1 10 16 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/e28aa589206b98672853377b7e02e461.docx 8355fff68b756abd4e335ffafd4d4fe2 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource THE USE OF PSYCHOLOGICAL TRUST IN THE TREATMENT OF ANXIETY Author Author Ülkü Er, Doğan Yücel, Sueda Gül, Emin Osman Uygur, Metin Aysel, Beyza Aydın and Burcu Kara Abstract A summary of the resource. This study aims to explain the psychological effects of trust orientation and trust use in anxiety disorders. Content analysis and descriptive analysis were performed in the research. According to the research findings, it has been observed that trust is an important psychological support mechanism for behaviors the situation of people who do not rely on research, the formation process of trust, the emotions, thoughts, and behaviors that prevent the feeling of trust, the untrustworthy features that increase the level of anxiety in people, the submissive prototype of the trustee and the methods that can be used for therapy by relying on the characteristics of the person will be given in treatment. Homework process and finally these indicators were discussed. The study's findings were discussed based on the relevant literature and suggestions were made for future research. In cases where the decision-making stages of the trust, health problems, economic problems, and the trust opinions of the participants are compatible with the definitions of trust in the literature; It has been observed that it is an orientation used in moments of uncertainty, helplessness, or distress. As a result of trust, it has been revealed that people feel more comfortable and peaceful, their psychological resilience increases and they accept the results. Research findings show that trust is an essential psychological support mechanism for believers. Keywords Keywords. Trust, Trust, and Psychology, Trust therapy, the person who puts his trust. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/ad176f5f669cb6948815e3b014122ab6.pdf 05e861ddb3832d3a8ab0dd3ed34e9f07 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource War in Afghanistan: A Look Back at Twenty Years of American Presence Author Author Mustafa Baĝ, Selma Delalić, Nataša Tandir, Adem Olovčić Abstract A summary of the resource. The history of Afghanistan is abundant in crises, coups, assassinations, political intrigues, as well as invasions and conquests. The last 40 years have been marked by long crises and conflicts: Soviet invasion 1979-1989, the civil war 1989-2001, the American invasion 2001-2021 with disastrous consequences for the country and the people. The invasion carried out in the name of ‘war on terrorism’, ‘bringing democracy’ and ‘freedom’, as a matter of fact, led to instability, turmoil, sectarian wars, deaths of tens of thousands of civilians and the formation of new terrorist organizations in the country, rather than peace and stability. War has become commonplace in Afghanistan. Once seen as the ‘shining star’ of Central Asia, Afghanistan is now known as the country exporting terrorism, drugs and refugees. The paper aims at showing causes and consequences of two decades long American presence in Afghanistan that left lasting imprint on Afghan society. Keywords Keywords. Afghanistan, United States, invasion, Taliban, human rights violation. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/7791e0173fbc71c3459eb8a4ff2c0bec.docx e43e65333722251e56214f8529b4d732 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Attitudes Towards the Use of Anglicisms in the Croatian Language of Medicine Author Author Anamarija Gjuran-Coha Tajana Tomak Abstract A summary of the resource. In this research paper, we will explore the laypersons' attitudes towards the use of Anglicisms in medical language. Some communication difficulties may arise between patients and their doctors because patients' knowledge of medicine and medical terminology is insufficient. Therefore, they often remain uninformed and misunderstood. A questionnaire-based study was carried out among 100 laypersons in Rijeka, Croatia. It aimed to explore understanding, acceptance, use, and need for Croatian equivalents, which show their attitudes towards using Anglicisms in medical communication. The findings show some statistically significant differences in terms of understanding and use of Anglicisms with respect to the age of the respondents and the level of their education. The respondents mainly justify the use of English medical terms in medicine when there is no adequate Croatian equivalent. However, a high percentage of them support the need for creating Croatian equivalents, which should be more understandable and transparent than the English ones. We can conclude that Anglicisms are widely used in the Croatian medical language, but the Croatian equivalents should be created in collaboration between doctors and linguists. Keywords Keywords. the language of medicine, medical terminology, Anglicisms, loan words Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/6055272bf5bff75055bb907851d7a402.docx da796af6a2ea489dd032330319d93f2e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Because Tumblr-Internet-Speak: Four Assumptions of Discourse Analysis Within New Rules of the English Language Author Author Nedima Krndžija Abstract A summary of the resource. The literature has described linguistic deviations from the conventional use of English in Computer-Mediated Communication (CMC) as distinguishing aspects of language used on the Internet. (Page, Barton, Unger, Zappavigna, 2014) The purpose of this paper is to analyse the unique language patterns seen on Tumblr, a popular microblogging platform, and how these patterns fit into four assumptions of discourse analysis as described by Rodney H. Jones (2009). Using a textual analysis method on a corpus of 60 texts extracted from Tumblr, this paper shows how four assumptions of discourse analysis can be found in Tumblr posts. The four assumptions of discourse analysis are that language is ambiguous, it is always in the world, it is used to show belonging to social groups, and it is never used alone. The ambiguity of language is taken advantage of, and Tumblr users use this ambiguity as a way of creating new vocabulary. New terms on Tumblr are coined and used by different social groups to show their association or aversion to said groups. Furthermore, textual analysis shows how Tumblr users mostly use language such as contractions, abbreviated forms, and acronyms in their blogs, which indicates that the said language is always in the world - the context in which, when, and for what a language is used determines what it signifies. Lastly, the analysis shows that the language is never used all by itself: non-standard use of punctuation adds tone to the text, and it functions as a ranting tone that impersonates rhetorical speech. Keywords Keywords. tumblr, internet linguistics, internet, discourse analysis, language deviations, language ambiguity, textual analysis Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/cf97fe9e8f076c71d38e8c85fd00df92.docx 8dec822a0ef9e2f812997596ff90c23e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource A Chronological Perspective on the Studies of Turkisms Conducted in Balkan Languages Author Author Doğan YÜCEL Abstract A summary of the resource. Turkisms in the Balkan languages continue to be an essential research subject since Karadzic published the first Serbian Dictionary in 1818. Turkisms studies have been compared to countries where the studies were published, the researchers' nationalities, and the studies' languages in tables. We have evaluated total of 1392 research in this study. Turkism researchers published the highest number of studies in the Turkish and Bulgarian languages. Turkisms in six Balkan languages were published in 17 languages by researchers from 21 nationalities in 35 different countries. While evaluating the studies, they have been handled in five different periods according to the Balkans' significant political events during the last two centuries. We have classified studies according to 33 subtitles under four categories. These four categories are detection and collecting, classification, evaluation and analysis, and current frequency measurement and revitalization of Turkisms. The method used in this study is the same as the method used by Yücel in his six published bibliography studies. Turkism studies classified are based in this study on Yücel's six studies given in the bibliography. Keywords Keywords. Turkisms, Balkan languages, Turkish Loanwords. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/56ad02039a4b48a48468a0b8285635d6.docx 815a0970b1065eb387c86f97cda36ba0 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Zaštita ljudskih prava pod krivičnim procesnim pravom u Bosni i Hercegovini, sa posebnim osvrtom na pravo na pravično suđenje Author Author Davor Trlin Emina Bešlija Abstract A summary of the resource. Ovaj rad ispituje uticaj jedinstvenih standarda ljudskih prava u međunarodnim konvencijama na krivične procese u Bosni i Hercegovini identifikuje faktore svojstvene bosanskohercegovačkom sistemu koji utiču na obim međunarodnih standarda i način na koji se oni primjenjuju u bosanskohercegovačkom kontekstu. Na prihvatanje međunarodnih osnovnih prava i sloboda u krivičnom procesu utiču tri sveobuhvatna pitanja: ustavna uređenja, pravna tradicija i kultura i praktične okolnosti. Ne postoji jednoobrazna implementacija konvencijskih standarda; čak i u Evropi u kojoj Evropska konvencija o ljudskim pravima i osnovnim slobodama i sudska praksa Evropskog suda igraju značajnu ulogu, još uvijek postoji mnogo različitosti u stvarnoj primjeni međunarodnih normi zbog uticaja pravnih tradicija. U ovom radu će se analizirati koji je domašaj pravila iz Evropske konvencije za zaštitu ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda u krivičnom procesnom pravu u BiH, te da li su domaće sudije i tužioci naučili da ispravo primjenjuju Konvenciju. Istražiće se i najkrupniji nedostaci u postupanju pravosudnih organa, a koji su, po mišljenu autora, suprotni sa praksom Ustavnog suda BiH i Evropskog suda za ljudska prava. Cilj rada je istražiti koji je domašaj i opseg člana 