša is one of the earliest Native American authors and activists who sought to subvert the epistemological hierarchy imposed through mind colonization. Zitkala-Ša’s autobiographical collection of short stories titled American Indian Stories (1921) documents her boarding school experience and the acquisition of the colonizer’s education and language. The present paper seeks to address mind colonization through language and education on the example of Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories relying on a number of theories and approaches. The paper also reflects on the importance of Zitkala-Ša mastery of the colonizer’s language. Keywords Keywords. Native American, mind colonization, education, language, boarding schools Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 2566-4638 DOI Digital object identifier 10.14706/JEH2021322 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/7ddead26038654065181856ab84ba4fe.pdf be010fee6487bae9252386b7eb311249 PDF Text Text Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3 (2), pp. 48-63, Winter 2020 Original research paper ISSN 2566-4638 © International Burch University Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich, M.A FH Burgenland, Austria 1819001202@fh-burgenland.at Abstract: The nascent field of news literacy is often described as a subset of media literacy. A review of international scholarship with regard to news literacy conceptualizations confirms that there are diverse and competing notions of its definition and purpose: while the civic component of news literacy clearly distinguishes it from media literacy and other new literacies, there is a noticeable divide between journalism-driven and media literacy-derived approaches. Qualitative data analysis was used to identify patterns in a subset of approximately 120 examples of current English-language international scholarship. By proposing three preliminary taxonomic classifications of news literacy – protectionist versus empowerment; skills versus knowledge; and levels of abstraction – this conceptual paper provides orientation in the field. Keywords: Literacy, media literacy, news literacy, taxonomy. Article History Submitted: 10 December 2020 Accepted: 10 January 2021 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich 1. INTRODUCTION Defining “news literacy” is a challenge when the definitions of both news and literacy are in flux. Where “news” was once a valuable commodity gathered by professional journalists and distributed regularly to mass audiences, it is now ubiquitous, available 24-7, often free, and increasingly customized (Ashley, 2020). Today’s news consumers must be able to navigate an increasingly complicated news ecosystem in order to find news they can trust. Similarly, the meaning of “literacy” has also evolved. Since the 1970s, the scope of literacy began to expand in education from the ability to read and write to become a meaning-making activity that requires different skills for different types of media messages: “Literacy today [...] is inevitably and necessarily multimedia literacy; and to this extent, traditional forms of literacy teaching are no longer adequate” (Buckingham, 2003, p. 35). Multiple new literacies have emerged in lockstep with the development of digital technologies (Stordy, 2015), including not only media and news literacy, but also computer, data, digital, economic, health, historical, information, MIL (media and information literacy), new, scientific, and visual literacy. The term news literacy first emerged among journalism educators around 2006 (Fleming, 2017). News literacy has been characterized as a subset and “crucial emerging field” of scholarship and education within the larger field of media literacy (Mihailidis, 2012, xii-2). As a subfield of media literacy (Ashley, Maksl, & Craft, 2013; Kendrick & Fullerton, 2019; Mihailidis, 2012; Palsa & Ruokamo, 2015; Tully, Vraga, & Smithson, 2018) it has inherited to an extent the same fruitless debate on definitions, scope, and aims that has plagued media literacy since the early 1990s (Maksl, Craft, Ashley, & Miller, 2017). There is to date no universally accepted formulation of news literacy. Its various permutations include news literacy, news media literacy, critical news media literacy, and critical news literacy. A recent paper co-published by a constellation of news literacy scholars went so far as to claim that the “[current] state of the field is chaotic ” (Vraga, Tully, Maksl, Craft, & Ashley, 2020, p. 13). Yet even though “chaos” may be overstating the status quo, navigating today’s news information environment has indeed become an increasingly complex task. The key goals of media literacy education, such as enhancing critical thinking skills (Silverblatt, 2004, 2014); analysis and evaluation (Aufderheide, 1993; Hobbs, 2010); conscious processing of media messages (Potter, 2004); and promoting civic agency (Mihailidis, 2019) may be applied specifically to news content and news products. Whether such application allows news literacy to emerge as a full-fledged, independent discipline may be beside the point. Allowing for a degree of “semantic interoperability” with respect to news literacy definitions would better reflect the diversity of news and news consumers, as Malik et al. argue (2013, p. 9). The more important goal must surely be to produce savvy and empowered readers and disseminators of various kinds of media messages, including news. 49 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 The purpose of this paper is to address the question of whether meaningful classifications of news literacy definitions can be established at all. Doing so may help clarify the current state of this cross-disciplinary field, but also provide a framework for future scholarly work in this domain. 2. METHODOLOGY This paper draws on a systematic literature review of news literacy which was carried out in 2019. The literature review describes the current state of research and identifies both scholarly and non-academic organizations and institutions active in the field. While its theoretical focus lies on English-language scholarship originating primarily in the US and UK, the review encompasses Englishlanguage scientific papers published by international scholars. Due to the nature of the topic itself – news literacy –material published by non-academics such as journalists, media commentators, educational outreach organizations and programs has also been included in the literature review. Searches were carried out on ERIC, SSCI, Google Scholar, ProQuest and commercial search engines as well as on the theses and dissertation databases OATD, BASE, and NDLTD. The literature review has been continually augmented with works published since 2019, with particular effort devoted to identifying new papers by scholars or practitioners already included in the original literature review. Using the full literature review as a base, an electronic search was carried out during the months of August and September 2020 to identify whether, and how often, the terms news literacy, news media literacy, critical news media literacy and/or critical news literacy were used in the body of papers or published materials. This step yielded approximately 120 peer-reviewed papers that used one of the terms at least once. Several monographs and encyclopedia entries published by scholars in the field were also identified. Occurrences of the terms that were limited to citations or bibliographies were excluded for the purpose of this study. Backward and forward searches of citations were carried out selectively to ensure the completeness of the set. In a next step, qualitative data analysis software tools were used to extract a collection of relevant terms and concepts. These key operative words, including “skills,” “knowledge,” “civic,” “democracy,” “act,” and “produce” (see also Table 1.) were counted, analyzed, and used to identify possible relationships. 3. RESULTS Of the approximately 120 works identified that use the term news literacy (or variants thereof) in the body of the work, only 37 offer any type of specific definition of the term itself. The rest – around 80 – use the term, but do not define or otherwise elaborate on it. Instead, these papers often situate news literacy 50 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich within the existing media literacy landscape; it is characterized as one “strand” in the “big tent” of media literacy education which embraces critical media literacy as well as digital, information and visual literacies (RobbGrieco & Hobbs, 2013, p. 22). It is often described as a subset or outgrowth of media literacy which applies the general media literacy principles of act, access, analyze, and create to news-based texts (Ashley et al., 2013; Jones-Jang, Mortensen, & Liu, 2019; Kamerer, 2013; Kartal, Yazgan, & Kincal, 2017; Kendrick & Fullerton, 2019; Mihailidis, 2012; Notley & Dezuanni, 2019; Sivek, 2018). Toepfl (2014) characterizes critical news literacy as part of the media literacy tradition, yet emphasizes that its facets vary according to whether it is applied in countries with democratic or non-democratic regimes. Others situate news literacy within other related literacies such as digital media literacy (Dezuanni, Notley, & Corser, 2020) or information and digital literacies (CIVIX, 2020). Kendrick & Fullerton (2019) point to the intersection of news literacy with civic literacy. Finally, news literacy is occasionally offered as just one of many in a long list of literacies (Palsa & Ruokamo, 2015; Stordy, 2015). Of the 37 works that define news literacy, 21 propose original or own definitions. The remainder cite previously published definitions forwarded by other scholars or organizations. Twelve of the 21 original definitions are offered by one or more scholars in the loose collective of Ashley, Craft, Maksl, Tully and Vraga. Four definitions originate with or are directly associated with the Center for News Literacy at Stony Brook University (Center for News Literacy, 2019), and an additional five definitions are proposed by journalists, practitioners, or educational organizations. Malik et al. underscore that what sets news literacy apart from other literacies is its “connection to civic engagement” (2013, p. 7). The US-based News Literacy Project cites the promotion of “engaged participation in civic life” as the ultimate aim of news literacy (2020, p. 5). The 21 original definitions and/or statements of purpose located in this study tend to confirm this clear differentiating characteristic: eighteen refer expressly to the civic and/or democratic aspects. Table 1. Occurrences of operative words in news literacy definitions and statements of purpose Term Total number of mentions Ability, abilities 13 Act, active, action 9 Analyze, analysis 6 Assess 4 Attitude(s) 3 Civic 7 51 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 Citizen, citizenry, citizenship Create, creation Credible, credibility Critical, critically Democracy, democratic Empower, empowered Engage, engaged, engagement Evaluate Fact, fact-based Information Informed Knowledge, knowledgeable Meaningful Mindful Navigate News consumer(s) News consumption News production Productive Skill, skills, skillset Understand, understanding Verify, verification 13 5 4 20 11 8 16 6 3 18 7 13 1 2 1 3 9 15 1 16 16 2 Note: Key operative words counted in the group of 21 works proposing original or own news literacy definitions and/or statements of purpose. Due to the small number of units of analysis, permutations of the same word are grouped together. Only the first mention of the term is included in the count. 4. DISCUSSION News literacy is still a young discipline with a relatively small yet rapidly growing body of scholarly research. As its definition and purpose evolve, there will likely be more material with which to create truly meaningful taxonomies. Before delineating three possible modes of classification, it is useful to track the evolution of definitions offered by one or more of the scholars who have coauthored multiple papers in the discipline since 2010: those belonging to the aforementioned loose constellation of Ashley, Maksl, Craft, Tully and Vraga. In 2010, Ashley, Poepsel and Willis employ the term media literacy in their exploration of the ways in which knowledge of media ownership influences opinions on print news credibility (2010). In “Developing a News Media Literacy Scale” (2013), Ashley, Maksl and Craft describe news media literacy as a “subset of 52 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich the broader field of media literacy” without providing an explicit definition of the term. Two years later, Maksl, Ashley and Craft again use news media literacy (2015), describing it as an “emerging subfield” of media literacy. Ashley later writes (2020, p. 50) that the authors deliberately used news media literacy in the 2015 study to underline their allegiance to the discipline’s roots in media literacy, as opposed to journalism. The same authors employed news media literacy again in “News Media Literacy and Political Engagement: What’s The connection?” (Ashley, Maksl, & Craft, 2017). Yet in another paper published in the same year, news literacy was the main term used in their evaluation of the Stony Brook University curriculum (Maksl et al., 2017). They describe the overlap and competition among different literacies, and describe news literacy in spatial terms: “If a definition of news literacy is the destination, then the journey to reach it passes through several other literacy neighborhoods” (2017, p. 229). Ashley offers an autonomous definition for news literacy in the International Encyclopedia of Journalism (2019b): “Starting from the premise that an informed citizenry is central to democratic self‐governance, news literacy is comprised of the knowledge, skills, and dispositions that news audiences need to successfully engage with news media. [. . . ].” The most recent collective effort of the scholars Vraga, Tully, Maksl, Craft and Ashley employs the term news literacy, which they define as “Knowledge of the personal and social processes by which news is produced, distributed, and consumed, and skills that allow users some control over these processes” (2020, p. 15). In his 2020 monograph News Literacy and Democracy, Ashley claims that news literacy “has emerged as a domain of its own” and while distinct from media literacy, still belongs to its overarching realm (2020, p. 17). In addition to identifying how the term has developed thus far, patterns may also be discerned in the 37 instances located for this study. These may be elaborated in three preliminary modes of classification. The first is based on the general protectionist and empowerment paradigms in the media literacy education tradition (RobbGrieco & Hobbs, 2013, p. 2). A second draws on the skills and knowledge-based framework developed by Potter (2004). A third presents news literacy as one level of abstraction in a framework proposed by Palsa & Ruokamo (2015). Each of the four permutations of the term (news literacy, news media literacy, critical news media literacy, and critical news literacy) have been merged in the creation of these classifications. 5. NEWS LITERACY PARADIGMS The varying approaches to defining news literacy may be generally categorized as fundamentally protectionist, or empowering (Mihailidis, 2012; RobbGrieco & Hobbs, 2013). The protectionist paradigm presupposes a more “correct” way to consume news and aims to cultivate appreciation of it (Fleming, 2014). It encourages news consumers to think like journalists, and to employ the traditional tools and techniques of the journalism trade (e.g. verification, 53 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 consulting multiple sources, using an accuracy checklist etc.). In contrast, the empowerment paradigm stems from the critical/cultural tradition in which the individual not only interprets and deconstructs (news) media messages, but can also actively contribute to message creation and dissemination. In news literacy, the protectionist approach drills down on concrete news products and messages, while the empowerment approach encourages contemplation of the wider socioeconomic, cultural and institutional contexts. The protectionist paradigm is most closely associated with proponents based in the United States, while the empowerment paradigm is more global in scope (Fleming, 2017). Origins General stance vis-à-vis media Orientation Desired actions Geographic sphere Proponents Table 2. News Literacy Paradigms Protectionist Paradigm Empowerment Paradigm Journalism, journalists, J-school Critical/cultural approach (“think like a journalist”) approach (based on media literacy in US, media education in UK) Aims to mitigate potentially harmful Encourages individual media effects by cultivating construction and appreciation for certain media forms negotiation of meaning and messages in all media forms Content-oriented: examines and Context-oriented: evaluates specific news texts or news considers the larger products socioeconomic, cultural, institutional contexts Skill cultivation: journalistic tools of Ability to access, fact-checking, verification, accuracy analyze, create, reflect, checklists, sourcing practices act in all media “American” Global Center for News Literacy at Stony Brook University; News Literacy Project (US); Poynter Institute; Radio Television Digital News Association (US); Howard Schneider (founder of Stony Brook program) Seth Ashley; Renee Hobbs; Malik, Cortesi & Gasser (2013); Paul Mihailidis; Stephen D. Reese 6. SKILLS VERSUS KNOWLEDGE-BASED APPROACH The skills versus knowledge-based taxonomy follows Potter’s (2004) classification of media literacy definitions. After counting explicit mentions of an operative set of terms across all 37 definitions, four main areas of focus were delineated: 1) “skills” (the related terms “abilities,” “competencies” were also counted in this category); 2) “knowledge” (including “understanding,” 54 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich “comprehension”); 3) the combination of both “skills” and “knowledge.” This study adds a fourth and crucial aspect, the “civic” component. Table 3 classifies the original definitions according to the four areas. The modest number of definitions (units of analysis) hinders the creation of substantive classifications, yet a heightened emphasis on “skills” can be discerned among the journalism-centric authors and organizations based in the US (e.g. Center for News Literacy and its founder Schneider, the News Literacy Project, Radio Television Digital News Association). Variations of “civic” (“citizen,” “citizenship,” etc.) were included in eight definitions, thus underscoring its centrality to the discipline. This aligns with Mihailidis, who locates news literacy at the intersection of journalism, technology, and citizenship (2012); and Malik et al., who stress that it is the “connection to civic engagement” that sets news literacy apart from the other literacies (2013, p. 7). Appendix 1 offers verbatim excerpts of wording within each definitional focus area. Table 3. News Literacy Definitional Focus Definitional focus Author(s)/Year (listed in alphabetical order by author) Focus on skills Ashley et al. 2017 Center for News Literacy at Stony Brook University (US) Kajimoto & Fleming 2019 News Literacy Project (US) Radio Television Digital News Association (US) Schneider, Howard (Stony Brook University) Focus on knowledge Maksl et al. 2015 Reese 2012 RobbGrieco & Hobbs 2013 Focus on both skills Ashley 2019 and knowledge Ashley 2019a Ashley 2020 Malik et al. 2013 Tully et al. 2018 Vraga et al. 2020 Mention of civic Ashley 2019 component Ashley 2019a Ashley 2020 Kajimoto & Fleming 2019 Malik et al. 2013 Mihailidis 2012 News Literacy Project (US) RobbGrieco & Hobbs 2013 55 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 7. LEVEL OF ABSTRACTION FRAMEWORK One thread identified in this study is a reluctance among scholars to insist on the universality of any one news literacy definition. In their preference for semantic flexibility, Malik et al. emphasize the importance of understanding the building blocks of news literacy: what people need news for, how and why they seek out news, and identifying how to help news consumers hone their skills in evaluating and disseminating news (2013, pp. 8–9). Mihailidis has alluded to the lack of clear definitional boundaries between news and media literacy. Yet rather than limiting the concept from the outset, he suggests a more flexible approach that enables “definitional rigor and fluency” to arise naturally in the course of scholarship and pedagogy (2012, p. 3). Palsa & Ruokamo (2015) eschew altogether any attempt to establish a global definition of media literacy, proposing instead to recognize the legitimacy of multiliteracies and arrange these on the basis of high, medium, and low levels of abstraction. This more holistic view of literacies may indeed be of use when considering news literacy. Adapting the Palsa & Ruokamo framework to this end, media literacy – in this instance, the overall desired outcome of education – is thus the highest level of abstraction. News literacy is situated in the middle, and is employed as a targeted application of media literacy concepts to newsbased texts. At the lowest level of abstraction are literacies that feed into both news and media literacy, such as headline literacy (Johnson, Paal, Waggoner, & Bleier, 2020), which involves the ways in which news consumers identify and evaluate the reliability of news headlines, particularly in social media-rich information environments. Table 4. Framework of abstraction for literacies (based on Palsa & Ruokamo, 2015) High level of abstraction Media literacy as desired outcome of educational efforts Medium level of abstraction News literacy as targeted application of media literacy concepts Low level of abstraction Headline literacy as highly specific and contextualized application of news literacy concepts 8. CONCLUSION This study underscores the current lack of any single, universally accepted definition of news literacy in the English-language literature. Most scholarly works included in this study apply the foundational definition of media literacy to news-based texts instead of providing a new or original definition of news literacy. Moreover, as a stand-alone discipline, news literacy competes not only with media literacy, but with a range of other new or newish literacies, in particular digital and information literacy. Yet news literacy is consistently 56 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich distinguished from other literacies by way of its civic component. This study suggests that among the relatively small group of scholars and practitioners that employs the term, classification of conceptualizations may follow the protectionist versus empowerment paradigm; a skills versus knowledge-based approach; or within a framework of levels of abstraction. This classification could serve as an initial taxonomic foundation which may be built upon as the discipline develops. A clear limitation of this study is the small number of extant original definitions of news literacy. However, as the field matures and the corpus of scholarly research expands, future researchers will have more material to draw on in order to create more substantive classifications. The overall scope of evaluation could be enlarged to include news literacy scholarship originating in non-Anglo countries and explore the dimensions of the term in other languages. The present rapid pace of publication in the field will likely continue as researchers explore how news literacy is helping – or not helping – news consumers navigate the complexities of news ecospheres, and whether news literacy functions as a corrective to the scourge of “fake news” and misinformation. 57 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 REFERENCES Ashley, S. (2019a). News Literacies. In R. Hobbs & P. Mihailidis (Eds.), The Wiley Blackwell-ICA international encyclopedias of communication. The international encyclopedia of media literacy (Vol. 2, pp. 1–11). Hoboken NJ: Wiley-Blackwell. https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118978238.ieml0173 Ashley, S. (2019b). News literacy. In T. P. Vos & F. 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(2017, August). News Literacy and a Civics Model for Journalism Education. Retrieved from https://commons.library.stonybrook.edu/cnlglobalconference/cnl2017/one/2 / 58 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich Hobbs, R. (2010). Digital and Media Literacy: A Plan of Action. Washington, D.C. Retrieved from Aspen Institute; John S. and James L. Knight Foundation website: https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED523244.pdf Johnson, N. R., Paal, K., Waggoner, E., & Bleier, K. (2020). Scales for Assessing News Literacy Education in the Digital Era. Journalism & Mass Communication Educator, 107769582093098. https://doi.org/10.1177/1077695820930980 Jones-Jang, S. M., Mortensen, T., & Liu, J. (2019). Does Media Literacy Help Identification of Fake News? Information Literacy Helps, but Other Literacies Don’t. American Behavioral Scientist. (0002764219869406.), 1-18. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764219869406 Kajimoto, M., & Fleming, J. (2019). News Literacy. In J. Nussbaum (Ed.), Oxford research encyclopedias: Communication. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.013.848 Kamerer, D. (2013). Media Literacy. Communication Research Trends, 32(1), 1–25. Retrieved from https://ecommons.luc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=https://scholar.googl e.at/&httpsredir=1&article=1015&context=communication_facpubs Kartal, O. Y., Yazgan, A. D., & Kincal, R. Y. (2017). Does Skepticism Predict News Media Literacy: A Study on Turkish Young Adults. International Education Studies, 10(12), 70–79. https://doi.org/10.5539/ies.v10n12p70 Kendrick, A., & Fullerton, J. A. (2019). Dimensions of News Media Literacy Among U.S. Advertising Students. Journal of Advertising Education, 23(1), 7–21. https://doi.org/10.1177/1098048219841280 Maksl, A., Ashley, S., & Craft, S. (2015). Measuring News Media Literacy. Journal of Media Literacy Education, 6(3), 29–45. Retrieved from https://digitalcommons.uri.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1174&context=jm le Maksl, A., Craft, S., Ashley, S., & Miller, D. (2017). The Usefulness of a News Media Literacy Measure in Evaluating a News Literacy Curriculum. Journalism & Mass Communication Educator, 72(2), 228–241. https://doi.org/10.1177/1077695816651970 Malik, M., Cortesi, S., & Gasser, U. (2013). The Challenges of Defining 'News Literacy'. SSRN Electronic Journal. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2342313 Mihailidis, P. (Ed.) (2012). Mass communication and journalism: Vol. 7. News literacy: Global perspectives for the newsroom and the classroom. New York: Peter Lang. Mihailidis, P. (2019). Civic media literacies: Re-imagining human connection in an age of digital abundance. New York, London: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. News Literacy Project (2020, October 19). Educator Booklet 2020. Retrieved from https://www.paperturn-view.com/us/news-literacy-project/educatorbooklet-2020-091820-paperturn?pid=MTE114066 Notley, T., & Dezuanni, M. (2019). Advancing children’s news media literacy: learning from the practices and experiences of young Australians. Media, Culture & Society. (41), 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1177/0163443718813470 59 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 Palsa, L., & Ruokamo, H. (2015). Behind the concepts of multiliteracies and media literacy in the renewed Finnish core curriculum: A systematic literature review of peer-reviewed research. Seminar.Net International Journal of Media, Technology & Lifelong Learning, 11(2). Retrieved from https://journals.hioa.no/index.php/seminar/article/view/2354 Potter, W. J. (2004). Theory of media literacy: A cognitive approach. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: SAGE Publications. Reese, S. D. (2012). Global News Literacy: Challenges for the Educator. In P. Mihailidis (Ed.), Mass communication and journalism: Vol. 7. News literacy: Global perspectives for the newsroom and the classroom (pp. 63–80). New York: Peter Lang. RobbGrieco, M., & Hobbs, R. (2013). A field guide to media literacy education in the United States. Kingston, Rhode Island. Retrieved from Media Education Lab Harrington School of Communication and Media University of Rhode Island website: https://mediaeducationlab.com/sites/mediaeducationlab.com/files/Field%20 Guide%20to%20Media%20Literacy%20.pdf RTDNA - Radio Television Digital News Association (2020, October 13). RTDNA - Radio Television Digital News Association. Retrieved from https://www.rtdna.org/ SBU Journalism (2018). Welcome to JRN101: News Literacy. Silverblatt, A. (2004). Media as Social Institution. American Behavioral Scientist, 48(1), 35–41. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764204267249 Silverblatt, A. (2014). Media literacy: Keys to interpreting media messages (Fourth edition). Santa Barbara California: Praeger An Imprint of ABC-CLIO LLC. Sivek, S. C. (2018). Both Facts and Feelings: Emotion and News Literacy. Journal of Media Literacy Education, 10(2), 123–138. Retrieved from https://digitalcommons.uri.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1355&context=jm le Stordy, P. (2015). Taxonomy of literacies. Journal of Documentation, 71(3), 456–476. https://doi.org/10.1108/JD-10-2013-0128 Toepfl, F. (2014). Four facets of critical news literacy in a non-democratic regime: How young Russians navigate their news. European Journal of Communication, 29(1), 68–82. https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323113511183 Tully, M., Vraga, E. K., & Smithson, A.‑B. (2018). News media literacy, perceptions of bias, and interpretation of news. Journalism, 39(2), 1-18. https://doi.org/10.1177/1464884918805262 Vraga, E. K., Tully, M., Maksl, A., Craft, S., & Ashley, S. (2020). Theorizing News Literacy Behaviors. Communication Theory. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.1093/ct/qtaa005 60 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich APPENDIX 1. News Literacy Definitional Focus as described in Table 3. In alphabetical/chronological order for each category. SKILL-BASED DEFINITIONS Ashley et al. "News media literacy takes the broad goals of media literacy—the ability to access, analyze, evaluate, and create media [...] —and applies them to news content specifically with a focus on the contexts of news production." (2017, p. 81) Center for News Literacy at Stony Brook University “News Literacy is the ability to use critical thinking skills to judge the reliability and credibility of news reports, whether they come via print, television, radio, the internet or social media.” (2019) Kajimoto & Fleming “News literacy is an emerging field within the disciplines of media literacy, journalism education, information technology, and other related areas, although there is no unified definition or consensus among researchers as to what exactly the news literacy curriculum should entail. Its core mission is broadly recognized as ‘citizen empowerment’ in that the critical-thinking skills necessary to the evaluation of news reports and the ability to identify fact-based, quality information encourage active participation and engagement among wellinformed citizens.” (2019) News Literacy Project (US) “News literacy is the ability to determine the credibility of news and other content, to identify different types of information and to use the standards of authoritative, fact-based journalism to discern credible sources and content from misinformation and unreliable sources. Being more news-literate also means recognizing the critical role of the First Amendment and a free press in a democracy and interacting with news and other information in ways that promote engaged participation in civic life.” (2020, p. 5) Radio Television Digital News Association (US) “News literacy is the acquisition of 21st-century, critical-thinking skills for analyzing and judging the reliability of news and information, differentiating among facts, opinions and assertions in the media we consume, create and distribute.” (2020) Schneider, Howard (Center for News Literacy at Stony Brook University) “News literacy is the ability to decide for yourself whether the news reports you receive, whether they come from television, the Internet, newspapers, or magazines, whether those reports are reliable. And by reliable I mean whether you can act on the information. Can you take an action? Can you reach a conclusion? Can you make a judgment? Or is the information suspect or insufficient – and how do you know?” (2019) 61 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 KNOWLEDGE-BASED DEFINITIONS Maksl et al. “News media literacy is oriented toward understanding how and why people engage with news media, how they make sense of what they consume, and how individuals are affected by their own news consumption.” (2015, p. 29) Reese, Stephen D. “By news literacy I essentially mean an understanding of how news ‘works,’ including the underlying media and technological systems that support certain meanings embedded in media ‘texts’ and the creative process that yields them [. . . ]; [global] news literacy, then, means the ability to understand, ‘decode,’ and create media with particular awareness of one’s social location within an international context.” (2012, p. 65) RobbGrieco & Hobbs "This strand [of media literacy] helps learners understand and participate in the roles and responsibilities that newsmakers, news consumers, news texts, and news organizations play in a healthy society. Practitioners focus on key questions of representation and reality, and of techniques used to construct messages in the news.” (2013, p. 22) BOTH SKILLS AND KNOWLEDGE Ashley (International Encyclopedia of Journalism Studies) “Starting from the premise that an informed citizenry is central to democratic self‐governance, news literacy is comprised of the knowledge, skills, and dispositions that news audiences need to successfully engage with news media [. . . ].” (2019b) Ashley (International Encyclopedia of Media Literacy) “[The] emerging field of news literacy includes the knowledge and skills necessary for empowered audiences to engage with news media and civic life in meaningful and productive ways.” (2019a) Ashley "News literacy is the critical evaluation of information content as well as the contexts where it is produced and consumed. We can think of news literacy as the set of knowledge, skills, and attitudes that a person brings to their personal consumption of information and to their understanding of the structure of the news media landscape.” (2020, p. 9) Malik et al. “News literacy is at the intersection of [media and information literacies], as news is a type of information which can be delivered through the media. However, its connection to civic engagement is what conceptually distinguishes it from other information or media.” (2013, p. 7) Tully et al. "NML [news media literacy] [. . .] emphasizes the development of knowledge, skills and a personal sense of control about media choices”; “[. . . ] NML, then, 62 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich focuses on the necessary abilities relevant to becoming a critical news consumer." (2018, 3-4) Vraga et al. News literacy is “knowledge of the personal and social processes by which news is produced, distributed, and consumed, and skills that allow users some control over these processes.” (2020, p. 15) CIVIC COMPONENT (WHERE NOT ALREADY INCLUDED ABOVE) Mihailidis “The news literacy educational movement is premised on exploring how to best prepare journalists and citizens for lives of active inquiry and participatory citizenship in information societies worldwide.” (2012, p. 8) 63 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Conceptualizing News Literacy Author Author Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich Abstract A summary of the resource. The nascent field of news literacy is often described as a subset of media literacy. A review of international scholarship with regard to news literacy conceptualizations confirms that there are diverse and competing notions of its definition and purpose: while the civic component of news literacy clearly distinguishes it from media literacy and other new literacies, there is a noticeable divide between journalism-driven and media literacy-derived approaches. Qualitative data analysis was used to identify patterns in a subset of approximately 120 examples of current English-language international scholarship. By proposing three preliminary taxonomic classifications of news literacy – protectionist versus empowerment; skills versus knowledge; and levels of abstraction – this conceptual paper provides orientation in the field. Keywords Keywords. iteracy, media literacy, news literacy, taxonomy. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 2566-4638 DOI Digital object identifier 10.14706/JEH2021324 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/a28fdff80e6952f2c659a9b519f015d8.pdf cdaa1f74da38b5757140281f063195b7 PDF Text Text Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1 (2), pp. 99-109, Winter 2018 Pofessional paper ISSN 2566-4638 © International Burch University http://dx.doi.org/10.14706/jeh2018126 Deontologija učiteljskog poziva, Sokratova zakletva ili Etički kodeks Melisa Zukić, PhD Srednjoškolski centar Hadžići Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina zukici@hotmail.com Sažetak: Deontologija, znanost o dužnostima, učiteljskog poziva upućuje na moralnu obavezu učitelja prema učenicima. Načelo deontologije: „Age quod agis“ ili „Radi dobro ono što radiš“ obuhvata pravne propise, psihologiju komuniciranja, ponašanje i etiku. Prevazilazeći pedagošku etiku kao odnos prema profesionalnim obavezama, zajednici i kolegama, ona proučava prava i dužnosti regulisane kodeksom profesije. Razlika između Benthamovog i Kantovog pogleda na dužnosti je razlika između profesionalne zakletve i etičkog kodeksa škole. Stoga, deontologija dužnostima polazi od moralno i profesionalno zrele ličnosti koja se zaklinje na uspjeh, a etički kodeks polazi od nepovjerljivog društva koje sumnja u istoznačnost moralnih vrijednosti, profesionalca i društva. Abstract: Deontology, the science of teaching professional duties refers to the moral obligation of teachers towards students. The principle of ethics: "Age quod agis" or "Do (well) what you're doing“involves legislation, psychology of communication, behavior and ethics. Overcoming pedagogical ethics as attitude towards professional obligations, community and colleagues, it studies the rights and duties regulated by the code of the profession. The difference between Bentham's and Kant's views about duties is the difference between professional oath and school's code of ethics. Therefore deontology consider duties as base of moral and professionally mature person who swears to success, while code of ethics is based on a mistrustful society that doubt in the identity of moral values, professionals and society as well. Key words: deontology, code of ethics, Socrates oath Keywords: deontologija, etički kodeks, Sokratova zakletva Article History Submitted: 18 January 2019 Accepted: 4 February 2019 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 1. INTRODUCTION Svakodnevni rad učitelja je obilježen promicanjem dobra kao najznačajnijeg društvenog potencijala. Sama ličnost učitelja, stoga, bi trebala biti takva da prepoznaje vlastite dužnosti autentično, te ih posvećeno obavlja najbolje što može „Age quod agis“. Vlastitim obrazovanjem učitelj bi se trebao i etički usavršavati čiji vrhunac bi bio obilježen profesionalnom zakletvom. Sa druge strane, kako bi se izbjegle moguće individualne različitosti u ličnosti i sistemu vrijednosti učitelja kao profesionalaca, donose se profesionalni etički kodeksi koji sistematiziraju postupke i ponašanja u akciji, na taj način otvarajući mogućnost za samoprocjenu i eksternu procjenu kvalitete rada. U tom smislu tekst se osvrće na teorijsko razumijevanje etike kao društvene nauke o moralu, njenog normativno-znanstvenog aspekta kao i same deontologije sa namjerom razumijevanja dužnosti učitelja da prenese dobro učeniku, dok istovremeno nastoji da prevaziđe (često nametnutu) činovničku komponentu poziva. 2. ETIKA Iako je etika, kao pojam, rasprostranjena u svakodnevnom govoru potreban je izvjestan trud za njeno definiranje. Etika i moral imaju ista značenja koja potječu iz grčkog jezika (ethos) i latinskog jezika (mos, mores i moralis) u značenju navika, običaj, karakter, ćudoređe. Stoga, prema Čehok, Koprek i dr. (1996) etiku možemo definirati i kao društvenu nauku o moralu koja proučava ciljeve i smisao morala, kriterije za vrednovanje moralnih postupaka te izvor, zasnovanost, razvitak i usavršavanje morala. Vukasović (1993) se u tom smislu oslanja na samog osnivača etike Sokrata, koji je smatra vrlinom življenja u skladu sa zahtjevima “unutarnjeg glasa”, na njegovog učenika Platona koji je ideju dobra smatrao osnovnom moralnosti, te na Aristotela koji etiku predstavlja kao sistem društvenog ponašanja. S obzirom da se definicije etike svode na lično uvjerenje čovjeka – lični sistem vrijednosti u kojem se zna što je dobro, a šta je loše, šta je ispravno, a šta je neispravno, naslućuju se tri temeljne implikacije etike koje Radoš (2017) predstavlja kao: 1. individualnost etike - pojedinci imaju etiku, a ne organizacije 2. etičko ponašanje može varirati od osobe do osobe 3. relativnost (a ne apsolutnost) etike U tom smislu Radoš (2017) smatra da se od same etike očekuje usavršavanje kao zauzimanje stava prema postojećim moralnim sistemima. Etiku možemo vrlo jednostavno klasificirati na principu koji je predstavio Vukasović (1993): 100 �Deontologija učiteljskog poziva, Sokratova zakletva ili Etički kodeks Melisa Zukić 1. Kada kao kriterij uzmemo cilj čovjekovog praktičnog djelovanja, etika se dijeli na:  Eudaimonizam (eudaimonia- grč. sreća) – svrha i smisao moralnog djelovanja je u postizanju sreće.  Hedonizam (hedone- grč. užitak) – najveća vrijednost i smisao života je u trenutačnom pozitivnom tjelesnom užitku.  Utilitarizam (utilis- lat. koristan) – u prvi plan stavlja težnju za korisnošću. 2. Po kriteriju sadržaja i namjere svijesti, etika se dijeli na:   Etika dužnosti (deontološka etika) – Kant je predstavio samu dužnost kao takvu, uzvišenom i veličanstvenom. Poštovanje dužnosti je moralni imperativ, unutrašnja zapovjed našeg uma koja zahtjeva da načelo prilikom postupanja bude tako postavljeno da ga mogu prihvatiti i druge osobe, tj. da ono bude opće ljudsko načelo. Etika odgovornosti – pojam odgovornosti se često svodi na pravnu i/ili moralnu uračunljivost podrazumijevajući znanje, volju i slobodu kao nužne elemente. Danas, ovaj pojam sve više zauzima mjesto koje je u etici imala dužnost konkretizujući se profesionalnim etikama. 3. Po kriteriju porijekla moralne obaveze, etika se dijeli na:   Autonomnu etiku – izvor morala je u samom čovjeku. Heteronomna etika – izvor morala je izvan čovjeka (npr. društvene norme, autoritet i sl.) 4. Po kriteriju odnosa pojedinca i društva, etika se dijeli na:   Individualna etika – lično uvjerenje pojedinca o ispravnosti/neispravnosti njegovog ponašanja. Socijalna etika – se bavi socijalnim aspektom moralnih odnosa i moralnim obavezama pojedinca prema zajednici i zajednice prema pojedincu. 5. Po kriteriju važenja etičkih zapovijesti, etika se dijeli na:   Etika suštine - suština tvori postojanu prirodu neke stvari. Situacijska etika - tvrdi da je moralnost nekog čina određena konkretnim kontekstom. 6. Po kriteriju sadržaja pravila djelovanja, etika se dijeli na:  (Formalna) Etika dužnosti – može se poistovjetiti sa radnom etikom kao skupom stavova i ponašanja utemeljenih na vrijednostima rada. 101 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018  (Materijalna) Etika vrijednosti– Shvatajući vrijednosti kao javna dobra u sferama morala, religije, umjetnosti i tehnike koja podrazumijevaju opstanak društvene zajednice. 7. Po kriteriju utemeljenja moralnog zahtjeva, etika se dijeli na:   Normativna etika – postavlja pitanja ispravnosti i opravdanosti postojećih moralnih shvaćanja i odnosa zuzimajući kritički stav prema postojećim oblicima istovremeno postavljajući i formulirajući određene kriterije pravilnog moralnog prosuđivanja i djelovanja. Ovakva etika se pita: „Kakav bi to moral trebao biti da čovjek (pojedinac) kao i društvo ispune svoju ulogu?“ Deskriptivna (empirijska) etika –ima empirijsko eksplikativni (deskriptivni) zadatak sastavljen od proučavanja i opisivanja moralnih odnosa i moralnih shvaćanja koji su se pojavljivali u određenim etapama društvenog razvoja. Ona nastoji dati odgovor na pitanja: „Šta je moral?“, „Od kada postoji?“, „Kako je nastao?“, „Od čega ovisi?“, i sl. 3. ETIKA KAO NORMATIVNA ZNANOST Normativni aspekti etike, fokusiraju se na čovjekovo ponašanje, odnosno na etiku u praksi. U tom smislu normativna etika kao nauka nastoji da ostane oslonjena na objektivne činjenice, koje su zadane i nepromjenjive. Stoga Rošić (2017) prema Polić (1990) ukazuje a to da znanstvena etika odnosno etika kao normativna znanost, teži da utvrdi one teorijske principe, prema kojima svaki pojedinac treba živjeti i djelovati, što ukazuje na njen bitan zadatak da znanstveno-teorijski odredi moguće ljudsko djelovanje. Etika u tom smislu pokazuje pravac u kojem se osoba treba ostvariti kao čovjek, stavljajući naglasak kako je to moguće tek uz pomoć nauke, suprotstavljajući je samovolji i pokazujući put ispravnog ljudskog djelovanja. Tek tada umjesto čovjekovog lutanja u svakodnevnom životu etika ga nedvosmisleno usmjerava prema dobru. U tom smislu prepoznajemo etiku kao normativnu znanost u težnji ka tome da u danom traži mjesta ka mogućem. Kao i kod svake znanosti, Rošić (2017) ukazuje da normativna etika želi znati da bi mogla mijenjati, a čini se kako je upravo znanje najbolja osnova za to. Pri tome Rošić (2017:7) predlaže da se vodi računa o tome da „... moguće iz kojega i po kojem promjene mogu doći, još nije ali niti ne može biti predmet znanstvene spoznaje sve dok moguće ne postane zbiljsko, čime se potvrđuje da je zbiljsko moguće, ali istovremeno, barem za znanost, prestaje biti moguće kao nešto drugo od onoga što već jest. S obzirom na navedeno, znanost je uvijek korak iza djelatnog čina, koji po njoj mora biti određen, što znači da normativna znanost može zahtijevati isključivo ono što jeste“. 