6. Evropske konvencije za zaštitu ljudskih prava i osnovnih sloboda u pravnom sistemu BiH. S tim u vezi, koristiće se normativni metoda kao osnovni, ali i komparativni, kao pomoćmi, posebno u smislu stavova koje je kreirao (u odnosu na druge države) Evropski sud za ljudska prava. Keywords Keywords. Ljudska prava, Evropska konvencija o ljudskim pravima, Zakonodavna reforma, Ombudsman Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available International Burch University https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/7ddead26038654065181856ab84ba4fe.pdf be010fee6487bae9252386b7eb311249 PDF Text Text Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3 (2), pp. 48-63, Winter 2020 Original research paper ISSN 2566-4638 © International Burch University Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich, M.A FH Burgenland, Austria 1819001202@fh-burgenland.at Abstract: The nascent field of news literacy is often described as a subset of media literacy. A review of international scholarship with regard to news literacy conceptualizations confirms that there are diverse and competing notions of its definition and purpose: while the civic component of news literacy clearly distinguishes it from media literacy and other new literacies, there is a noticeable divide between journalism-driven and media literacy-derived approaches. Qualitative data analysis was used to identify patterns in a subset of approximately 120 examples of current English-language international scholarship. By proposing three preliminary taxonomic classifications of news literacy – protectionist versus empowerment; skills versus knowledge; and levels of abstraction – this conceptual paper provides orientation in the field. Keywords: Literacy, media literacy, news literacy, taxonomy. Article History Submitted: 10 December 2020 Accepted: 10 January 2021 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich 1. INTRODUCTION Defining “news literacy” is a challenge when the definitions of both news and literacy are in flux. Where “news” was once a valuable commodity gathered by professional journalists and distributed regularly to mass audiences, it is now ubiquitous, available 24-7, often free, and increasingly customized (Ashley, 2020). Today’s news consumers must be able to navigate an increasingly complicated news ecosystem in order to find news they can trust. Similarly, the meaning of “literacy” has also evolved. Since the 1970s, the scope of literacy began to expand in education from the ability to read and write to become a meaning-making activity that requires different skills for different types of media messages: “Literacy today [...] is inevitably and necessarily multimedia literacy; and to this extent, traditional forms of literacy teaching are no longer adequate” (Buckingham, 2003, p. 35). Multiple new literacies have emerged in lockstep with the development of digital technologies (Stordy, 2015), including not only media and news literacy, but also computer, data, digital, economic, health, historical, information, MIL (media and information literacy), new, scientific, and visual literacy. The term news literacy first emerged among journalism educators around 2006 (Fleming, 2017). News literacy has been characterized as a subset and “crucial emerging field” of scholarship and education within the larger field of media literacy (Mihailidis, 2012, xii-2). As a subfield of media literacy (Ashley, Maksl, & Craft, 2013; Kendrick & Fullerton, 2019; Mihailidis, 2012; Palsa & Ruokamo, 2015; Tully, Vraga, & Smithson, 2018) it has inherited to an extent the same fruitless debate on definitions, scope, and aims that has plagued media literacy since the early 1990s (Maksl, Craft, Ashley, & Miller, 2017). There is to date no universally accepted formulation of news literacy. Its various permutations include news literacy, news media literacy, critical news media literacy, and critical news literacy. A recent paper co-published by a constellation of news literacy scholars went so far as to claim that the “[current] state of the field is chaotic ” (Vraga, Tully, Maksl, Craft, & Ashley, 2020, p. 13). Yet even though “chaos” may be overstating the status quo, navigating today’s news information environment has indeed become an increasingly complex task. The key goals of media literacy education, such as enhancing critical thinking skills (Silverblatt, 2004, 2014); analysis and evaluation (Aufderheide, 1993; Hobbs, 2010); conscious processing of media messages (Potter, 2004); and promoting civic agency (Mihailidis, 2019) may be applied specifically to news content and news products. Whether such application allows news literacy to emerge as a full-fledged, independent discipline may be beside the point. Allowing for a degree of “semantic interoperability” with respect to news literacy definitions would better reflect the diversity of news and news consumers, as Malik et al. argue (2013, p. 9). The more important goal must surely be to produce savvy and empowered readers and disseminators of various kinds of media messages, including news. 49 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 The purpose of this paper is to address the question of whether meaningful classifications of news literacy definitions can be established at all. Doing so may help clarify the current state of this cross-disciplinary field, but also provide a framework for future scholarly work in this domain. 2. METHODOLOGY This paper draws on a systematic literature review of news literacy which was carried out in 2019. The literature review describes the current state of research and identifies both scholarly and non-academic organizations and institutions active in the field. While its theoretical focus lies on English-language scholarship originating primarily in the US and UK, the review encompasses Englishlanguage scientific papers published by international scholars. Due to the nature of the topic itself – news literacy –material published by non-academics such as journalists, media commentators, educational outreach organizations and programs has also been included in the literature review. Searches were carried out on ERIC, SSCI, Google Scholar, ProQuest and commercial search engines as well as on the theses and dissertation databases OATD, BASE, and NDLTD. The literature review has been continually augmented with works published since 2019, with particular effort devoted to identifying new papers by scholars or practitioners already included in the original literature review. Using the full literature review as a base, an electronic search was carried out during the months of August and September 2020 to identify whether, and how often, the terms news literacy, news media literacy, critical news media literacy and/or critical news literacy were used in the body of papers or published materials. This step yielded approximately 120 peer-reviewed papers that used one of the terms at least once. Several monographs and encyclopedia entries published by scholars in the field were also identified. Occurrences of the terms that were limited to citations or bibliographies were excluded for the purpose of this study. Backward and forward searches of citations were carried out selectively to ensure the completeness of the set. In a next step, qualitative data analysis software tools were used to extract a collection of relevant terms and concepts. These key operative words, including “skills,” “knowledge,” “civic,” “democracy,” “act,” and “produce” (see also Table 1.) were counted, analyzed, and used to identify possible relationships. 3. RESULTS Of the approximately 120 works identified that use the term news literacy (or variants thereof) in the body of the work, only 37 offer any type of specific definition of the term itself. The rest – around 80 – use the term, but do not define or otherwise elaborate on it. Instead, these papers often situate news literacy 50 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich within the existing media literacy landscape; it is characterized as one “strand” in the “big tent” of media literacy education which embraces critical media literacy as well as digital, information and visual literacies (RobbGrieco & Hobbs, 2013, p. 22). It is often described as a subset or outgrowth of media literacy which applies the general media literacy principles of act, access, analyze, and create to news-based texts (Ashley et al., 2013; Jones-Jang, Mortensen, & Liu, 2019; Kamerer, 2013; Kartal, Yazgan, & Kincal, 2017; Kendrick & Fullerton, 2019; Mihailidis, 2012; Notley & Dezuanni, 2019; Sivek, 2018). Toepfl (2014) characterizes critical news literacy as part of the media literacy tradition, yet emphasizes that its facets vary according to whether it is applied in countries with democratic or non-democratic regimes. Others situate news literacy within other related literacies such as digital media literacy (Dezuanni, Notley, & Corser, 2020) or information and digital literacies (CIVIX, 2020). Kendrick & Fullerton (2019) point to the intersection of news literacy with civic literacy. Finally, news literacy is occasionally offered as just one of many in a long list of literacies (Palsa & Ruokamo, 2015; Stordy, 2015). Of the 37 works that define news literacy, 21 propose original or own definitions. The remainder cite previously published definitions forwarded by other scholars or organizations. Twelve of the 21 original definitions are offered by one or more scholars in the loose collective of Ashley, Craft, Maksl, Tully and Vraga. Four definitions originate with or are directly associated with the Center for News Literacy at Stony Brook University (Center for News Literacy, 2019), and an additional five definitions are proposed by journalists, practitioners, or educational organizations. Malik et al. underscore that what sets news literacy apart from other literacies is its “connection to civic engagement” (2013, p. 7). The US-based News Literacy Project cites the promotion of “engaged participation in civic life” as the ultimate aim of news literacy (2020, p. 5). The 21 original definitions and/or statements of purpose located in this study tend to confirm this clear differentiating characteristic: eighteen refer expressly to the civic and/or democratic aspects. Table 1. Occurrences of operative words in news literacy definitions and statements of purpose Term Total number of mentions Ability, abilities 13 Act, active, action 9 Analyze, analysis 6 Assess 4 Attitude(s) 3 Civic 7 51 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 Citizen, citizenry, citizenship Create, creation Credible, credibility Critical, critically Democracy, democratic Empower, empowered Engage, engaged, engagement Evaluate Fact, fact-based Information Informed Knowledge, knowledgeable Meaningful Mindful Navigate News consumer(s) News consumption News production Productive Skill, skills, skillset Understand, understanding Verify, verification 13 5 4 20 11 8 16 6 3 18 7 13 1 2 1 3 9 15 1 16 16 2 Note: Key operative words counted in the group of 21 works proposing original or own news literacy definitions and/or statements of purpose. Due to the small number of units of analysis, permutations of the same word are grouped together. Only the first mention of the term is included in the count. 4. DISCUSSION News literacy is still a young discipline with a relatively small yet rapidly growing body of scholarly research. As its definition and purpose evolve, there will likely be more material with which to create truly meaningful taxonomies. Before delineating three possible modes of classification, it is useful to track the evolution of definitions offered by one or more of the scholars who have coauthored multiple papers in the discipline since 2010: those belonging to the aforementioned loose constellation of Ashley, Maksl, Craft, Tully and Vraga. In 2010, Ashley, Poepsel and Willis employ the term media literacy in their exploration of the ways in which knowledge of media ownership influences opinions on print news credibility (2010). In “Developing a News Media Literacy Scale” (2013), Ashley, Maksl and Craft describe news media literacy as a “subset of 52 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich the broader field of media literacy” without providing an explicit definition of the term. Two years later, Maksl, Ashley and Craft again use news media literacy (2015), describing it as an “emerging subfield” of media literacy. Ashley later writes (2020, p. 50) that the authors deliberately used news media literacy in the 2015 study to underline their allegiance to the discipline’s roots in media literacy, as opposed to journalism. The same authors employed news media literacy again in “News Media Literacy and Political Engagement: What’s The connection?” (Ashley, Maksl, & Craft, 2017). Yet in another paper published in the same year, news literacy was the main term used in their evaluation of the Stony Brook University curriculum (Maksl et al., 2017). They describe the overlap and competition among different literacies, and describe news literacy in spatial terms: “If a definition of news literacy is the destination, then the journey to reach it passes through several other literacy neighborhoods” (2017, p. 229). Ashley offers an autonomous definition for news literacy in the International Encyclopedia of Journalism (2019b): “Starting from the premise that an informed citizenry is central to democratic self‐governance, news literacy is comprised of the knowledge, skills, and dispositions that news audiences need to successfully engage with news media. [. . . ].” The most recent collective effort of the scholars Vraga, Tully, Maksl, Craft and Ashley employs the term news literacy, which they define as “Knowledge of the personal and social processes by which news is produced, distributed, and consumed, and skills that allow users some control over these processes” (2020, p. 15). In his 2020 monograph News Literacy and Democracy, Ashley claims that news literacy “has emerged as a domain of its own” and while distinct from media literacy, still belongs to its overarching realm (2020, p. 17). In addition to identifying how the term has developed thus far, patterns may also be discerned in the 37 instances located for this study. These may be elaborated in three preliminary modes of classification. The first is based on the general protectionist and empowerment paradigms in the media literacy education tradition (RobbGrieco & Hobbs, 2013, p. 2). A second draws on the skills and knowledge-based framework developed by Potter (2004). A third presents news literacy as one level of abstraction in a framework proposed by Palsa & Ruokamo (2015). Each of the four permutations of the term (news literacy, news media literacy, critical news media literacy, and critical news literacy) have been merged in the creation of these classifications. 5. NEWS LITERACY PARADIGMS The varying approaches to defining news literacy may be generally categorized as fundamentally protectionist, or empowering (Mihailidis, 2012; RobbGrieco & Hobbs, 2013). The protectionist paradigm presupposes a more “correct” way to consume news and aims to cultivate appreciation of it (Fleming, 2014). It encourages news consumers to think like journalists, and to employ the traditional tools and techniques of the journalism trade (e.g. verification, 53 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 consulting multiple sources, using an accuracy checklist etc.). In contrast, the empowerment paradigm stems from the critical/cultural tradition in which the individual not only interprets and deconstructs (news) media messages, but can also actively contribute to message creation and dissemination. In news literacy, the protectionist approach drills down on concrete news products and messages, while the empowerment approach encourages contemplation of the wider socioeconomic, cultural and institutional contexts. The protectionist paradigm is most closely associated with proponents based in the United States, while the empowerment paradigm is more global in scope (Fleming, 2017). Origins General stance vis-à-vis media Orientation Desired actions Geographic sphere Proponents Table 2. News Literacy Paradigms Protectionist Paradigm Empowerment Paradigm Journalism, journalists, J-school Critical/cultural approach (“think like a journalist”) approach (based on media literacy in US, media education in UK) Aims to mitigate potentially harmful Encourages individual media effects by cultivating construction and appreciation for certain media forms negotiation of meaning and messages in all media forms Content-oriented: examines and Context-oriented: evaluates specific news texts or news considers the larger products socioeconomic, cultural, institutional contexts Skill cultivation: journalistic tools of Ability to access, fact-checking, verification, accuracy analyze, create, reflect, checklists, sourcing practices act in all media “American” Global Center for News Literacy at Stony Brook University; News Literacy Project (US); Poynter Institute; Radio Television Digital News Association (US); Howard Schneider (founder of Stony Brook program) Seth Ashley; Renee Hobbs; Malik, Cortesi & Gasser (2013); Paul Mihailidis; Stephen D. Reese 6. SKILLS VERSUS KNOWLEDGE-BASED APPROACH The skills versus knowledge-based taxonomy follows Potter’s (2004) classification of media literacy definitions. After counting explicit mentions of an operative set of terms across all 37 definitions, four main areas of focus were delineated: 1) “skills” (the related terms “abilities,” “competencies” were also counted in this category); 2) “knowledge” (including “understanding,” 54 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich “comprehension”); 3) the combination of both “skills” and “knowledge.” This study adds a fourth and crucial aspect, the “civic” component. Table 3 classifies the original definitions according to the four areas. The modest number of definitions (units of analysis) hinders the creation of substantive classifications, yet a heightened emphasis on “skills” can be discerned among the journalism-centric authors and organizations based in the US (e.g. Center for News Literacy and its founder Schneider, the News Literacy Project, Radio Television Digital News Association). Variations of “civic” (“citizen,” “citizenship,” etc.) were included in eight definitions, thus underscoring its centrality to the discipline. This aligns with Mihailidis, who locates news literacy at the intersection of journalism, technology, and citizenship (2012); and Malik et al., who stress that it is the “connection to civic engagement” that sets news literacy apart from the other literacies (2013, p. 7). Appendix 1 offers verbatim excerpts of wording within each definitional focus area. Table 3. News Literacy Definitional Focus Definitional focus Author(s)/Year (listed in alphabetical order by author) Focus on skills Ashley et al. 2017 Center for News Literacy at Stony Brook University (US) Kajimoto & Fleming 2019 News Literacy Project (US) Radio Television Digital News Association (US) Schneider, Howard (Stony Brook University) Focus on knowledge Maksl et al. 2015 Reese 2012 RobbGrieco & Hobbs 2013 Focus on both skills Ashley 2019 and knowledge Ashley 2019a Ashley 2020 Malik et al. 2013 Tully et al. 2018 Vraga et al. 2020 Mention of civic Ashley 2019 component Ashley 2019a Ashley 2020 Kajimoto & Fleming 2019 Malik et al. 2013 Mihailidis 2012 News Literacy Project (US) RobbGrieco & Hobbs 2013 55 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 7. LEVEL OF ABSTRACTION FRAMEWORK One thread identified in this study is a reluctance among scholars to insist on the universality of any one news literacy definition. In their preference for semantic flexibility, Malik et al. emphasize the importance of understanding the building blocks of news literacy: what people need news for, how and why they seek out news, and identifying how to help news consumers hone their skills in evaluating and disseminating news (2013, pp. 8–9). Mihailidis has alluded to the lack of clear definitional boundaries between news and media literacy. Yet rather than limiting the concept from the outset, he suggests a more flexible approach that enables “definitional rigor and fluency” to arise naturally in the course of scholarship and pedagogy (2012, p. 3). Palsa & Ruokamo (2015) eschew altogether any attempt to establish