102 �Deontologija učiteljskog poziva, Sokratova zakletva ili Etički kodeks Melisa Zukić 4. KANTOVA ETIKA U želji da probudi moralnu svijest savremenika, Immanuel Kant je nedvosmisleno ukazivao na čovjekovu potrebu za uvažavanjem i poštovanjem ljudskih dužnosti. Na tom stanovištu se suprotstavio „etici dobara“, materijalnom vrednovanju, korisnosti, osjetnim efektima kao izvoru morala i kriterija moralnih vrijednosti. Kao takva Kantova etika kategoričkog imperativa, započinje potpuno novo razdoblje u historiji etike. Kant je u svojim reformama kako primjećuje Rošić (2017) zahtijevao temeljitu razradu moralnih shvaćanja kreirajući etiku prihvatanja normi i zakona. U tom smislu, Kantova etika ne temelji etičku normu na sadržajnom dobru, već dobro izvodi na temelju norme. Iz tog razloga, Kantova etika je apriorna jer istražuje načela ljudskog uma i čistu volju, neovisno o vanjskim utjecajima ali i pobudama. Kantova etika je isto tako i etika moralnih dužnosti. Rošić (2017:8) u tom smislu citira Kanta koji govori: “ Čovjek mora izvršavati svoju dužnost, svoju ljudsku dužnost!” Iz navedenog se vidi da je za Kanta dužnost nešto veliko, uzvišeno i veličanstveno. On je smatrao kako se ljudski duh uzdiže pomoću unutarnje svijesti o dužnosti, njenim ispunjavanjem i poštivanjem. Poštovanje i obavljanje ljudskih dužnosti spada u imperative unutrašnjeg ili apriorornog zahtjeva kao zapovijedi našeg uma. U takvim okolnostima unutarnji glas uma kako navodi Rošić (2017) kategorički zahtijeva od nas i naše volje da načela našeg postupanja, budu takva da ih mogu prihvatiti i druge osobe, odnosno da ono bude opet ljudsko načelo. Kant pritome ističe da slobodu ne trebamo doživljavati tako da možemo raditi šta god želimo i kako god to želimo, već da čovjek koji postupa u skladu s ljudskim dužnostima i u skladu s moralnim zakonima je istovremeno u skladu sa kategoričkim imperativom i predstavlja najslobodnijeg čovjeka na svijetu. Rošić (2017) ne zaobilazi ni drugi Kantov moralni zahtjev, kojim traži da se čovjek ali i sve ljudsko u čovjeku tretira kao svrha a ne samo kao sredstvo, zato što čovjek pripada svojevrsnom “carstvu svrha”, sam sebi propisujujući zakone i norme te ih kao takve sam primjenjuje i izvršava. Kantova etika čovjeka postavlja kao mjerilo moraliteta, a sam moralni zakon postaje plod čovjekova uma koji se ostvaruje njegovom voljom. Vujović (2017), Kantovu filozofiju morala centralizovanu oko principa moralnosti postavljenog u Kritici praktičkog uma, postavlja kao osnov za razumijevanje njegove deontološke etike. Karakterizacija kategoričkog imperativa kao objektivnog, racionalnog, neophodnog i bezuslovnog principa, kojim se mora uvijek voditi svako umno biće, fundament je za oblikovanje deontologije. 5. DEONTOLOGIJA Pedagoška etika kao dio pedagoške kompetencije predstavlja normativnu znanost djelovanja učitelja nastojeći dati odgovore o potrebi činjenja dobra i njegovog definisanja, predstavljajući odraz moralnosti učiteljskog posla. 103 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 Savremena škola je potreba i imperativ postmodernog društvenog stanja obilježenog kontradiktornošću između „ja hoću" i „ja treba da", tragajući za učiteljem osposobljenim za aktivni komunikacijski proces od kojeg ovisi uspješnost međuljudskih odnosa, a to je učiteljska deontologija kako je Rosić (2011) predstavlja. Naziv deontologija se pojavljuje polovinom 19.vijeka u djelu „Deontology“ engleskog filozofa Jeremije Benthoma oslanjajući se na grčke termine „deon“ - što treba biti i „logos“- nauka. U tom smislu deontologija je nauka o dužnostima koje treba ispuniti, o dužnostima kao moralnoj obavezi učitelja prema osobama koje se oslanjanju na njegovo znanje. U tom smislu osnovno načelo deontologije predstavlja grčka izreka: „Age quod agis“ – „Radi (dobro) ono što radiš“. Deontologija učiteljskog poziva se reguliše odgovarajućim kodeksom profesije. U okvire deontologije spadaju i pozitivni pravni propisi koji regulišu učiteljsku struku kao i svojevrsna psihologija komuniciranja, ponašanja i etika. Iako je deontologija dio etike ona je šira od pojma pedagoške etike jer obuhvata i zakonske propise. Stoga možemo govoriti o etičkoj, stručnoj i kaznenoj deontologiji učiteljskog poziva. Etička deontologija učiteljskog poziva je najšira, pa jednim dijelom obuhvata i stručnu koja može, a i ne mora biti etički neprihvatljiv postupak ili čak kazneno djelo. Etiku klasificiramo kao deontološku i teleološku etiku ili kao formalnu i materijalnu etiku. Deontološke teorije o etici grupišu norme ili načela djelovanja koje etiku čine dobrom u skladu sa normom ili u skladu sa načinom djelovanja. Baziraju se na dužnosti da se nešto učini ili ne propusti učiniti ističući vrijednosti moralnog djelovanja kao takvog. Istraživači deontologije dijele se na monističke i pluralističke. Monistička deontologija polazi od jednog etičkog načela kao ishodišta za sva ostala npr. Kantov kategorički imperativ, dok pluralistička deontologija polazi od više međusobno ravnopravnih pravila npr. deset (Božijih) zapovjedi. Stoga se pluralistički deontolozi češće nalaze u moralnim dilemama. Odgovarajući primjer deontološke etike prema mišljenju Rosić (2011) i Živković (2009) je Kantova etika, koja polazi od pojma dužnosti koja za njih predstavlja “nužnost djelovanja iz poštovanja prema zakonu”. Profesionalne etike se pak oslanjaju na osnovna opća etička načela nastojeći ustanoviti norme djelovanja pojedinih struka i zanimanja, dok personalistička etika kao načelo etike postavlja osobu, čineći je temeljem svih kriterija etičko-moralnog djelovanja i vrijednošću koja nadilazi sve druge. Personalistička etika, kao takva, predstavlja bazu Hipokratove zakletve i Opće povelje o pravima čovjeka, kao općeprihvaćenim aktima etičko-moralnih vrijednosti savremene civilizacije. Za Rosića (2011) učiteljska etika obuhvata odnos prema profesionalnim obavezama, prema zajednici i prema drugim učiteljima, postavljajući etička načela od kojih su neka: načelo koristi, dobročinstva, neškodljivosti, autonomnosti, pravednosti, povjerenja, istinoljubivosti itd. 6. ETIČKI KODEKS ILI ZAKLETVA 104 �Deontologija učiteljskog poziva, Sokratova zakletva ili Etički kodeks Melisa Zukić Pedagoška etika se može definirati i kao disciplina koja se bavi procesom moralnog prosuđivanja uspostavljanjem kriterija koji preciziraju šta je dobro a šta loše u procesu i rezultatu odgoja i obrazovanja, ali i kao zaseban sistem moralnih normi koji reguliše ponašanje učitelja prema učenicima, sebi, nastavnom sadržaju i drugim učesnicima pedagoškog procesa. U njenim okvirima, učitelji nastoje postići najviše ideale svoje profesije. To se odnosi na temeljne profesionalne odgovornosti (individualno, kolektivno i institucionalno) usmjerene prema njihovoj profesiji, akademskoj disciplini, obrazovnoj instituciji i društvu u cijelosti. Pedagoška etika u svojoj srži predstavlja deontologiju učiteljskog posla, u smislu učenja o dužnostima učitelja prema učenicima. Savremena škola u praksi očekuje da učitelj svoje dužnosti usmjeri ka pomaganju učenicima da napreduju u skladu sa individualnim mogućnostima, ka sticanju iskustava, ohrabrivanju učenika kao partnera odgovornog za preuzete obaveze, organiziranju učenika da iskažu vlastitu kreativnost, poticanju učenika itd. Iz navedenog se može uvidjeti da je pedagoška etika razvijajuća a ne statična, doprinoseći tako mijenjanju i učenika i učitelja. Iako je posao učitelja za etiku određen moralnim zakonom, učitelj ipak zakonske propise struke svakodnevni uči i primjenjuje. Rosić (2011) stoga kaže kako u etičkom, pedagoškom i deontološkom značenju u svom moralnom djelovanju gospodarimo nad postupcima od početka do kraja. Deontologija učitelja je smislena aktivnost koja povezuju učiteljska umijeća i to najprije znanje o nastavnom sadržaju, nastavnim metodama, nastavnom planu i programu, učenicima i drugim faktorima koji utiču na uspješnost učenja sa pripremanjem za nastavni rad i konkretnim nastavnim aktivnostima. Stoga nas ne iznenađuje što se mnoge deontološke postavke o odgoju i obrazovanju kao interakcijsko-komunikacijskom procesu ostvaruju u ličnosti samog učitelja i njegovom načinu rada na šta su ukazivali Henting (1997), Liessmann (2008) i Rosić (2011). Uvriježeno je mišljenje kako je poštovanje etičkih pravila i načela istoznačno sa poštovanjem zakona. Međutim, profesije poput medicine, obrazovanja ili vojske zahtijevaju ponašanja koja prevazilaze zakon. Stoga, među bitnim elemenima za razlikovanje profesija i neprofesija je postojanje profesionalne etike formulisane eksplicitnim profesionalnim kodeksom. Živković (2009) ukazuje kako je UNESCO u Preporukama za učiteljski status od 5. 10. 1966. zahtijevao da „norme ponašanja i mjerila koja se utemeljuju u prirodi nastavničke djelatnosti treba definisati u saradnji s nastavničkim udruženjima i onda ih se pridržavati“. U SAD-u postoji „Code of Ethics of the Education“, dok je kod nas npr. radna grupa, Agencije za predškolsko, osnovno i srednje obrazovanje uz tehničku podršku UNICEF-a, izradila dokument pod nazivom „Etički kodeks“, namijenjen svim osnovnim školama u Bosni i Hercegovini. Kodeks je nastao u okviru projekta: Razvoj sistema praćenja kvalitete u obrazovanju, tj. etičkog kodeksa i indikatora interkulturalnog i inkluzivnog obrazovanja, u okviru pružanja tehničke pomoći pri razvijanju interkulturalnog etičkog kodeksa za nastavnike i učenike u osnovnom obrazovanju koji stoji na stavu da razvijanje i usvajanje etičkog kodeksa omogućava instituciji definisanje parametara zrelog profesionalnog identiteta kao standarda u praksi te pravnu regulaciju njegove upotrebe, ali i kao 105 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 sredstvo za procjenu i samoprocjenu profesionalca. U tom smislu bi se definicija etičkog kodeksa usmjerila na zajedničke vrijednosti i skup pravila ponašanja koje neka profesija prihvata sa svrhom osiguravanja svim sudionicima u radu, bez obzira na rang i položaj, jasnih smjernica potrebnih za donošenje jednoobraznih etičkih odluka u profesionanom kontekstu. Etički kodeks se istovremeno obraća i javnosti govoreći o određenoj profesiji, njenim zalaganjima i očekivanjima. Hartmut von Hentig (1997) se, sa druge strane u svojoj knjizi Humana škola, zalaže za Sokratovu zakletvu koja nastupa sa pozicije personalističke etike baš kao i Hipokratova zakletva. Tekst Sokratove zakletve obavezuje učitelja:                       da odgojno-obrazovnom poslu pristupi svjesno i obavlja ga savjesno da cjelokupni odgojno-obrazovni rad utemelji na saznanjima pedagogije, psihologije i njima srodnih nauka da poštuje svako dijete da ga braniti od svega što je usmjereno protiv njega da se zalaže za njegov psihički i fizički sklad da poštuje njegove osjećaje da ga uvažava kao ravnopravnog sagovornika da traži njegovo odobrenje za sve što čini za njega da upozna zakonitosti njegovog razvoja da otkriva i razvija njegove sklonosti da ne lomi njegovu volju da ga poučava kako korištenju sopstveni razum da ga osposobljava za preuzimanje odgovornosti za život, rad i stvaralaštvo u zajednici da ga ne podčinjava svojim shvatanjima svijeta, ljudskog društva i čovjeka da mu nastoji pružiti viziju boljeg svijeta da mu omogući upoznavanje dobrog života da ga uvjeri kako se vizija boljeg svijeta može ostvariti da ga podučava istinoljubivosti da pokazuje ličnim primjerom da javno obrazlaže svoja uvjerenja i djela, argumentima ih braneći od kritike da sopstveni rad svjesno provjerava da bude spreman za provjeru djelatnosti U tom smislu bi se etičke norme internalizirale u samu osobu, u njen sistem vrijednosti, dok bi se sa druge strane izgubila prethodno navedena svrha eksterne mogućnosti standardiziranog testiranja kvalitete rada. Stoga, ne iznenađuje sveprisutna zapitanost treba li donositi učiteljski kodeks ili pak učiteljsku zakletvu, jer je razlika bitna. Zakletvu polažu ljekari završavanjem medicinskog fakulteta a vojnici završavanjem obuke. Pitamo se: „Je li logično da učitelji imaju svoj profesionalni kodeks, a ne zakletvu“? Zakletva, koja sugeriše neupitnu obavezu čini se da bi bolje odgovarala prirodi učiteljskog poziva, kako 106 �Deontologija učiteljskog poziva, Sokratova zakletva ili Etički kodeks Melisa Zukić konstatuje Živković (2009). U tom smislu Živković (2009) navodi kako se nakon Hentiga i Cindrić zalaže za zakletvu koju bi davali studenti preuzimanjem diplome, predlažući da tekst zakletve R. Dottrensa iz 1996., uz UNESCO-vu podršku čiji je tekst: „Vršiću svoju obavezu savjesno i ponosno. Moji učenici biće mi ne samo učenici nego i djeca te nikada neću zaboraviti da za njihovu sudbinu i sam snosim dio odgovornosti. Svim raspoloživim sredstvima ću čuvati čast učiteljskog poziva. Moje kolege će mi uvijek biti prijatelji. S njima u saradnji nastojaću stalno usavršavati puteve kojima škola ide priznajući svima pravo na odgoj i socijalnu pravednost u obrazovanju. Ovu zakletvu polažem sasvim slobodno i časno“. Za razliku od zakletve kodeksom se pobraja skup konkretnih dužnosti kojih se treba pridržavati u obavljanju neke službe. Prema Kantu, etički kodeks bi se trebao temeljiti na formulaciji kategoričkog imperativa obuhvatajući osnovne dužnosti prema sebi i prema drugima sa pozicije specifičnosti učiteljskog poziva. Iz navedenog razumijevamo da bi svaki kodeks za učitelje trebao imati pet osnovnih teza: kategorički imperativ i četiri odredbe koje govore o odnosu učitelja prema sebi i prema drugima (učenici, kolege, šira socijalna sredina, država). Iz ovoga slijedi da bi prema Živkoviću (2009) jezgra etičkog kodeksa za učitelje mogla glasiti ovako: 1. Učitelj poučava tako da su mu učenici svrha a ne sredstvo 2. Učitelj kao uzor, živi tako da se hrabro nosi s nevoljama života ne narušavajući svoj tjelesni i duhovni integritet, a tome poučava i svoje učenike 3. Učitelj raste kao duhovna osoba koja unaprjeđuje svoje znanje i umijeće poučavanja, a svojim učenicima pomaže da otkriju i razvijaju vlastite talente 4. Učitelj kao istinoljubiva osoba tome poučava i svoje učenike 5. Učitelj pomažući ljudima, tome poučava i svoje učenike 7. ZAKLJUČAK Vođeni promišljanjima iz ovog rada proveli smo akcijsko istraživanje u jednom od Srednjoškolskih centara KS na uzorku od 80 profesora (opći predmeti, stručno teorijski predmeti i praksa), primjenom anketnog upitnika koji se nalazio kao prilog tekstu Etičkog kodeksa škole i tekstu Sokratove zakletve. Pitanje u anketnom upitniku je glasilo: „Koji od priloženih tekstova (Etički kodeks škole ili Sokratova zakletva), po vašem mišljenju, autentičnije predstavlja učiteljev doživljaj dužnosti?