a global definition of media literacy, proposing instead to recognize the legitimacy of multiliteracies and arrange these on the basis of high, medium, and low levels of abstraction. This more holistic view of literacies may indeed be of use when considering news literacy. Adapting the Palsa & Ruokamo framework to this end, media literacy – in this instance, the overall desired outcome of education – is thus the highest level of abstraction. News literacy is situated in the middle, and is employed as a targeted application of media literacy concepts to newsbased texts. At the lowest level of abstraction are literacies that feed into both news and media literacy, such as headline literacy (Johnson, Paal, Waggoner, & Bleier, 2020), which involves the ways in which news consumers identify and evaluate the reliability of news headlines, particularly in social media-rich information environments. Table 4. Framework of abstraction for literacies (based on Palsa & Ruokamo, 2015) High level of abstraction Media literacy as desired outcome of educational efforts Medium level of abstraction News literacy as targeted application of media literacy concepts Low level of abstraction Headline literacy as highly specific and contextualized application of news literacy concepts 8. CONCLUSION This study underscores the current lack of any single, universally accepted definition of news literacy in the English-language literature. Most scholarly works included in this study apply the foundational definition of media literacy to news-based texts instead of providing a new or original definition of news literacy. Moreover, as a stand-alone discipline, news literacy competes not only with media literacy, but with a range of other new or newish literacies, in particular digital and information literacy. Yet news literacy is consistently 56 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich distinguished from other literacies by way of its civic component. This study suggests that among the relatively small group of scholars and practitioners that employs the term, classification of conceptualizations may follow the protectionist versus empowerment paradigm; a skills versus knowledge-based approach; or within a framework of levels of abstraction. This classification could serve as an initial taxonomic foundation which may be built upon as the discipline develops. A clear limitation of this study is the small number of extant original definitions of news literacy. However, as the field matures and the corpus of scholarly research expands, future researchers will have more material to draw on in order to create more substantive classifications. The overall scope of evaluation could be enlarged to include news literacy scholarship originating in non-Anglo countries and explore the dimensions of the term in other languages. The present rapid pace of publication in the field will likely continue as researchers explore how news literacy is helping – or not helping – news consumers navigate the complexities of news ecospheres, and whether news literacy functions as a corrective to the scourge of “fake news” and misinformation. 57 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 REFERENCES Ashley, S. (2019a). News Literacies. In R. Hobbs & P. Mihailidis (Eds.), The Wiley Blackwell-ICA international encyclopedias of communication. The international encyclopedia of media literacy (Vol. 2, pp. 1–11). Hoboken NJ: Wiley-Blackwell. https://doi.org/10.1002/9781118978238.ieml0173 Ashley, S. (2019b). News literacy. In T. P. Vos & F. 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(2017, August). News Literacy and a Civics Model for Journalism Education. Retrieved from https://commons.library.stonybrook.edu/cnlglobalconference/cnl2017/one/2 / 58 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich Hobbs, R. (2010). Digital and Media Literacy: A Plan of Action. Washington, D.C. Retrieved from Aspen Institute; John S. and James L. Knight Foundation website: https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED523244.pdf Johnson, N. R., Paal, K., Waggoner, E., & Bleier, K. (2020). Scales for Assessing News Literacy Education in the Digital Era. Journalism & Mass Communication Educator, 107769582093098. https://doi.org/10.1177/1077695820930980 Jones-Jang, S. M., Mortensen, T., & Liu, J. (2019). Does Media Literacy Help Identification of Fake News? Information Literacy Helps, but Other Literacies Don’t. American Behavioral Scientist. (0002764219869406.), 1-18. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764219869406 Kajimoto, M., & Fleming, J. (2019). News Literacy. In J. Nussbaum (Ed.), Oxford research encyclopedias: Communication. Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.013.848 Kamerer, D. (2013). Media Literacy. Communication Research Trends, 32(1), 1–25. Retrieved from https://ecommons.luc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=https://scholar.googl e.at/&httpsredir=1&article=1015&context=communication_facpubs Kartal, O. Y., Yazgan, A. D., & Kincal, R. Y. (2017). Does Skepticism Predict News Media Literacy: A Study on Turkish Young Adults. International Education Studies, 10(12), 70–79. https://doi.org/10.5539/ies.v10n12p70 Kendrick, A., & Fullerton, J. A. (2019). Dimensions of News Media Literacy Among U.S. Advertising Students. Journal of Advertising Education, 23(1), 7–21. https://doi.org/10.1177/1098048219841280 Maksl, A., Ashley, S., & Craft, S. (2015). Measuring News Media Literacy. Journal of Media Literacy Education, 6(3), 29–45. Retrieved from https://digitalcommons.uri.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1174&context=jm le Maksl, A., Craft, S., Ashley, S., & Miller, D. (2017). The Usefulness of a News Media Literacy Measure in Evaluating a News Literacy Curriculum. Journalism & Mass Communication Educator, 72(2), 228–241. https://doi.org/10.1177/1077695816651970 Malik, M., Cortesi, S., & Gasser, U. (2013). The Challenges of Defining 'News Literacy'. SSRN Electronic Journal. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2342313 Mihailidis, P. (Ed.) (2012). Mass communication and journalism: Vol. 7. News literacy: Global perspectives for the newsroom and the classroom. New York: Peter Lang. Mihailidis, P. (2019). Civic media literacies: Re-imagining human connection in an age of digital abundance. New York, London: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. News Literacy Project (2020, October 19). Educator Booklet 2020. Retrieved from https://www.paperturn-view.com/us/news-literacy-project/educatorbooklet-2020-091820-paperturn?pid=MTE114066 Notley, T., & Dezuanni, M. (2019). Advancing children’s news media literacy: learning from the practices and experiences of young Australians. Media, Culture & Society. (41), 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1177/0163443718813470 59 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 Palsa, L., & Ruokamo, H. (2015). Behind the concepts of multiliteracies and media literacy in the renewed Finnish core curriculum: A systematic literature review of peer-reviewed research. Seminar.Net International Journal of Media, Technology & Lifelong Learning, 11(2). Retrieved from https://journals.hioa.no/index.php/seminar/article/view/2354 Potter, W. J. (2004). Theory of media literacy: A cognitive approach. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: SAGE Publications. Reese, S. D. (2012). Global News Literacy: Challenges for the Educator. In P. Mihailidis (Ed.), Mass communication and journalism: Vol. 7. News literacy: Global perspectives for the newsroom and the classroom (pp. 63–80). New York: Peter Lang. RobbGrieco, M., & Hobbs, R. (2013). A field guide to media literacy education in the United States. Kingston, Rhode Island. Retrieved from Media Education Lab Harrington School of Communication and Media University of Rhode Island website: https://mediaeducationlab.com/sites/mediaeducationlab.com/files/Field%20 Guide%20to%20Media%20Literacy%20.pdf RTDNA - Radio Television Digital News Association (2020, October 13). RTDNA - Radio Television Digital News Association. Retrieved from https://www.rtdna.org/ SBU Journalism (2018). Welcome to JRN101: News Literacy. Silverblatt, A. (2004). Media as Social Institution. American Behavioral Scientist, 48(1), 35–41. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002764204267249 Silverblatt, A. (2014). Media literacy: Keys to interpreting media messages (Fourth edition). Santa Barbara California: Praeger An Imprint of ABC-CLIO LLC. Sivek, S. C. (2018). Both Facts and Feelings: Emotion and News Literacy. Journal of Media Literacy Education, 10(2), 123–138. Retrieved from https://digitalcommons.uri.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1355&context=jm le Stordy, P. (2015). Taxonomy of literacies. Journal of Documentation, 71(3), 456–476. https://doi.org/10.1108/JD-10-2013-0128 Toepfl, F. (2014). Four facets of critical news literacy in a non-democratic regime: How young Russians navigate their news. European Journal of Communication, 29(1), 68–82. https://doi.org/10.1177/0267323113511183 Tully, M., Vraga, E. K., & Smithson, A.‑B. (2018). News media literacy, perceptions of bias, and interpretation of news. Journalism, 39(2), 1-18. https://doi.org/10.1177/1464884918805262 Vraga, E. K., Tully, M., Maksl, A., Craft, S., & Ashley, S. (2020). Theorizing News Literacy Behaviors. Communication Theory. Advance online publication. https://doi.org/10.1093/ct/qtaa005 60 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich APPENDIX 1. News Literacy Definitional Focus as described in Table 3. In alphabetical/chronological order for each category. SKILL-BASED DEFINITIONS Ashley et al. "News media literacy takes the broad goals of media literacy—the ability to access, analyze, evaluate, and create media [...] —and applies them to news content specifically with a focus on the contexts of news production." (2017, p. 81) Center for News Literacy at Stony Brook University “News Literacy is the ability to use critical thinking skills to judge the reliability and credibility of news reports, whether they come via print, television, radio, the internet or social media.” (2019) Kajimoto & Fleming “News literacy is an emerging field within the disciplines of media literacy, journalism education, information technology, and other related areas, although there is no unified definition or consensus among researchers as to what exactly the news literacy curriculum should entail. Its core mission is broadly recognized as ‘citizen empowerment’ in that the critical-thinking skills necessary to the evaluation of news reports and the ability to identify fact-based, quality information encourage active participation and engagement among wellinformed citizens.” (2019) News Literacy Project (US) “News literacy is the ability to determine the credibility of news and other content, to identify different types of information and to use the standards of authoritative, fact-based journalism to discern credible sources and content from misinformation and unreliable sources. Being more news-literate also means recognizing the critical role of the First Amendment and a free press in a democracy and interacting with news and other information in ways that promote engaged participation in civic life.” (2020, p. 5) Radio Television Digital News Association (US) “News literacy is the acquisition of 21st-century, critical-thinking skills for analyzing and judging the reliability of news and information, differentiating among facts, opinions and assertions in the media we consume, create and distribute.” (2020) Schneider, Howard (Center for News Literacy at Stony Brook University) “News literacy is the ability to decide for yourself whether the news reports you receive, whether they come from television, the Internet, newspapers, or magazines, whether those reports are reliable. And by reliable I mean whether you can act on the information. Can you take an action? Can you reach a conclusion? Can you make a judgment? Or is the information suspect or insufficient – and how do you know?” (2019) 61 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 KNOWLEDGE-BASED DEFINITIONS Maksl et al. “News media literacy is oriented toward understanding how and why people engage with news media, how they make sense of what they consume, and how individuals are affected by their own news consumption.” (2015, p. 29) Reese, Stephen D. “By news literacy I essentially mean an understanding of how news ‘works,’ including the underlying media and technological systems that support certain meanings embedded in media ‘texts’ and the creative process that yields them [. . . ]; [global] news literacy, then, means the ability to understand, ‘decode,’ and create media with particular awareness of one’s social location within an international context.” (2012, p. 65) RobbGrieco & Hobbs "This strand [of media literacy] helps learners understand and participate in the roles and responsibilities that newsmakers, news consumers, news texts, and news organizations play in a healthy society. Practitioners focus on key questions of representation and reality, and of techniques used to construct messages in the news.” (2013, p. 22) BOTH SKILLS AND KNOWLEDGE Ashley (International Encyclopedia of Journalism Studies) “Starting from the premise that an informed citizenry is central to democratic self‐governance, news literacy is comprised of the knowledge, skills, and dispositions that news audiences need to successfully engage with news media [. . . ].” (2019b) Ashley (International Encyclopedia of Media Literacy) “[The] emerging field of news literacy includes the knowledge and skills necessary for empowered audiences to engage with news media and civic life in meaningful and productive ways.” (2019a) Ashley "News literacy is the critical evaluation of information content as well as the contexts where it is produced and consumed. We can think of news literacy as the set of knowledge, skills, and attitudes that a person brings to their personal consumption of information and to their understanding of the structure of the news media landscape.” (2020, p. 9) Malik et al. “News literacy is at the intersection of [media and information literacies], as news is a type of information which can be delivered through the media. However, its connection to civic engagement is what conceptually distinguishes it from other information or media.” (2013, p. 7) Tully et al. "NML [news media literacy] [. . .] emphasizes the development of knowledge, skills and a personal sense of control about media choices”; “[. . . ] NML, then, 62 �Conceptualizing News Literacy Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich focuses on the necessary abilities relevant to becoming a critical news consumer." (2018, 3-4) Vraga et al. News literacy is “knowledge of the personal and social processes by which news is produced, distributed, and consumed, and skills that allow users some control over these processes.” (2020, p. 15) CIVIC COMPONENT (WHERE NOT ALREADY INCLUDED ABOVE) Mihailidis “The news literacy educational movement is premised on exploring how to best prepare journalists and citizens for lives of active inquiry and participatory citizenship in information societies worldwide.” (2012, p. 8) 63 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Conceptualizing News Literacy Author Author Kimberly Callecod-Weinrich Abstract A summary of the resource. The nascent field of news literacy is often described as a subset of media literacy. A review of international scholarship with regard to news literacy conceptualizations confirms that there are diverse and competing notions of its definition and purpose: while the civic component of news literacy clearly distinguishes it from media literacy and other new literacies, there is a noticeable divide between journalism-driven and media literacy-derived approaches. Qualitative data analysis was used to identify patterns in a subset of approximately 120 examples of current English-language international scholarship. By proposing three preliminary taxonomic classifications of news literacy – protectionist versus empowerment; skills versus knowledge; and levels of abstraction – this conceptual paper provides orientation in the field. Keywords Keywords. iteracy, media literacy, news literacy, taxonomy. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 2566-4638 DOI Digital object identifier 10.14706/JEH2021324 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/93ad8e438ec751c94c2d0a3af49697f2.pdf b743dfacd07d30b2dd135db34a79b93f PDF Text Text Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3 (2), pp. 33-47, Winter 2020 Original research paper ISSN 2566-4638 © International Burch University Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Dr. sci. Davor Trlin Doc. dr. Esad Oruč International Burch University davor.trlin@ibu.edu.ba esad.oruc@ibu.edu.ba Abstract: In this paper, through the analysis of the normative framework for the operation of these institutions, but also their activity, and the application of international standards in BiH, we will try to find an answer to the question of whether Bosnia and Herzegovina is a state or a protectorate. A lot has been achieved through the implementation of the Dayton Agreement, but most of it was due to the activity of the international community. According to the General Framework Agreement for Peace, this activity does not envisage a protectorate. However, especially in the first years of the functioning of post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina, many constitutional and legal theorists tried to define the legal nature of Bosnia and Herzegovina's dependence on the international community in certain elements (which later softened). The results showed no unambiguous answer. In the last fifteen years, this issue has moved to the periphery of interest in domestic and regional constitutional and legal science. But it seems the time to re-establish it has come, especially in light of the announcement of changes in the attitudes of key actors in the international community towards Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are also interested in the issue related to this central research, which is the degree of sovereignty of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina inside and outside, given the Dayton construct of the international community's involvement in the constitutional and political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Sažetak: U ovom radu ćemo, kroz analizu normativnog okvira za djelovanje ovih institucija, ali i njihov sam aktivitet, te aplikaciju međunarodnih standarda u BiH, pokušati doći do odgovora na pitanje da li je Bosna i Hercegovina država ili protektorat. Kroz implementaciju Daytonskog sporazuma se postiglo dosta, ali većinom je zaslužan bio aktivitet međunarodne zajednice. Taja aktivitet ni, prema Općem okvirnom sporazumu za mir, ne predviđa protektorat. Ipak, posebno u prvim godinama funkcioniranja post-Daytonske Bosne i Hercegovine, brojni ustavno-pravni teoretičari su pokušavali definirati pravnu prirodu odnosa ovisnosti Bosne i Hercegovine prema međunarodnoj zajednici u određenim elementima (koja se kasnije sve više ublažavala). Rezultati su pokazali da nema jednoznačnog odgovora. Ovo pitanje je u posljednjih petnaest godina u domaćoj ali i regionalnoj ustavno-pravnoj nauci prešlo na periferiju interesiranja. Ali, čini se da je vrijeme da ga se ponovo postavi, posebno u svjetlu najave promjena odnosa ključnih subjekata međunarodne zajednice prema Bosni i Hercegovini. Takođe nas interesuje i pitanje koje je povezano s ovim centralnim istraživačkim, a to je stepen suvereniteta države Bosne i Hercegovine unutra, ali i prema vani, imajući u vidu Daytonski konstrukt uključenosti međunarodne zajednice u ustavno-politički sistem Bosne i Hercegovine. Keywords: Protectorate, International Community, High Representative, Peace Implementation Council, Bonn Powers. Ključne riječi: Protektorat, Međunarodna zajednica, Visoki predstavnik, Vijeće za implementaciju mira, Bonske ovlasti. Article History Submitted: 30 October 2020 Accepted: 10 December 2020 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 1. UVOD Ustavni sistem Bosne i Hercegovine je determiniran sporazumom za mir, koji je postignut u Daytonu (Ohio, SAD) novembra 1995. godine, a formalno potpisan u Parizu, decembra 1995. godine. Aneks 4 ovog sporazuma je Ustav Bosne i Hercegovine. Prema Članu I tačka 2, Bosna i Hercegovina je demokratska država koja funkcionira u skladu sa zakonom i na osnovu slobodnih i demokratskih izbora. Iako ova odredba proklamuje koncept demokratije, Aneks 4 sadrži dosta normi koje nisu u skladu sa demokratskim principima, ali je i antinomičan, tj. određene njegove odredbe su međusobno nesaglasne (npr. proklamovan je princip zabrane diskriminacije, ali istovremeno je pojedinim kategorijama uvedeno nejednako aktivno i pasivno biračko pravo, odnosno postoji otvorena ustavna diskriminacija). O donošenju ovog akta, ali i pojedinim njegovim odredbama, te komparaciji ovog akta sa drugim aneksima sporazuma bitnim za ovaj rad ćemo detaljnije pisati u slijedećim poglavljima. 