“ Rezultati su nas doveli do saznanja da je 72 (90%) od ispitanih profesora sklonije Sokratovoj zakletvi u poređenju sa 8 (10%) profesora kojima je etički kodeks preferirana formulacija za sistematiziranje učiteljskih dužnosti. Interesantno je spomenuti i zapažanje da je Sokratova zakletva kao neformalan 107 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 dokument vidljivo istaknuta u zajedničkim prostorijama nastavnog osoblja škole u kojoj je istraživanje provedeno. To nas je povelo putem do pedagoške službe i neformalnog objašnjenja kako Sokratova zakletva ipak „ima motivacijski učinak“ a etički kodeks „normativni učinak“. Razloga vjerojatno ima još, a to bi moglo pokrenuti potpuno novi istraživački proces. Bez obzira na okolnosti, učitelji ulažu izuzetan trud u savjesnom odnosu prema svojim dužnostima, ostvarujući tako osnovno pravilo odgojnog rada da se prihvatanjem dužnosti prihvatamo i svakodnevnog djelovanja, prevazilazeći spoznaju o činovničkoj dimenziji učiteljskog poziva u pravcu spoznaje o učiteljima kao kreatorima znanja i razvoja. Stoga, promišljajući o razvoju etičkih kompetencija učitelja, kreira se okosnica za promišljanja o savremenom učitelju koji predstavlja ključnog aktera promjena u budućnosti. REFERENCES Cindrić, M. (1995), Profesija učitelj u svijetu i Hrvatskoj. Velika Gorica–Zagreb: Persona. Čehok, I. Koprek, I. i dr. (1996. Etika – priručnik jedne discipline, Zagreb: Školska knjiga. Fiamengo, A. (1985). Osnove opće sociologije, Zagreb: Narodne novine. Fočo, S. (2003). Sociologija odgoja i obrazovanja, Zenica: Dom štampe. Glasser, W. (1993). Nastavnik u kvalitetnoj školi, Zagreb: Educa. Hentig, V. H.(1997). Humana škola, Zagreb: Educa. Kant, I. (1953), Osnove metafizike ćudoređa. Zagreb: Matica hrvatska. Konig, E. i Zedler, P. (2001). Teorije znanosti o odoju: uvod u osnove, metode i praktičnu primjenu, Zagreb: Educa. Liessmann, P.L. (2008). Teorija neobrazovanosti- Zablude društva znanja, Zagreb: Naklada Jesenski i Turk. Radoš, M. (2017). Etika i odgoj, Završni rad, Sveučilište u Zagrebu, Učiteljski fakultet, Odsjek za odgojiteljski studij, na sajtu: https://repozitorij.ufzg.unizg.hr, očitano: 22. 1. 2019.g. 108 �Deontologija učiteljskog poziva, Sokratova zakletva ili Etički kodeks Melisa Zukić Rosić, V. (2011). Deontologija učitelja - temelj pedagoške etike, u časopisu: Informatol. 44, 142-149. Strike, K. A. (1988). The Ethics of Teaching. The Phi Delta Kappan, 70(2), 156-158. Tillmann, K-J, (1994). Teorije škole, Zagreb: Educa. Vukasović, A. (1993). Etika-Moral-Osobnost, Zagreb: Školska knjiga. Vujović, M. (2017). Osnovni principi Kantove etike dužnosti, u časopisu: Matica, br. 71, str. 389-426, očitano na sajtu: http://www.maticacrnogorska.me, 22. 1. 2019.g. Warnick, B. R. & Silverman, S. K. (2011). A Framework for Professional Ethics Courses in Teacher Education, Journal of Teacher Education 62, 273-285. Živković, M. (2009). Kodeks učitelja zasnovan na Kantovom nauku o dužnosti, u časopisu: Metodički ogledi, 16, 23–34 Učiteljska zakletva, na sajtu:http://www.prviprvinaskali.com, očitano: 26. 3. 2017. National EducationAssociation (2002). Code of Ethics of the Education Proffesion. www.nea.org./aboutnea/code.html. 109 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Deontology of Teachers, Socrates Oath or Code of Ethics Description An account of the resource Abstract: Deontology, the science of teaching professional duties refers to the moral obligation of teachers towards students. The principle of ethics: "Age quod agis" or "Do (well) what you're doing“involves legislation, psychology of communication, behavior and ethics. Overcoming pedagogical ethics as attitude towards professional obligations, community and colleagues, it studies the rights and duties regulated by the code of the profession. The difference between Bentham's and Kant's views about duties is the difference between professional oath and school's code of ethics. Therefore deontology consider duties as base of moral and professionally mature person who swears to success, while code of ethics is based on a mistrustful society that doubt in the identity of moral values, professionals and society as well. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Melisa Zukić Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1 (2) Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Winter 2018 Type The nature or genre of the resource Key words: deontology, code of ethics, Socrates oath Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2566-4638 DOI 10.14706/JEH2018126 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/e715d915eaac7425ef7919ee0104e72a.pdf 8c35c64daf2ca4534e8bb24b13baa16e PDF Text Text Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1 (2), pp. 65-88, Winter 2018 Review paper ISSN 2566-4638 © International Burch University http://dx.doi.org/10.14706/jeh2018121 Semantic preference and semantic prosodya theoretical overview Mirna Begagić, PhD University of Zenica Bosnia and Herzegovina mjasavic@yahoo.de Abstract: Semantic preference and semantic prosody are two notions that were carefully analysed in post-Firthian corpus linguistics and in the past few years there has been a growing interest in them. As corpora have become larger in size, and tools for extracting different lexical items for different purposes have been developed, the two terms have been addressed more frequently by linguists1. Throughout history, semantic preference and semantic prosody have sometimes been used for the same phenomenon but at other times the two were considered different but closely related. Previous corpus-based studies on the two terms have shown that they can be attached to many investigated lexical items. Therefore, this paper aims to present a detailed theoretical overview of the two terms in order to emphasise their immense importance for identifying the meaning of all the lexical items. Keywords: semantic preference, semantic prosody, corpus, corpus linguistics. Article History Submitted: 15 November 2018 Accepted: 3 January 2019 Studies which use corpus data to investigate semantic preference and semantic prosody have been published since the early 1990. 1 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 1. INTRODUCTION Semantic preference and semantic prosody are two distinct yet interdependent collocational meanings (McEnery, Xiao & Tono, 2006, p.84). As it is almost impossible to examine semantic preference separately from semantic prosody, the two notions will be presented as contingent on each other. Throughout history, semantic preference and semantic prosody have sometimes been used for the same phenomenon but at other times the two were considered different but closely related. Stubbs (2001) points out that “the distinction…is not entirely clear-cut. It is partly a question of how open-ended the list of collocates is: it might be possible to list all words in English for quantities and sizes, but not for ‘unpleasant things’” (p.66). Therefore, the need for precise definitions of the two terms emerges. Partington (2004) states that the relationship between the two terms can be described in two ways- on the one hand, semantic prosody can be described as a sub-category or special case of semantic preference i.e. it is “reserved for instances where an item shows a preference to co-occur with items that can be described as bad, unfavourable or unpleasant, or as good, favourable or pleasant” (p.149). However, some examples discussed in the literature prove that the relationship is more complex. Sinclair points out that semantic prosodies are “evaluative or attitudinal and are used to express the speaker’s approval (good prosody) or disapproval (bad prosody) of whatever topic is momentarily the object of discourse (Sinclair 1996, p. 87). On the other hand, semantic prosody can be described as a further stage of abstraction than preference. …semantic preference generally remains relatively closely tied to the phenomenon of collocation. As we have seen, it describes a phenomenon whereby a particular item x collocates frequently, not with another item y, but with a series of items which belong to a semantic set. (Partington, 2004, p.150) Therefore, Partington describes the difference between the two in his claim that semantic preference and semantic prosody have different operating scopes: the former relates the node item to another item from a particular semantic set whereas the latter can affect wider stretches of text. Semantic preference can be viewed as a feature of the collocates while semantic prosody is a feature of the node word. Partington also adds that these two terms interact. While semantic prosody “dictates the general environment which constrains the preferential choices of the node item”, semantic preference “contributes powerfully to building semantic prosody” (Partington, 2004, p.151). 66 �Semantic preference and semantic prosody - a theoretical overview Mirna Begagić In order to exemplify the above mentioned, two examples commonly discussed in the literature are presented. The first one of the verb break out, explained by Stewart (2010). The verb is investigated in the BNC (all inflected forms of the verb) where 1,126 occurrences were found. In the majority of cases break out showed semantic preference for ‘situations of conflict’, ‘disease’ or more broadly for ‘problematic circumstances’, since in the immediate environment of break out the following words are found: war, conflict, infection, crisis. As the verb cannot be classified as an item whose basic meaning is unfavourable, it is “considered to be associated with an unfavourable semantic prosody or ‘aura of meaning’, which is contingent upon its semantic preferences” (Stewart, 2010, p. 3). The second example is the verb undergo, discussed by Stubbs (2001, pp. 89-95). The collocates to the right of the verb indicated that undergo expresses several semantic preferences- for ‘medicine’ (treatment, hysterectomy, brain, surgery, etc.), ‘tests’ (examination, training) and ‘change’ (dramatic changes, a historic transformation among others). All these preferences result in a very strong unfavourable prosody of the verb undergo, since people are forced to undergo something they would rather not. Moreover, the verb bent on is classified as the verb with unfavourable prosody, but bent on can be also found in neutral as well as in favourable environment. Louw investigated how the speakers/writers change from the “expected profiles of semantic prosodies” (1993, p. 157). He explains that if they do that unconsciously, they are trying to sound ironic. Louw mentions an example from Small World by David Lodge: The modern conference resembles the pilgrimage of medieval Christendom in that it allows the participants to indulge themselves in all the pleasures and diversions of travel while apparently bent on self-improvement. Louw explains that since the verb bent on is usually found in the environment of unpleasant items (destroying, harrying, mayhem), in the cited example the author is trying to produce ironic effect and therefore uses the verb bent on in the environment of self-improvement. Corpus-based analyses from recent years have shown that semantic preference and semantic prosody have been considered in terms of ‘priming’ (Hoey 2003; Partington 2004) i.e. “as the word is learnt through encounters with it in speech and writing, it is loaded with the cumulative effects of those encounters such that it is part of our knowledge of the word that it co-occurs with other words” (Hoey, 2003, p. 5). Partington (2004) adds that the theory of priming helps us to answer one of the frequently raised question about prosody, 67 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 ...if the favourable or unfavourable evaluation of an item said to display semantic prosody is not part of its in-built, inherent meaning- as is clearly the case for words excessive or timely – then how do language users decide to employ such items in the appropriate environment? The answer is that language users have a set of mental rules derived from the priming process, alongside or integrated with the mental lexicon, of how items should collocate (p. 132). 2. SEMANTIC PREFERENCE The term semantic preference seems to be less problematic than the term semantic prosody. Stubbs (2001, p. 65) defines it as “the relation, not between individual words, but between a lemma2 or word form and a set of semantically related words”. In his work, Stubbs analysed the item large in the 200-millionword corpus and found out that at least 25 per cent of the 56, 000 occurrences of large collocated with words for “quantities and sizes”, such as numbers, scale, part, amounts, quantities. Later, Stubbs adds that an item shows semantic preference when it co-occurs with “a class of words which share some semantic feature” (Stubbs, 2001, p. 88). Partington (2004) examined the collocational behaviour of maximizersabsolutely, perfectly, entirely, completely, thoroughly, totally and utterly (group of items defined as such by Quirk et al. 1985). His analysis states that absolutely expresses semantic preference for items which have superlative sense such as: delighted, enchanting, splendid, preposterous, appalling, intolerable. Semantic prosody of absolutely is equally divided between favourable and unfavourable items. When it comes to perfectly, the tendency of the item to occur with pleasant things is evident (capable, correct, fit, good, happy, harmless, healthy, lovely, marvellous, natural). Furthermore, Partinton’s analysis showed that completely, entirely, totally and utterly shared a large number of collocates. Utterly indicated semantic preference for ‘absence’ (collocates are: helpless, useless, unable, forgotten, failed, ruined, destroyed) and ‘change’(changed, different, failed, ruined, destroyed). The overall semantic prosody is evidently unfavourable. Totally demonstrates semantic preference for ‘absence’ or ‘lack of’ collocating with bald, exempt, incapable, irrelevant, lost, oblivious, uneducated, unemployed, etc. but also for ‘change of state’ and ‘transformation’ words such as destroyed, different, transformed, absorbed, failed. Completely also showed semantic preference for ‘absence’ (devoid, disappeared, empty, forgotten, hopeless, ignored, lost, oblivious, vanished, etc.) but also for ‘change’ (alerted, changed, destroyed, different). Entirely expressed semantic preference for ‘absence’ and ‘change’ as well. Partington found the last maximizer thoroughly in the company of words relating to ‘emotions’ and ‘states of mind’, such as 2 68 The lemma make is realized in text by the word forms make, makes, made and making �Semantic preference and semantic prosody - a theoretical overview Mirna Begagić annoyed, approved, enjoyed, confused, happy, sure, disgruntled and he concluded that thoroughly evidently retains traces of its ancient sense of thorough-like. Table 1 Summary of maximizers (Partington, 2004, p. 148) Maximizer: Absolutely Perfectly Utterly Totally Completely Entirely Thoroughly Preference for: hyperbole, superlatives absence/change of state absence/change of state absence/change of state absence/change of state, (in)dependency emotions/ liquid penetration Prosody favourable unfavourable Partington (1998, pp. 34-39) also analysed the item sheer in the newspaper and academic corpora. His analysis indicates that sheer collocated with a number of items from specific semantic sets i.e. 1. ‘magnitude’, ‘weight’ or ‘volume’, 2. items expressing ‘force’, 'strength’or ‘energy’, and 3. words expressing ‘persistence’. Then Partington (1998, pp. 39-47) compared the behaviour of sheer with other items that are consider to be its synonyms- complete, pure and absolute, and discovered that none of them shared semantic preferences with sheer. 