2. POJAM PROTEKTORATA Protektorat je jedan odnos ovisnosti jedne (slabije) države od druge (jače), protektora. Klaić (1986), pod „protektorom (protekcijom) podrazumijeva: 1. pokrovitelj, zaštitnik; 2.u međunarodnom pravu država koja preuzima nad nekom zemljom protektorat. Protektorat- pokroviteljstvo, zaštićivanje, okrilje, obrana uopće, a osobito: formalno pokroviteljstvo jače države nad slabijom; faktički- pokroviteljstvo je oblik zavisnosti koji imperijalističke države nasilno nameću drugim zemljama; 2. naziv ovako okupirane zemlje; isto i protektorstvo.” Prema Ibleru (1987) nastaje na temelju međunarodnog ugovorai kojim se odnos ovisnosti uređuje tako što se navode prava i dužnosti obiju strana (s. 259). Iz ovog razloga se npr. ne može prihvatiti da je Čehoslovačka bila pod protektoratom Trećeg Rajha, budući da između njih nije zaključen ugovor. Protektirana oblast je uspostavljena jednostranim aktom okupacije, i postala je dio „teritorije velikog njemačkog Rajha“. U Hoffmanovoj analizi (1987) navodi se da se država zaštitnica ugovorom obavezuje da će štiti protektiranu državu od agresije ili drugih oblika povrede prava zajamčenih međunarodnim pravom, te od internog ugrožavanja, a država zaštitnica preuzima njene ovlasti u međunarodnim odnosima (s. 1153). Dvije su vrste protektorata: potpuni i ograničeni. Kod potpunog protektorata država štićenica u potpunosti ugovorom o protektoratu stavlja svoje aktivnost u nadležnost države zaštitnice, a kod ograničenog zadržava poslovnu sposobnost, ali je ograničena naknadnim odobrenjem protektora. Seidl i Hohenveldern (2006) navode da protektirani teritorij ne ulazi u državni teritorij protektora, državljani zadržavaju svoja državljanstva, a ugovori koje protektor zaključuje obavezuju protektiranu državu (s. 177). Neki pravni teoretičari među oblike „složenih država“ ubrajaju i protektorat. Berislav Perić (1994) dijeli složene države na: 1) protektorat, 2) unija (realna i personalna), 3) konfederacija, 34 �Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Davor Trlin & Esad Oruč 4) federacija (s. 103). Fuad Muhić (1998) smatra da su se kroz istoriju razvila dva osnovna oblika složenih država – konfederacija i federacija (s. 104-107). Ovaj autor navodi da su unije „oblici povezivanja država koji se nalaze na sredini između konfederacije i federacije.“ – (s. 109). Dijeli ih na realne i personalne unije, a kao vrstu personalne unije podrazumijeva protektorat: „Kao oblik državnog uređenja, unije su u modernom dobu iščezle, i na njih donekle podsjećaju samo veze nekih malih evropskih državica sa susjednim državama, koje za njih obavljaju većinu najvažnijih poslova (veze San Marina sa Italijom, Monaka sa Francuskom, Lihtenštajna sa Švajcaskom i Andore sa Španijom i Francuskom). Takva veza naziva se protektoratom (štićeništvom)“ (s 109.). Međutim, moderna pravna teorija kao ni međunarodno pravo ne smatraju protektorat za oblik državnog uređenja već za odnos ovisnosti. Tako ih svrstava Degan (2000), a ne među oblike država (s. 294-295). Najviše su protektori bili Francuskaii i Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irskeiii. Schweisfurth (2006) je dao detaljan pregled protektorata UK (s. 25.). Može se reći da je klasičnih protektorata, kao odnosa dvije države (zaštitnice i štićenice) kroz povijest nestalo i da su se oni transformirali u tzv. „Međunararodnu teritorijalnu upravu“, institut međunarodne zajednice kojim ona osigurava međunarodni pravni poredak. Protektorat nisu ni slučajevi kad se manja država služi većom za obavljanje određenih poslova (primjer Lihtenštajna u odnosu sa Švicarskom ili San Marina u odnosu sa Italijom), gdje države imaju autonomiju odlučivanja. To npr. nije slučaj sa Monakomiv pa se može reći da je ispravna tvrdnja Seidla i Hohenvelderna (2006) da je ovo jedan od rijetkih primjera (oslabljenog) protektorata u savremenom društvu (s. 176.). 3. ULOGA EKSTERNOG FAKTORA U USTAVOTVORNOM DRŽAVNOM POSTUPKU „Daytonski“ ustav nije jedini slučaj u ustavnoj istoriji da je ustav određene države sačinjen uz pomoć i nadzor eksternog faktora. Tako su savezničke okupacijske sile, nakon poraza Njemačke u Drugom svjetskom ratu, ukinule Weimarski ustav, koji je bio na snazi u Njemačkoj od 1919. do 1945. godine. Na snagu je, u Zapadnoj Njemačkoj“ stupio Temeljni zakon (23. 05. 1949. godine, nakon što je odobren 08. 05. 1949. godine, u Bonnu (sve su Zemlje, osim Bavarske, takođe potvrdile), te od, strane Saveznika Drugog Svjetskog rata 12. 05. 1949. godine). Ovaj ustav je sada, uz određene amandmane, na snazi u Saveznoj Republici Njemačkoj. Sačinili su ga, pod usmjeravanjem Zapadnih sila, 1948. godine, ministri-predsjednici zapadnonjemačkih država, koji su formirali Parlamentarno vijeće. Takođe je Ustav Japana od 03. 05. 1947. godine, kojeg je, pod nadzorom Vrhovnog komandanta Savezničkih snaga, Douglasa MacArthura, sačinio određen broj državnih službenika i vojnog osoblja SAD. Nakon toga su japanski pripadnici akademske zajednice pregledali i modificirali tekst, prije konačnog usvajanja ustava od strane Nacionalnog dijeta, parlamenta Japana. Ustav od 1947. godine je zamijenio dotadašnji autoritarni sistem kvaziapsolutne 35 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 monarhije, sa liberalnom demokratijom, a cilj učešća Saveznika je bio da se suspregne militaristički nacionalizam japanske vlade. 4. SUVERENOST, MEĐUNARODNO PRAVO I USTAVNO PRAVO Tri osnovna elementa državne organizacije su: stanovništvo, teritorija i suverena vlast. Prije nego što objasnimo sintagmu „suverena vlast“, trebamo prvo objasniti šta zapravo znači termin „vlast“ i u čemu je to suštinska razlika između moći i vlasti. Vlast je institucionalizovana i legitimizovana moć. Prema Viskoviću (2006) „Vlast je nešto više od gole moći i prisile. To je prisila koja je legitimna ili barem formalno zasnovana na običajnim i pravnim normama, tj. koja je po mišljenju nekih ljudi opravdana kao „dobra“ ili se barem poziva na običaj i pravo.“ (s. 19). Vlast znači da se tačno znaju hijerarhijski odnosi između onih koji imaju vlast i onih koji je nemaju (tj. između nadređenih i podređenih) i da se ti odnosi moraju poštovati. Razne su vrste vlasti, ako je moć određenih društvenih subjekata zasnovana na pravnim normama. Tako postoje ekonomska vlast, roditeljska vlast, državna vlast. Ova zadnja, državna vlast najviša je vlast u društvu. Vrhovnost državne vlasti je element državne suverenosti. Državna suverenost se manifestira dvojako: 1. kao unutrašnja suverenost (profesor Visković ju naziva „pravna vrhovnost“) i 2. kao vanjska suverenost. 1. Unutrašnja suverenost državne vlasti znači da država ima isključivo pravo da stvara najviše pravne akte. Državna vlast ima pravo izricati određene sankcije za nepoštivanje dispozicija pravnih normi iz pravnih akata koje je donijela, i u tu svrhu koristi prinudu. Ona je jedina organizacija u društvu koja ima monopol legalne fizičke prinude. Perić (1994) navodi:„“Glede toga predložio bih da državu treba šire definirati kao onu društvenu organizaciju koja ima: (1) VLAST, koja (a) unutar državnih granica raspolaže NE monopolom prisile, nego NAJVEĆOM prisilom, (b) u odnosu na druge države, dakle „prema vani“, nastupa kao „jednak s jednakima“. Ova vlast, također, ima sljedeća obilježja: ona je društvena organizacija, suverena, ona je i prisilna. Ima svoj: (2) TERITORIJ, (3) STANOVNIŠTVO i (4) PRAVO, tj. PRAVNI POREDAK. Ukazujući na činjenicu da državna vlast, ako hoće ostati državna, mora na svom teritoriju raspolagati (ne monopolom fizičke prisile, jer to je nemoguće) n a j v e ć o m ili n a j j a č o m p r i s i l o m. Nadalje, ako takva država izgubi i tu najjaču prisilu, ona bi prestala biti državna vlast i njene bi izreke prestale biti pravo. Druga politička snaga, koja bi u svoje ruke preuzela ili osvojila tu najveću i najjaču prisilu, time bi postala i nova državna vlast.“ (s. 137). Država nije i jedina organizacija u društvu koja stvara pravne norme. To su i brojni subjekti autonomnog prava (privredna društva, vjerske organizacije, sindikati...). Moderno poimanje suverenosti je nastalo zahvaljujući konceptima narodne suverenosti i pravne države. Ono je dokinulo apsolutističko, feudalno poimanje suverenosti države o pravno neograničenoj vlasti monarha. 36 �Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Davor Trlin & Esad Oruč 2. Vanjska suverenost državne vlasti znači da je državna vlast nezavisna u odnosu na druge državne vlasti (tj. jednoj državi nijedna druga država ne može nametati svoju volju). Ona je u međunarodnim odnosima ravnopravna sa drugim državnim vlastima, bez obzira na sve razlike koje u modernom društvu objektivno postoje između država. Ipak, postoje i određeni, istina, ne brojni slučajevi pravne neravnopravnosti državnih vlasti u međunarodnoj zajednici i međunarodnim odnosima. To se najbolje vidi na primjeru Vijeća sigurnosti, gdje sile pobjednice Drugog svjetskog rata imaju pravo veta. Suverenost državne vlasti u modernom društvu može biti veća ili manja. Brojne su države u kojima se vode oružani sukobi i one koje su u specifičnim odnosima ovisnosti o drugim državama, međunarodnim organizacijama ili čak cijeloj međunarodnoj zajednici država. Svaka država mora pribavljati sredstva kojim se osigurava materijalna osnova za brojne zadatke koje država mora obavljati, ali i da bi mogla egzistirati. Tim sredstvima se zadovoljavaju i objektivno postojeće potrebe u društvu (prvenstveno ekonomsko-socijalne prirode), ali se i zadovoljavaju dobra neophodna za reprodukciju ljudske vrste i same države. Postavlja se pitanje da li šira decentralizacija unitarne države, odnosno veće nadležnosti federalnih jedinica, znače i dijeljenje suverene državne vlasti između oblika decentralizacije i unitarnih država, odnosno federalnih jedinica i federacije? Teoretski, suverenost državne vlasti ne može biti podijeljena. Suverenost državne vlasti je jedinstvena. Određena unitarna država ili federacija može samo biti više ili manje suverena, ako je u unitarnoj državi oblicima decentralizacije data široka autonomija – npr. kod zakonodavne decentralizacije, odnosno ako u federativno uređenim državama federalne jedinice imaju brojne nadležnosti i to one koje su u velikom broju federacija na saveznom nivou. Zavisno od oblika državnog uređenja, uže političko-teritorijalne zajednice mogu dobiti određena prava i dužnosti reguliranja finansijskih odnosa na svojoj teritoriji. Tako, samo federalne jedinice, kao i sama federacija imaju finansijska prava. To nije slučaj (izuzev kod zakonodavne decentralizacije), kod unitarnih država. Dakle, kod unitarnih država, za razliku od federacija, samo centralna vlast ima (puni) finansijski suverenitet. Kod Dautbašića (2004), u njegovom udžbeniku, nalazimo da je kod unitarnih država postoje dva sistema regulisanja odnosa između centralnih organa i decentralizovanih i lokalnih organacentralizovani i decentralizovani finansijski (fiskalni) suverenitet (s. 57). Kode centralizovanog finansijskog suvereniteta, kakav je apliciran npr. u Francuskoj Republici, centralne vlasti zakonom utvrđuju temeljne elemente fiskalnih dažbina (npr. porezna osnovica), a decentralizovani organi i lokalni organi svojim pravnim aktima dalje razrađuju i reguliraju ove dažbine. Decentralizirani finansijski suverenitet (npr. primijenjen u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irske), znači da decentralizovani i lokalni organi vlasti imaju široke ovlasti u pogledu reguliranja finansijskih (i uže, fiskalnih) odnosa, dok centralni organi samo kontroliraju cjelokupni finansijski i fiskalni sistem unitarne države. Kod federacija postoje i vertikalno i horizontalno raspoređivanje potreba i prihoda, tj. raspoređivanje između federacije i federalnih jedinica i 37 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 javnopravnih kolektiviteta, i horizontalno raspoređivanje potreba i prihoda, tj raspoređivanje između javnopravnih kolektiviteta istog stepena. Profesor Dautbašić (2004) navodi da se vertikalno raspoređivanje prihoda vršilo, a i sada se vrši, po nekim od sljedećih sistema: sistem učešća, konkurentni sistem, sistem odvajanja, sistem povezivanja (zajednica), sistem jednoobraznosti, kombinirani sistem, te da postoje dva metoda za primjenu sistema separacije, sistema zajednice i mješovitog (kombiniranog) sistema: automatski (utvrđuje se fiksna kvota prihoda za nosioce finansiranja) i diskrecioni (koji se sastoji od pojedinačnog odlučivanja o raspoređivanju prihoda u ovisnosti o vrsti i obimu potreba) (s. 58-62). Još treba napomenuti da je svaka državna vlast titular javnih subjektivnih prava. Ona se nazivaju državnim javnim subjektivnim pravima. Dihotomija javnih subjektivnih prava je, inače, na individualna javna subjektivna prava i državna javna subjektivna prava. Otajagić (2005) piše o državnim javnim subjektivnim pravima, te objašnjava da se ona nalaze u ustavnom, upravnom i procesnom pravu, i prema svom objektu, dijele se na: 1. čisto lična državna prava, odnosno prava na svoju radnju (npr. pravo na krivičnu sankciju utvrđenu krivičnim zakonima); 2. prava države na tuđu radnju neimovinskog karaktera (npr. pravo na vojnu službu pojedinaca); 3. prava na tuđu radnju imovinske prirode (npr. pravo države na određivanje i naplatu poreza) i 4. čisto imovinska državna prava (npr. pravo na slobodnu trgovinsku zonu u drugoj državi na osnovu ugovora) (s 78 i 79). Kod unitarnih decentralizovanih država ne postoji, izuzev kod zakonodavne decentralizacije, pojava da su oblici decentralizacije titulari ovih državnih javnih subjektivnih prava. Rijetke su federacije koje na centralnom nivou nemaju mnogo državnih javnih subjektivnih prava, a da ih suprotno, federalne jedinice imaju više nego savezna vlast. 5. MEĐUNARODNO UGOVARANJE USTAVA: SLUČAJ BIH Kod Sokola i Smerdela (1998) nalazimo da je Daytonski mirovni sporazum sklopljen između predsjednika Republike Hrvatske, Republike Bosne i Hercegovine i Savezne Republike Jugoslavije, uz sudjelovanje predstavnika konstitutivnih naroda u BiH, te uz aktivno sudjelovanje američkih dužnosnika (s 297). Ovim sporazumom je okončan oružani sukob ali su se i postavili temelji za organizaciju državne vlasti BiH. Potpisan je u Parizu 14. 12. 1995. godine, kao Opći okvirni sporazum za mir. Opće odredbe Sporazuma, potpisali su, za Republiku BiH, Alija Izetbegović, za Republiku Hrvatsku, Franjo Tuđman, za Saveznu Republiku Jugoslaviju, Slobodan Milošević. Kao svjedoci, Sporazum su potpisali predstavnici EU, Francuske Republike, Savezne Republike Njemačke, Ruske Federacije, Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva Britanije i Sjeverne Irske i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. Ovaj dokument ima 11 članova, te isto toliko aneksa. Kod Bakotića su navedeni Aneksi (1998): Aneks 1-A - Sporazum o vojnim aspektima mirovnog rješenja, Aneks 1-B - Sporazum o regionalnoj stabilizaciji, Aneks 2 Sporazum o granici među entitetima i srodnim pitanjima, Aneks 3 - Sporazum o 38 �Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Davor Trlin & Esad Oruč izborima, Aneks 4 - Ustav, Aneks 5 - Sporazum o arbitraži, Aneks 6 - Sporazum o pravima čovjeka, Aneks 7 - Sporazum o izbjeglicama i prognanicima, Aneks 8 - Sporazum o komisiji za očuvanje nacionalnih spomenika, Aneks 9 - Sporazum o javnim poduzećima Bosne i Hercegovine, Aneks 10 - Sporazum o provedbi civilnih aspekata, Aneks 11 - Sporazum o međunarodnim operativnim policijskim snagama (s. 6). Pored ovih 11 aneksa, koji uređuju detaljnije obaveze za njegovu realizaciju, postoje još dva opća dodatka – Sporazum o parafiranju i Završnu izjavu sudionika u posrednim mirovnim pregovorima u BiH. Sporazumom nijedna strana nije stekla pravo nad Bosnom i Hercegovinom. Kada je riječ o centralnom istraživačkom pitanju ovog rada, treba napomenuti da su se strane obavezale prihvatiti aranžmane koji se odnose na civilnu implementaciju sporazuma, tj. OHR i Visokog predstavnika. Aneksom 10, potpisnici „zahtijevaju imenovanje visokog predstavnika, koji će biti imenovan u skladu sa relevantnim rezolucijama Savjeta bezbjednosti UN“, takođe je Visokom predstavniku u mandat dato i tumačenje Sporazuma. Na osnovu ovog aneksa, uspostavljen je Ured Visokog predstavnika. 6. DA LI JE BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA PROTEKTORAT: TEORIJA I NORMA Ideja o Bosni i Hercegovini kao protektoratu se često spominjala tokom 1993. godine u sklopu mirovnih pregovora i različituh prijedloga za prekid ratnih sukoba i buduće organizacije države, a Andrassy, Bakotić i Vukas (2006) pisali da se predlagala se čak i za pojedine dijelove Bosne i Hercegovine ili gradove (s. 111). Daytonski sporazum uspostavio je sistem uloge međunarodne zajednice u funkcioniranju javnog sistema u BiH. Tako Aneks 3 (Sporazum o izborima), zadužuje OSCE da uspostavi izborni sistem u BiH. Aneksom 7 (Sporazum o izbjeglicama i prognanicima) poziva se UNHCR da pripremi plan repatrijacije i povratka raseljenih osoba. Organizacija Ujedinjenih Nacija je, na osnovu Sporazuma o Međunarodnim operativnim snagama, zadužena da organizira policijske snage. Za ovaj rad najznačajniji je Aneks 10 koji predviđa instituciju Visokog predstavnika čiji je, kako se navodi kod Sloan (1998) zadatak da koordinira aktivnostima organizacija i agencija koje se uključene u projekat civilnog aspekta mirovnog rješenja (s. 84). Prvi Visoki predstavnik bio je švedski diplomat Carl Bildt, koji je za vrijeme svog mandata formirao Vijeće za provedbu mira, koje je uključivalo 40 zemalja i 10 međunarodnih organizacija, s ciljem koordinacije humanitarnih organizacija, Ujedinjenih nacija, UNHCR-a i OSCE-a. Bosna i Hercegovina je bila podvrgnuta saradnji sa Haškim sudom za bivšu Jugoslaviju (ICTY). Član IX. Ustava BiH je odredio: “Nijedna osoba koja izdržava kaznu što ju je izrekao Međunarodni sud za bivšu Jugoslaviju i nijedna osoba protiv koje je taj sud podigao optužnicu, a koja se nije pokorila nalogu da izađe preda nj, ne može se kandidirati ni biti imenovana ili birana ili na koji drugi način postavljena na bilo koju javnu funkciju na području Bosne i Hercegovine.” Ovo se ne može smatrati ograničenjem suvereniteta u okviru protektorata međunarodne zajednice, nego naprosto obavezom države koja je proistekla iz 39 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 članstva u Ujedinjenim Nacijama. U prilog tome ide i činjenica da su i Hrvatska, te Srbija i Crna Gora imale jednaku obavezu saradnje sa istim međunarodnim forumom. Smatramo da se može prihvatiti Maslin (2000) da je Opći okvirni sporazum za mir, ugovorni odnos kojim bi se mogao zasnovati odnos protektorata (s. 8). Međutim, njime se on nije zasnovao niti proglasio (a takođe ni neki drugi oblik ovisnosti, npr. starateljstvo).v Protektirani odnos nije reguliran ni u jednom od ugovorenih odnosa i ovo je vjerovatno i ključni argument za osporovanje teze da je Bosna i Hercegovina protektorat (Dautbašić 1998, 51 ). Nema države kao subjekta međunarodnog prava koja stupa u funkciju protektora niti se vidi izražena volja Bosne i Hercegovine da slobodu u odlučivanju podvrgne ograničavanju od strane druge države. Da Bosna i Hercegovina nije protektorat posebno se vidi i iz činjenice da su državni organi Bosne i Hercegovine vanjsku suverenost od početka post-Daytonske ere imali u potpunom kapacitetu, a država je svoj međunarodnopravni subjektivitet koristila bez ikakvih ograničenja kakva su imale protektirane države (Maslin 2000, 6). Ostalo je da ispitamo da li je unutrašnja suverenost ograničena, što ćemo učiniti u redovima koji slijede. Iz brojnih normativnih rješenja može se zaključiti da Bosna i Hercegovina nije protektorat. Tako, Ustav BiH u članu I ističe kontinuitet Republike Bosne i Hercegovine koja nastavlja pravno postojanje prema međunarodnom pravu kao država, uz prilagodbu unutrašnjeg uređenja prema predviđenim