3. SEMANTIC PROSODY The term semantic prosody was originally Sinclair’s idea in 1987 (later recited in Sinclair 1991), but he did not use the term as such when he first discussed it. Sinclair was observing the lexicogrammatical environment of the phrasal verb set in using a corpus of about 7.3 million words and he noticed that the verb is associated with unpleasant events. The most striking feature of this phrasal verb is the nature of the subjects. In general they refer to unpleasant states of affairs. Only three refer to the weather; a few are neutral, such as reaction and trend. The main vocabulary is rot (3), decay, ill-will, decadence, impoverishment, infection, prejudice, vicious (circle), rigor mortis, numbness, bitterness, mannerism, anticlimax, anarchy, disillusion, disillusionment, slump. Not one of these is desirable or attractive. (Sinclair 1987, pp. 155-156) In the same work Sinclair notes that “many uses of words and phrases show a tendency to occur in a certain semantic environment, for example the word happen is associated with unpleasant things- accidents and the like” (Sinclair, 69 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 1991, p. 112). Sinclair’s remarks were something completely new and they were completely backed up by corpus data. The ‘father’ of the term semantic prosody is Bill Louw who introduced the term to public in 19933. The term was coined with the reference to Firth’s discussion of prosody in phonological terms. Namely, Firth noticed that the realization of the phoneme /k/ depends on the sounds which precede it as well as the sounds which follow it, so the /k/ in word kangaroo is not the same as the /k/ in word keep because during the realization of the consonant the mouth is already making provision for the production of the next sound. In the same way, Louw (1993) claims that the expression symptomatic of prepares for the production of what follows i.e. something undesirable (e.g. parental paralysis, numerous disorders). In his definition of semantic prosody, Gavioli (2005) also points out the connection between meaning and sound: The term ‘prosody’, which is generally used in linguistics to refer to the sound or rhythm of words, is applied here to the sound of meanings rather than phonemes and particularly to the way in which words and expressions create an aura of meaning capable of affecting words around them. Gavioli (2005, p. 46) Several other linguists investigated the subject- they analysed several lexical items, proposed their definitions and expressed their standpoints on the topic of semantic prosody: Bublitz (1996) analysed the words cause, commit, happen, somewhat and prevail; Sinclair (1996a, 1998) analysed set in, cause, the idiom naked eye, the collocation true feelings, the word place and the verb brook; Stubbs (1995, 2001) investigated the lexical environment of heritage, provide, career, credibility, accost, loiter and lurk; Tognini-Bonelli (2001) analysed prosodies in both English and Italian including proper, expression andare incontro (literally “go towards”) and face; Chanell (1999) investigated fat and self-important; Partington (1998, 2004) analysed the verb peddle, 'happen' words (happen, take place, occur, set in, come about) and amplifying intensifiers (absolutely, perfectly, entirely, completely, thoroughly, totally, utterly). Bill Louw introduced the term semantic prosody in his article Irony in the text or insincerity in the writer?: The diagnostic Potential of semantic prosody (1993) 3 70 �Semantic preference and semantic prosody - a theoretical overview Mirna Begagić Table 2. The chronological review of the literature on semantic prosody. Study Examined lexical Items Sinclair (1987, 1991) Louw (1993) Semantic prosody Definition / contribution The most important standpoints set in happen -semantic prosody was Sinclair’s idea, although he did not use this very term when he first discussed it -many uses of words and phrases show a tendency to occur in a certain semantic environment; the words happen and set in are associated with unpleasant things symptomatic of utterly bent on Louw was the first to use the term semantic prosody, connecting the term to Firth’s discussion of prosody in phonological terms -Louw was interested in irony produced by deviations from habitual co-occurrence patterns (pp.157) -He also made few allusions to diachronic considerations claiming that prosodies are undoubtedly the product of a long period of refinement through historical change (pp.164) Stubbs (1995) cause Cause is near the stage where the word itself, out of context, has negative connotations. (1995:50) -made reference to diachronic consideration related to the word cause Bublitz (1996) cause happen commit somewhat prevail -node may be coloured by its habitual co-occurrences acquiring a “halo” of meaning as a result -prosodies vary according to the different basic meanings of any given word -diachronic emphasis on semantic prosody Sinclair (1996a, 1998) naked eye true feelings brook A semantic prosody… is attitudinal, and on the pragmatic side of the semantics/pragmatics continuum. It is thus capable of a wide range of realization, because in pragmatic expressions the normal semantic values of the words are not necessarily relevant. But once noticed among the variety of expressions, it is immediately clear that the semantic prosody has a leading role to play in the integration of an item with its surroundings. It expresses something close to the ‘function’ of an item- it shows how the rest of the item is to be interpreted functionally. (Sinclair 1996a:88) -in his work from 1996, Sinclair explained semantic prosody within his model of extended unit of meaning -in 1998 Sinclair stated that semantic prosody is one of the obligatory elements of the unit of meaning along with the ‘core item’, which is invariable, and constitutes the evidence of the occurrence of the item as a whole. (1998:15) 71 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 Partington (1998) peddle green fundamentalism/ fundamentalist Hunston and Francis (1999) A word may be said to have a particular semantic prosody if it can be shown to co-occur typically with other words that belong to a particular semantic set. (1999:137) -the importance of semantic consistency of lexical profiles Hunston and Thompson (1999) The notion of semantic prosody (or pragmatic meaning) is that a given word or phrase may occur most frequently in the context of other words or phrases which are predominantly positive or negative in their evaluative orientation…As a result, the given word takes on an association with the positive, or, more usually, the negative, and this association can be exploited by speakers to express evaluative meaning covertly. (1999:38) -the importance of the evaluative quality of semantic prosody -the words ‘take on’ meaning from their surrounds Speakers and writers cluster negative items so that there is a mutually supporting web of negative words (Channell 1999:44) -she does not refer to items with less obviously evaluative meanings -fat and self-important are also to be found in undesirable company -she adopts the expression ‘evaluative polarity’ -focuses on unfavourable prosodies A semantic prosody refers to a form of meaning which is established through the proximity of a consistent series of collocates, often characterized as positive or negative, and whose primary function is the expression of the attitude of its speaker or writer towards some pragmatic situation. A secondary, though no less important attitudinal function of semantic prosodies is the creation of irony through the deliberate injection of a form which clashes with the prosody’s consistent series of collocates. (2000:60). -Contextual Prosodic Theory which would seek to elucidate through semantic prosodies the Firthian view that that situational and linguistic contexts are co-extensive. (2000:48) -makes the difference between semantic prosody as strongly collocational phenomenon from connotation which he considers to be more ‘schematic’ in nature. Chanell (1999) regime par for the course fat self-important off the beaten track Louw (2000) TogniniBonelli (2001) 72 -focuses on similarities and differences between semantic prosody and connotation -Partington is interested in prosodies within the political discourse in newspapers proper largely broadly (to) face -importance of strict relation between lexical and grammatical choices -stresses that the pragmatic dimension is central �Semantic preference and semantic prosody - a theoretical overview Mirna Begagić Stubbs (2001a) accost amid amusement backdrop care cause commit community deadlock distinctly soar heritage lavish loiter lurk proper provide somewhat standard undergo untold discoveries expression mutual career launch A discourse prosody is a feature which extends over more than one unit in a linear string… Discourse prosodies express speaker’s attitude. If you say that something is provided, then this implies that you approve of it. Since they are evaluative, prosodies often express the speaker’s reason for making the utterance, and therefore identify functional discourse units. (2001:65) in 2001 Stubbs switched from ‘semantic prosody’ to ‘discourse prosody’ Stubbs (2001b) sit through Hunston (2002) Semantic prosody…refers to a word that is typically used in a particular environment, such that the word takes on connotations from that environment. (2002:141) semantic prosody is a result of transferred meaning Sinclair (2003) As corpus enables us to see words grouping together to make special meanings as to the reasons why they were chosen together. This kind of meaning is called a semantic prosody; it has been recognized in part as connotation, pragmatic meaning and attitudinal meaning. (2003:178) Partington (2004a) Hoey (2005) ‘happen words’ (happen, take place, occur, set in, come about) absolutely perfectly entirely completely thoroughly totally utterly Semantic prosody is a type of evaluative meaning which is spread over a unit of language which potentially goes well beyond the single orthographic word and is much less evident to the naked eye. (2004a:131132) -Partington also discusses the interaction between semantic preference and semantic prosody Priming prosody occurs when the collocations, colligations, semantic associations, textual collocations, textual semantic associations and textual colligations of words chosen for a particular utterance -Hoey points out that the words are primed in all sorts of different ways, and that results in priming prosody -states that the boundaries between semantic preference 73 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 harmonise with each other in such a way as to contribute to the construction and coherence of the utterance. (2005:166) Whitsitt (2005) -focuses on the synchronic/ diachronic questions, on the function of intuition in identifying prosodies Hunston (2007) -discusses whether semantic prosody should be regarded as the property of a word or a longer unit of meaning; whether the binary distinctions should be used (favourable vs. unfavourable prosody); whether semantic prosody can be transmitted from one context to another -gives overview of the literature on both, semantic preference and prosody Bednarek (2008) -stresses the importance of the role of different registers for realisations of both semantic preferences and semantic prosodies Stewart (2010) make sense -presents extensive literature overview of the literature on semantic prosody Begagić (2013) initial/preliminary following/subsequent sufficient/adequate -More uses of the collocation are found than provided by dictionaries -Semantic prosody for 'difficulty', almost always accompanied by the preposition of Wei & Li (2014) Hu (2015) 74 and semantic prosody should be avoided -favours the term ‘semantic association’ instead ‘semantic preference’ only because he thinks that the term ‘semantic preference’ leads to a psychological preference on the part of the language user and may lead to confusion -A word may be associated with more than one group of semantic features thus designating different prosodies -Sematic prosody of a word cannot be accurately detected until its collocates are carefully scrutinized in the text -An apparently negative collocate might indicate a positive connotation �Semantic preference and semantic prosody - a theoretical overview Mirna Begagić Throughout literature, semantic prosody is mostly described as a type of meaning. However, several authors defined it rather as a process. For example, Baker et al. in their Glossary of Corpus Linguistics (2006, p. 58) define it as a term “relating to the way that words in a corpus can collocate with a related set of words or phrases, often revealing (hidden) attitudes”. Coffin et.al (2004, xxi) also define semantic prosody as “a way in which apparently neutral terms come to carry positive or negative associations through regularly occurring in particular collocations”. Both authors refer to semantic prosody as the ways that contributes to establishing meanings. Berber-Sardinha (2000, p. 94) refers to semantic prosody as a pattern, while Lewandowska-Tomaszcyk (1996, p. 153) refers to it as a phenomenon. From the literature review it can be said that semantic prosody includes some type of reference to its evaluative or attitudinal quality. It is described as an aspect of evaluative meaning, which is defined by Hunston and Thompson (1999, p. 5) as “the speaker or writer’s attitude or stance towards, viewpoint on, or feelings about the entities and propositions that he or she is talking about”. Though this definition seems to be too broad, some other authors defined the term in a more restricted sense, i.e. with emphasis on lexical expressions of the speaker’s/writer’s emotional attitude (see Conrad and Biber 1999 and Martin 1999). As stated in Table 2, according to both Sinclair and Stubbs, prosodies express speaker attitude. Stubbs claims that if something is provided, then you approve of it, “since they are evaluative, prosodies often express the speaker’s reason for making the utterance” (Stubbs 2001a, p. 65). Sinclair (1994) states that semantic prosody is attitudinal, and on the pragmatic side of the semantics/ pragmatics continuum and continues that: It is thus capable of a wide range of realization, because in pragmatic expressions the normal semantic values of the words are not necessarily relevant. But once noticed among the variety of expressions, it is immediately clear that the semantic prosody has a leading role to play in the integration of an item with its surroundings. It expresses something close to the ‘function’ of the item- it shows how the rest of the item is to be interpreted functionally. (Sinclair 2004, p. 22) According to the above mentioned, Stewart (2010) follows that when speakers use items like naked eye, true feelings, provide, commit, set in, undergo, happen, cause, symptomatic of, they make some type of evaluation or convey some type of attitude. In this way an utterance such as the cold weather set in might be considered more obviously attitudinal than, for instance, the cold weather started; John Smith had to undergo an operation more attitudinal than John Smith had to have an operation; and symptomatic of management inadequacies more attitudinal than indicative of management inadequacies (Stewart 2010, p. 22). 75 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 However, there are certain examples that prove this does not have to be that way. Sinclair (1996a, p. 87) ascribed the prosody of difficulty to item naked eye, and the evaluative element does not seem to be of huge importance at all4. Stewart (2010) also mentions example of the item cause, which has been assigned an unfavourable prosody in the literature, since it co-occurs with accident, problem, chaos, etc. Nevertheless it seems problematic to postulate that some sort of attitude has been expressed in certain examples, such as in the following examples:   The door closed and then Elaine pulled the magazine in, causing the letter box to snap shut smartly. The inhibitors might therefore be causing amnesia not because they prevent protein synthesis but because of their effect on increasing animo acid levels. (Stewart 2010, p. 23; examples taken from the BNC) The fact that the notions of evaluation and attitude are the complex one is proved by the following citation from Bernardini and Aston (2002, p. 291): Would this be the speaker as principal, author or animator (to use Goffman’s (1981) famous breakdown of the speaker discourse role (Levinson, 1988)? In contexts of reported speech, it is clear that prosodies may indicate the evaluation of the cited speaker, not the citing one, as the author (but not animator) of the text in question. It can be concluded that in most of the examples the two elements are present, evaluative and attitudinal quality of an item, however not in all cases. Each item in question should be carefully analysed in its environment in order to be claimed that evaluative and attitudinal qualities are pivotal for its semantic prosody. Apart from the evaluative and attitudinal quality, element that is found in almost all definitions and discussions on semantic prosody is its hidden nature. Most of the authors mentioned in Table 1 refer to semantic prosody as to something subliminal, covert or unconscious. Louw (1993, pp. 169-171) writes that semantic prosody can reveal speaker attitudes even when the speaker tries to conceal them, and Tognini-Bonelli, citing Louw’s statement argues that “semantic prosodies are mainly engaged at the subconscious level”. Hunston and Thompson (1999, p. 38) state that semantic prosody “can be exploited by speakers to express evaluative meaning covertly” and Hunston (2001, p. 21, 2002, pp. 61, While analysing the idiom naked eye, Sinclair used The Bank of English as corpus which contained 211 million words of current English. Sinclair found 154 instances of naked eye, but since 3 pairs of lines were identical he used 151 lines. Words see and visible (and their variations) are evident on position N3 which prove the clear semantic preference for visibility. Since the words visible and see are in 85 per cent of instances combined with words such as small, faint, weak and difficult, Sinclair concluded that the idiom naked eye indicates semantic prosody of difficulty. 4 76 �Semantic preference and semantic prosody - a theoretical overview Mirna Begagić 119, 141-142) makes several points to how semantic prosody conveys covert messages and hidden meanings. Partington (2004a, p.131) also states that semantic prosody “is much less evident to the naked eye”. Most of the authors interested in semantic prosody analysed lexical items that are neutral in semantic sense i.e. that have neither positive nor negative meanings. It seems that literature review suggests that the meaning of the item in question must be hidden, otherwise the prosody cannot be ascribed to it. However, there are still some examples that prove that the lexical item in question does not need to be semantically neutral in order to possess semantic prosody (e.g. verb brook). This study will also test weather only the neutral meanings of investigated items possess semantic prosody. As stated above, most of the authors investigated ‘neutral’ lexical item (happen, cause, break out, set in, undergo etc.) and to most of them the unfavourable prosody is ascribed (cause, set in, happen, break out, load of, undergo…) while only a few of them revealed positive or favourable semantic prosody such as provide and career. Saying this, it should be mentioned that several linguists noticed the importance of registers and genres in revealing semantic prosodies of certain lexical items. Hunston (2007, p. 263) argues that the verb cause “loses its association with negative evaluation when it occurs in ‘scientific’ registers”. Bednarek (2008) also mentions the importance of analysis of items in different registers: ..for instance, an analysis of concordance lines for responsibility for in the Bank of English shows a negative semantic preference (it co-occurs with recent bombings, Sunday’s suicide bombing, one of the murders, some of the explosions, the killing, these murders, the Holocaust, the kidnapping, the worst act of terrorism) while an analysis of the same lexical expression in a business English corpus does not (here responsibility for collocates with budgets, a major functional area, the product, a new stream of scheme, outcomes, decisions, aspects, the technical aspects, scale/up and operation, outcomes )(Walker 2004 in Bednarek 2008,p. 126) Analogous to O’Halloran (2007) this could be called register or genre preference i.e. semantic preference that is register or genre dependent. O’Halloran claims that there is a greater likelihood of some lexicogrammatical patterns in certain registers than others and as example she mentions the item ‘erupted’ saying that “the fact that ‘erupted’ in the past tense has largely positive associations in the sports report register, but largely negative ones in the hard news register, provides evidence for seeing ‘erupted’ in register prosody terms” (O’Halloran, 2007, p. 12). At this point, it is important to define the word ‘register’. According to Halliday and Hasan (1985, pp. 38-9) registers are varieties of language which are “typically associated with a particular situational configuration of field, tenor and mode”. Genre, on the other side is mostly treated at a ‘higher level’ than register, as Wales (2001, p. 338) states that “genres are groups of texts which perform a similar function”. However, in this study all the 77 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 newspaper texts found in COCA are considered to belong to the newspaper register, whereas the academic texts belong to the academic register. Partington (2004) anlaysed words that belong to the happen semantic group with the hypothesis that not only happen and set in have unfavourable prosody but all the other words from that group as well. Therefore he looked at the behaviour of set in, happen, occur, come about and take place in two corpora, one of the academic texts and the other of the newspaper texts. Partington presented the frequency of occurrence of all the ‘happen’ words as follows: Table 3. The analysis of happen words (Partington, 2004, p.134) Academic (one million words) Newspaper (four million words) Total Per million words Happens Happen Happened Totals 70 80 67 217 187 230 326 743 47 57 82 186 Occurs Occur Occurred Totals 125 221 114 460 27 32 112 171 7 8 28 43 Comes about Come about Came about Totals 2 16 9 27 2 9 5 16 1 2 1 4 Takes place Take place Took place Taken place Totals 25 39 44 23 131 47 87 68 38 240 12 22 17 9 60 Sets in Set in Totals 1 8 9 4 9 13 1 2 3 After the analysis of each happen word separately (he decided to examine only the examples from the academic register), Partington confirmed his hypothesis that all investigated happen words have unfavourable prosody, although there are different degrees of unfavourable prosody among the items in the group. “Set in has the worst prosody, followed by happen, followed by occur and take place, 78 �Semantic preference and semantic prosody - a theoretical overview Mirna Begagić while come about does not seem to evince any particular inclination” (Partington, 2004, p.144). Partington also states that there are register differences among the investigated lexical items “probably linked to cohesive function, i.e. more formal items like occur are used for extended cohesion more often than less formal ones such as happen” (ibid.). Most of the linguists discussing semantic preference and semantic prosody agree that semantic prosody is primarily contingent upon semantic preference and that “semantic preference 'feeds’ semantic prosody” (Stewart 2010, p.88, citing Hoey 2005, p.16ff). When Sinclair (1996) analysed expression true feelings he found out that there is a clear semantic preference for ‘expression’verbs: express, communicate, show, reveal, share, pour out, give vent to, indicate, make public. Hunston and Francis (1999, p. 137) stated that “a word may be said to have a particular semantic prosody if it can be shown to co-occur typically with other words that belong to a particular semantic set”, while Louw (2000, p. 57) writes that “semantic prosody refers to a form of meaning which is established through the proximity of a consistent series of collocates”. On the other hand, when Stubbs (1995) analysed the word provide in the 200-million word corpus, he found that some of its top collocates were information, service(s), support, help, money….It cannot be argued that there is an obvious semantic set in other words clear semantic preference, but there is definitely favourable prosody (which is interesting, since most of the investigated lexical items in literature review on semantic prosody have unfavourable prosody). The necessity to investigate more examples emerges, in order to claim that semantic preference is obligatory element in constituting semantic prosody. Very interesting example analysed by Sinclair (1996) is the one of the verb brook. Its dictionary meaning is something like ‘tolerate’ as Sinclair analysis shows that “ ‘tolerate’ can replace brook in all the examples without disturbing their message” (Sinclair, 1996, p. 91). Sinclair points out (ibid.) “since it always appears with some form of negative, e.g. brook no interference, will not brook any attack, it is used by speakers to indicate not tolerance, but intolerance.” Regarding this it could be concluded that the item expresses an unfavourable prosody. However, Sinclair’s analysis confirms that the verb brook expresses “the intolerance of intrusive behaviour by another” (ibid.). The overall prosody does not tend to be unfavourable but favourable. It can be concluded that although some words have negative basic meaning it is possible to find out that they reveal positive semantic prosody. Another interesting verb is alleviate which has positive meaning although negative semantic prosody can be ascribed to it. Stewart (2010) analysed this verb in the BNC and from his analysis it is obvious that the verb is associated with negative prosody “in view of the fact that its co-text is peppered with seriously undesirable elements”, but he adds that “we could not by any stretch of the 79 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 imagination argue that they have negative connotations” (Stewart, 2010, p. 73). Accordingly, it can be said that the verb alleviate has a positive basic meaning although it is mostly mixed with bad company (collocates with the words such as pain and suffering). Therefore, alleviate has not been ‘contaminated’ by its unpleasant co-occurrences. Stewart (2010) analysed the lexical environment of intuition in the BNC (British National Corpus) as well as in the other, the corpus of semantic prosody. On the one hand, in the BNC he found out that intuition seems to be neutral or even leaning towards the favourable prosody (according to the OED intuition is defined as our instinctive, immediate ‘feel’ for language). On the other hand, in the corpus on semantic prosody, intuition has thoroughly unfavourable prosody “occurs in the company of, unreliable, wrong, stranglehold, not reliable and accurate, chancy and unreliable…” (Stewart, 2010, p. 122). If this is observed from the diachronic view, we can say that a good word intuition has fallen under the influence of bad company and has been contaminated by its bad influence. The word intuition can also be observed from synchronic view and in that case it shows unfavourable prosody in the corpus of semantic prosody. It seems important to mention that the work, in which examples for the corpus on semantic prosody are gathered, is the book Semantic Prosody written by Stewart. Most of the scholars who dealt with the topic of semantic prosody agree that intuition is a poor guide to revealing semantic prosody as follows: “speaker’s intuition is usually an unreliable guide to patterns of collocation and that intuition is an even poorer guide to semantic prosody” (Xiao & McEnery, 2006, p. 103). “attested data are required in collocational studies, since native speaker intuitions are not reliable source of evidence” (Stubbs, 1995, p. 24) “analysis of evaluation can be removed from the chancy and unreliable business of linguistic intuitions based in systematic observation of naturally occurring data” (Channell, 1999, p. 39). “semantic prosodies are difficult, if not impossible, to determine on the basis of intuition alone” (Adfolphs & Carter, 2002, p. 7). “The quantitative analysis of text by computer reveals facts about actual language behaviour which are not, or at least not immediately, accessible to intuition” (Widdowson, 2000, p. 6). “It may well turn out to be the case that semantic prosodies are less accessible through human intuition than most other phenomena to do with language” (Louw, 1993, p. 173). 80 �Semantic preference and semantic prosody - a theoretical overview Mirna Begagić “SPs are open to introspection in principle...but native speakers have no reliable and accurate intuitions about them” (Bublitz, 1996, p. 8). Considering the historical development of language, the roots of the synchronic and diachronic approach can be seen in the works of Breal (1897), Saussure (CLG) and Bloomfield (1933). Breal, who is usually considered to be the father of semantics, differentiates between what is the synchronic and the diachronic study of a language, however his statements remained within the realms of historical linguistics5. Saussure recognised one of the major distinctions in linguistics, between synchronic and diachronic study of a language where the latter relates to the historical dimension or the outside world 6. However, Bloomfield restricts the object of linguistics to the decriprion of language in a synchronic way, even when the decription aims to study the historical development of a language (the historical development is considered to present series of synchronic slices of evidence at different times)7. When mentioning synchronic and diachronic approaches, it seems important to point out that the corpora used to evidence the existence of semantic prosody have always been synchronic. As Stewart notices (2010) the diachronic dimension seems to be of huge importance in descriptions on semantic prosody, though it has never been entirely central. The interests of all the mentioned linguists interested in the subject were somewhere else, and the diachronic analyses are almost entirely absent. Sinclair describes semantic prosody using synchronic criteria, while most other authors approach the subject using both diachronic and synchronic criteria, with scarcely acknowledgement that a single appellation (semantic prosody has been adopted to denote distinct phenomena). Diachronic explanations tend to…favour the folkoristic notion of good being contaminated by evil. (Stewart, 2010, p.55) An issue that is commonly discussed among linguists is whether semantic prosody resides in a single word or in several words. Bublitz (1996, p. 9) claims that “with prosody we refer to the fact that a feature extends its domain, stretches over and affects several units…something that accords with Firth’s idea that meaning is regularly dispersed in context”. Partington (2004a, pp. 131-132) also describes semantic prosody as a type of evaluative meaning which is “spread over a unit of language which potentially goes well beyond the single 5 Breal (1897) outlined new scientific criteria for the study of language based on observation. According to Saussure, the meaning of a word is no more just the relationship between a word and a concept or thing, but the set of relationships that a specific word may entertain within a relational network. 7 Bloomfield accepts that “in some cases a transferred meaning is linguistically determined by an accompanying form” (1933, p. 150) 6 81 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 orthographic word” and Sinclair (2003, p. 117) claims that “semantic prosody typically ranges over combinations of words in an utterance rather than being attached just to one”. Although many of the authors agree that semantic prosody does not reside in a single word but in several words, there are still several who argue for the opposite. Stewart (2010, pp. 57-58) summarizes their statements as the following:      “utterly has an overwhelmingly bad prosody” (Louw, 1993, p. 160) “affect has a clearly negative prosody” (Stubbs, 1995, p. 45) “the lemma cause has a strongly unfavourable prosody...the word provide, on the other hand, had a favourable prosody in the Cobuild corpus material” (Partington, 1998, p. 68) “we know that the English equivalent of forarsage, namely cause, has an overwhelmingly negative prosody” (Dam-Jensen & Zethsen, 2007, p. 1618) “The negative semantic prosody of cause has been widely observed” (Xiao & McEnery, 2006, p. 114) However, Cotterill (2001, p. 291) refers to “the SP of a word” and to “the semantic prosodies of words” (p. 293), whereas later assigns semantic prosody to “lexical items” (p.297). It seems that another open question remains and the need for more lexical items to be investigated in other to claim the former or latter. Another interesting question regarding semantic prosody that arises is whether connotation is a synonym of semantic prosody. In order to connect this term to the notion of semantic prosody, several definitions of the connotations are presented:    connotation of a word is “an emotive or affective component additional to its central meaning” (Lyons, 1977, p. 176) connotation implies “emotive or evaluative meaning” (Palmer, 1981, p. 92) the main application of connotations “with reference to emotional associations (personal or communal)which are suggested by, or are part of the meaning of, a linguistic unit, especially a lexical item” (Crystal, 1991, p. 74) On the one hand Partington (1998), Berber-Sardinha (2000) Stubbs (2001), Hunston (2002) and Whitsitt (2005) all agree that semantic prosody is connotational. Partington, while analysing concordances of the verb commit says “unfavourable connotation can be seen to reside not simply in the word commit but over a unit consisting of commit and its collocates” (1998, p. 67). Partington continues that “connotation would locate the meaning within a word, while semantic prosody would locate meaning as spread[ing] across words” (p. 68). Berber-Sarinha (2000, p. 93) states that “semantic prosody is the connotation 82 �Semantic preference and semantic prosody - a theoretical overview Mirna Begagić conveyed by the regular co-occurrence of lexical items” whereas Hunston (2002, p. 142) writes that semantic prosody “accounts for ‘connotation’: the sense that a word carries a meaning in addition to its ‘real meaning’ ”. While analysing the verb cause, Stubbs concludes that “cause has overwhelmingly unpleasant connotations” (2001a, p. 49) and Whitsitt (2005, p. 285) states that semantic prosody is defined in three different ways and one of these “which is very widespread, treats semantic prosody as if it was a synonym of connotation”. On the other hand Louw (2000, p. 49-50) argues that “semantic prosodies are not merely connotational” as “the force behind SPs [semantic prosodies] is more strongly collocational than the schematic aspects of connotation” and he indicates that that semantic prosody is more strictly attitudinal than connotation. Louw’s remarks suggest that semantic prosody is dependant on the relationship between the item and its lexical environment, whereas connotation is related to the single word and the experience the speaker/hearer associate with that word. Besides Louw, Sinclair is another important person to be mentioned, who does not seem to support excessive overlap between connotation and semantic prosody. Sinclair (1996, p. 34) stated that: But once noticed among the variety of expressions, it is immediately clear that the semantic prosody has a leading role to play in the integration of an item with its surroundings”...and he continues (ibid., p. 39) “The major structural categories that have been proposed here- collocation, colligation, semantic preference and semantic prosodyand their inter-relationships, will be elaborated and will assume a central rather than a peripheral role in language description (emphasis my own). Therefore, according to Sinclair, semantic prosody is completely central to the unit of meaning and has nothing to do with something peripheral. A statement claimed by McEnery, Xiao and Tono (2006, p. 85) represents the link between the two views above mentioned, as they argue that “connotation can be collocational or non-collocational whereas semantic prosody can only be collocational”. To sum up, the notions semantic preference and semantic prosody have been addressed frequently in several past years. The two prominent names to be found in relation to the two terms are Sinclair and Louw. Stewart (2010) presents the most common features of semantic prosody prioritised by Sinclair’s and by Louw’s approach. Element’s prioritized by Sinclair’s approach:     it is central to the unit of meaning, one of the two obligatory elements it is considered within a synchronic framework it is a feature of a unit which is larger than the single word/expression it is not restricted to semantically ‘neutral’ lexical items 83 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018  it is not restricted to descriptions in terms of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ Elements prioritized by Louw’s approach:      it is transferred or attached meaning it is considered within both a diachronic and synchronic framework it is a feature of the word it is associated above all with more semantically ‘neutral’ lexical items it is generally expressed by means of a binary distinction whose primary terms are ‘good’ and ‘bad’ (positive / negative, favourable / unfavourable) (Stewart, 2010, p. 161) Their approaches can be described in different ways, and other linguists interested in the topic are either influenced by Sinclair or by Louw. Still most of the issues related to the two terms and mentioned above are open for further discussion. 4. CONCLUSION From the literature review it is evident that some basic problems concerning semantic preference and prosody are yet to be solved. There is evident necessity for more examples, lexical items, to be analysed in this way in order to prove or refute some of the conclusions that have already been reached. In sum, the following are some of the open and much disputed issues that can serve as the commencement for the further research for the linguists interested in the subject:        84 the possibility of the existence of semantic prosody in the targeted V-N collocations ‘neutral’ meaning is necessary when revealing semantic prosody hidden element is (not) crucial for semantic preference semantic preference is (not) obligatory element in identification of semantic prosody connotation is (not) the synonym of semantic prosody semantic prosody resides (does not reside) in the single word semantic prosody can be considered in a diachronic framework as well �Semantic preference and semantic prosody - a theoretical overview Mirna Begagić REFERENCES Baker, P. (2006). Using Corpora in Discourse Analysis. London and New York: Continuum. Bednarek, M. (2008). Semantic Preference and Semantic Prosody re-examined. Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory, 4/2, 119-139. Begagić M. (2013). 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London: Arnold. Cotterill, J. (2001). Domestic discord, rocky relationships: semantic prosodies in representations of marital violence in the O.J. Simpson trial. Discourse and Society, 12/3, 291-312. Crystal, D. (1991). Stylistic profiling. In K. Aijmer and B. Altenberg (eds.) English Corpus Linguistics. London: Longman, 21-38. Dan-Jensen, H. And Zethsen, K. (2008). Translator awareness of semantic prosodies. Target, 20/2, 203-221. Gavioli, L. (2005). Exploring Corpora for ESP Learning. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 85 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 Halliday, M. and Hasan, R. (1985). Language, Context and Text: Aspects of Language in a Social-Semiotic Perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hoey, M. (2003). Lexical Priming and the Properties of Text. Available from www.monabaker.com/tsresources/Lexical/PrimingandthePropertiesofText.ht m (1-15). Hoey, M. (2005). Lexical Priming: A New Theory of Words and Language. London and New York: Routledge. Hu, M. ( 2015). A semantic prosody analysis of three adjective synonymous pairs in COCA. Journal of Language and Linguistics Studies, 11(2) , 117-131. Hunston, S. and Francis, G. (1999). Pattern Grammar: The Principles and Practice of Corpus-driven Grammar. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Hunston, S. and Thompson, G. (1999). Evaluation in Text: Authorial Stance and the Construction of Discourse. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Hunston, S. (2001). Colligation, lexis pattern and text, in M. Scott and G. Thompson (eds.), Patterns of Text: In Honour of Michael Hoey. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 13-33. Hunston, S. (2002). Corpora and Applied Linguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hunston, S. (2007). Semantic prosody revisited. International Journal of Corpus Linguistics, 12:2, 249-268. Lewandowska-Tomaszcyk, B. (1996). Cross-linguistic and language-specific aspects of semantic prosody. Language Sciences, 181/1-2, 153-178. Louw, B. (1993). “Irony in the text or insincerity in the writer? The diagnostic potential of semantic prosodies” in M. Baker, G. Francis and E. Tognini-Bonelli (eds), Text and Tecnology: In Honour of John Sinclair. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 157-175. Louw, B. (2000). Contextual prosodic theory: bringing semantic prosodies to life, in C. Heffer and H. Suaunston (eds), Words in Context: In Honour of John Sinclair. Birmingham: ELR 48-94. Lyons, J. (1977). Semantics. Vol.1,2. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 86 �Semantic preference and semantic prosody - a theoretical overview Mirna Begagić Martin, J.R. (1999). Beyond exchange: APPRAISAL systems in English, in S. Hunston and G. Thompson (eds), Evaluation in Text: Authorial Stance and the Construction of Discourse. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 142-175. McEnery, T., Xiao, R., Tono, Y. (2006). Corpus-based Language Studies: An Advanced Resource Book. London and New York: Routledge. O’Halloran, K.A. (2007). 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In Cook and Seidlfofer (eds.), 245-256. Stubbs, M. (2001). Words and Phrases: Corpus Studies of Lexical Semantics. Oxford: Blackwell. Tognini-Bonelli, E. (2001). Corpus Linguistics at Work. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Wales, K. (2001). A Dictionary of Stylistics. Harlow: Pearson Education Ltd. Walker, C. (2004). Factors which influence the collocational behavior of business English nouns and verbs. Paper given at the annual meeting of the British Association of Applied Linguistics (BAAL) at Kings’ College, London, September 9-11, 2004. 87 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1, Issue 2, Winter 2018 Wei, N. & Li, X. (2014). Exploring sematic preference and semantic prosody across English and Chinese: Their roles for cross-linguistic perspective. Corpus Linguistics and Linguistics Theory, 10 (1), 103-138. Whitsitt, S. (2005). A critique of the concept of semantic prosodies. International Journal of Corpus Linguistics, 10 (3), 283-305. 88 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Semantic preference and semantic prosody-a theoretical overview Description An account of the resource Abstract: Semantic preference and semantic prosody are two notions that were carefully analysed in post-Firthian corpus linguistics and in the past few years there has been a growing interest in them. As corpora have become larger in size, and tools for extracting different lexical items for different purposes have been developed, the two terms have been addressed more frequently by linguists1. Throughout history, semantic preference and semantic prosody have sometimes been used for the same phenomenon but at other times the two were considered different but closely related. Previous corpus-based studies on the two terms have shown that they can be attached to many investigated lexical items. Therefore, this paper aims to present a detailed theoretical overview of the two terms in order to emphasise their immense importance for identifying the meaning of all the lexical items. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Mirna Begagić Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 1 (2) Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Winter 2018 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context ISSN 2566-4638 DOI 10.14706/JEH2018121 Type The nature or genre of the resource Keywords: semantic preference, semantic prosody, corpus, corpus linguistics. https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/7791e0173fbc71c3459eb8a4ff2c0bec.docx e43e65333722251e56214f8529b4d732 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Attitudes Towards the Use of Anglicisms in the Croatian Language of Medicine Author Author Anamarija Gjuran-Coha Tajana Tomak Abstract A summary of the resource. In this research paper, we will explore the laypersons&#39; attitudes towards the use of Anglicisms in medical language. Some communication difficulties may arise between patients and their doctors because patients&#39; knowledge of medicine and medical terminology is insufficient. Therefore, they often remain uninformed and misunderstood. A questionnaire-based study was carried out among 100 laypersons in Rijeka, Croatia. It aimed to explore understanding, acceptance, use, and need for Croatian equivalents, which show their attitudes towards using Anglicisms in medical communication. The findings show some statistically significant differences in terms of understanding and use of Anglicisms with respect to the age of the respondents and the level of their education. The respondents mainly justify the use of English medical terms in medicine when there is no adequate Croatian equivalent. However, a high percentage of them support the need for creating Croatian equivalents, which should be more understandable and transparent than the English ones. We can conclude that Anglicisms are widely used in the Croatian medical language, but the Croatian equivalents should be created in collaboration between doctors and linguists. Keywords Keywords. the language of medicine, medical terminology, Anglicisms, loan words Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University