odredbama Sporazuma. Bosna i Hercegovina ostaje članica Ujedinjenih nacija, te može tražiti članstvo u organizacijama unutar sistema Ujedinjenih nacija i drugim međunarodnim organizacijama. Takođe, prema članu VII/2 Ustava BiH, ostaje ili postaje strankom međunarodnih sporazuma nabrojenih u Prilogu I Ustava.vi U prilog tezi da Bosna i Hercegovina nije protektorat idu i određene nadležnosti Predsjedništva BiH, i to: samostalno vođenje vanjske politike, imenovanje ambasadora i drugih međunarodnih predstavnika Bosne i Hercegovine, predstavljanje Bosne i Hercegovinu u međunarodnim i evropskim organizacijama i ustanovama, te mogućnost traženja članstva u organizacijama i ustanovama kojih Bosna i Hercegovina nije članica. Iz ovoga se može zaključiti da Bosna i Hercegovina nije ni protektorat potpunog oblika. Osnovi tvrdnji zastupnika ideje da Bosna i Hercegovina jeste protektorat, nalaze se u pojedinim odredbama Ustava, a posebno Aneksa 10, koji sadrži Sporazum o provedbi civilnih aspekata mirovnog rješenja. Kada je riječ o Ustavu, u navedenom smislu, relevantne su odredbe koje uređuju izbor i imenovanje sudaca Ustavnog suda BiH. Tri suda Ustavnog suda (od ukupno devet) bira predsjednik Evropskog suda za ljudska prava, a oni ne smiju biti državljani Bosne i Hercegovine ni susjednih država. Prvog guvernera Centralne banke, koji također nije smio biti državljanin Bosne i Hercegovine niti neke susjedne države, imenovao je Međunarodni monetarni fond, a Ustav BiH je propisao i da Guverner može imati odlučujući glas u slučaju neriješenog ishoda glasanja (Član VII.2 Ustava BiH.). 40 �Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Davor Trlin & Esad Oruč Kod Bakotića (1998) se može izvršiti uvid da je ključni razlog zašto su pojedini autori tvrdili da je Bosna i Hercegovina protektorat je pravni položaj Visokog predstavnika u ustavnom sistemu BiH, a posebno njegovo konačno pravo u pogledu tumačenja Sporazuma o provedbi civilnih aspekata mirovnog rješenja (s. 148). Treba napomenuti da se rješenja koja se tiču Visokog predstavnika, mogu dovesti u suprotnost sa Aneksom 4, koji propisuje da su građani i konstitutivni narodi i Ostali u Bosni i Hercegovini suvereni. Drugi razlog je bio angažman međunarodne zajednice u vidu Međunarodnih operativnih policijskih snaga Ujedinjenih nacija (IPTF) zbog implementacije programa pomoći u cijeloj Bosni i Hercegovini. IPTF je nastao nakon što su Republika Bosna i Hergecovina, Federacija Bosne i Hercegovine i Republika Srpska, zaključili Sporazum o međunarodnim oružanim snagama, na osnovu kojeg su zahtijevali da Vijeće sigurnosti UN pokrene operaciju UNCIVPOL, tj. da uspostavi vid UN policije sa ciljem povećanja međunarodnog mira i sigurnosti, podržavanjem država članica u konfliktu, post-konfliktnim i drugim kriznim situacijama. Cilj je bio realizirati efektivnu, efikasnu, reprezentativnu, odgovarajuću i odgovornu policijsku službu koja služi i štiti populaciju. IPTF je bio autonoman u obavljanju poslova, a njihovim aktivnostima koordinirao je Visoki predstavnik, koji je izdavao upute Povjereniku na čelu IPTF-a. Između ostalog, pomoć IPTF-a se sastojala u obučavanju osoblja za osiguranje primjene prava te procjenu prijetnji javnom poretku, te savjetovanje u pogledu sposobnosti službi za osiguranje primjene prava da se nose s takvim prijetnjama. Od 1998. godine, visoki predstavnik međunarodne zajednice je dobio prošireni mandat, pa je mogao sam donositi odluke koje ustavni organi ne mogu donijeti. Ovo, kao i prisustvo SFOR-a je opredijelilo pojedine autore, poput Sokola i Smerdela (1998), da zauzmu stav da je Bosna i Hercegovine protektorat (s. 299). Koncem 1997. godine, Vijeće za provedbu mira u BiH u Bonnu jednostavno „pozdravlja odluku Visokog predstavnika da koristi svoje široke ovlasti“, a što uključuje ovlast smjenjivanja izabranih dužnosnika, nametanja i ukidanja zakona u Bosni i Hercegovini, kao i drugih nedefiniranih mjera koje on smatra nužnima. Zbog ovakve formulacije, tj. načelnog odobravanja preuzimanja ovih ovlasti od strane Visokog predstavnika na ovoj konferenciji, one se danas zovu Bonskima. Visoki predstavnik je imao autonomiju u korištenju „Bonskih ovlasti“; države potpisnice i države svjedoci Daytonskog sporazuma nisu imale nikakvu ulogu. Visoki predstavnik, nikome nije davao argumente, obrazloženja za donesene odluke. Pojedini autori, poput Pehara (2012) su smatrali da za njih i nije bilo moguće podastrijeti jasne, razumljive i opće valjane razloge (s 3-9). Visoki predstavnik u implementaciji ovih ovlasti preuzeo tri državne funkcijezakonodavnu, izvršnu i sudsku. Odluke mu po pravnoj prirodi najviše liče na akte egzekutive, budući da su neposredno izvršive. Ovo je u kontradikciji sa postojanjem Ustavnog suda BiH, ali i implementacija Schmittove ideje da čuvar ustava treba biti predsjednik, tj. izvršna vlast (s. 211-253) (za razliku od Kelsena, koji je tvrdio da to treba biti ustavni sud). Visoki predstavnik je ovlašten da tumači Daytonski sporazum u cijelosti, pa i odredbi koje se tiču samog sebe, tj. on ima ovlast tumačenja svojih ovlasti. Njegov legitimitet izvodi se „odozdo“, tj. 41 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 iz građana Bosne i Hercegovine, ali i „odozgo“, jer on treba da djeluje po uputama Upravnog odbora Vijeća za provedbu mira (PIC-a).vii 7. AKTIVITET MEĐUNARODNE ZAJEDNICE PREMA DRŽAVNIM ORGANIMA BIH Decembra 1995. godine je Vijeće sigurnosti Ujedinjenih nacija ovlastilo države članice da u roku od godine dana uspostave međunarodne implementacijske snage (IFOR) sa mandatom da nadziru i podupiru provedbu odredbi Sporazuma o vojnim aspektima mirovnog rješenja i Sporazuma o regionalnoj stabilizaciji, te djeluju u skladu sa glavom VII Povelje Ujedinjenih nacija. Prema Lerotiću (2004), provedbu sporazuma trebale su jamčiti snage NATO-a od 60.000 vojnika (s. 138). Lapaš (2004) navodi da je IFOR, sastavljen od kopnenih, zračnih i pomorskih snaga NATO-a, (s. 217) je zamijenio UNPROFOR, a kasnije su snage IFOR-a zamijenile Stabilizacijske snage (SFOR). Aneks 10 se vrlo teško provodio. Prisustvo međunarodne zajednice se opravdavalo nedovoljnim stepenom demokratičnosti lokalnih lidera, i to OHR-a za provedbu postavljenih demokratskih ciljeva, a ITA-e za tržišnu ekonomiju i slobodu medija (Wilde 2001, 601). Iako je „bonski“ mandat evidentno nedemokratski, korišten je više puta u toku evolucije društveno-političkog sistema post-Daytonske BiH. U početku su visoki predstavnici snažno koristili „bonske“ ovlasti, i to kroz cijeli period svog mandata. Ilustrativan je primjer nametanja amandmana na Ustav F BiH, koji je Visoki predstavnik Wolfgang Petrisch izveo pred kraj mandata, u aprilu 2002. godine, a na osnovu odluke Ustavnog suda F BiH iz jula 2000. godine. Visoki predstavnik Valentin Inzcko je 2011. godine suspendirao Odluku Središnjeg izbornog povjerenstva, tijela koje je među najvažnijim u institucionalnodemokratskom sistemu. Visoki predstavnik Schwarz-Schilling je 2007. godine donio odluku da je nevažeća odluka Ustavnog suda BiH u kojoj je utvrđeno da su smjene ili zabrane rada političkih dužnosnika u BiH od strane Visokih predstavnika, kršenje temeljnih političkih prava tih dužnosnika. Na ovaj način se dovodila u pitanje i vladavina prava u BiH. Takođe se onemogućilo da su sva tri kulturna segmenta u BiH, postojanje i funkcionisanjem institucije Visokog predstavnika, onemogućene da kroz neposredni dijalog dođu do rješenja (O stavovima Visokog predstavnika Carlosa Westendropa u: D’Amato 1999,). Istina, dešavalo se i da se izbjegne djelovanje Visokog predstavnika. Republika Srpska je uspjela blokirati Lajčakovu odluku od 19. oktobra 2007. godine o promjeni etničkih kvota potrebnih za ulaganje veta u Vijeću ministara i Parlamentu BiH. Milorad Dodik je 2011. godine uspio zaobići Visokog predstavnika Valentina Inzka i postići dogovor s visokom predstavnicom EU za vanjske poslove i sigurnosnu politiku, Catherine Ashton, o potrebi reformiranja pravosudnih organa na nivou BiH. Aktivitetom Visokog predstavnika formirane su brojne institucije na državnom nivou (uspostavljeno Visoko sudsko i tužilačko vijeće BiH, uspostavljeni Sud BiH i Tužilaštvo BiH), te prenesene nadležnosti sa entiteta na 42 �Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Davor Trlin & Esad Oruč nivo Bosne i Hercegovine. Od 2000.-2006. godine došlo je do obimne izmjene ustavnog uređenja BiH, bez ijedne intervencije u sam Ustav BiH, ali su zato izvršene izmjene entitetskih i kantonalnih ustava, a brojni zakoni su stupilli na snagu. Ovdje je međunarodna zajednica imala odlučujuću ulogu, putem Ureda Visokog predstavnika. Od 2006. godine su domaće politične snage sve više i više preuzimale ulogu u legislativi. Nakon ovog perioda se generalno smanjivala intervencija međunarodne zajednice u pravni sistem BiH, a region je generalno bio manje u fokusu također. Neki su sektori javnog sistema reformisani bez nametanja rješenja od Visokog predstavnika (odbrana, uspostavljanje sistema indirektnog oporezivanja, itd.). Ključna godina za promjenu uloge Visokog predstavnika u političkoj praksi bila je 2006. godina. Prvo je, nakon isteka mandata Paddyja Ashdowna,viii Upravni Odbor Vijeća za provedbu mira, donio odluku o pripremi zatvaranja Ureda visokog predstavnika, odnosno o prestanku važenja „bonskoga mandata“. Nakon toga je došlo do neusvajanja tzv. „Aprilskog paketa“ ustavnih reformi. PIC je Odluku o pripremi za zatvaranje Ureda visokog predstavnika, odnosno o prestanku važenja „bonskog mandata“ donio 23. 06. 2006. godine. Ova je odluka obrazložena činjenicom da je vrijeme da BiH preuzme odgovornost za vlastitu sudbinu. Istovremeno je BiH iz faze implementacije Daytona ušla u fazu „euro-atlantskih integracija“. U februaru 2007. Upravni odbor PIC-a odgađa tu odluku, a mandat Visokog predstavnika je produžen za nešto više od godinu dana (do juna 2008.). Samo je Rusija izdvojila mišljenje u komunikeu o podršci djelovanja Visokog predstavnika pod „bonskim ovlastima“. Vremenom je konsenzus o primjeni „bonskih ovlasti“ iščezao. Politički direktori Upravnog odbora Vijeća za provedbu mira su na sastanku u Bruxellessu 26. i 27. 02. 2008. godine utvrdili slijedeće zahtjeve koje organi BiH trebaju ispuniti prije zatvaranja OHR-a, a koje su organi Bosne i Hercegovine već prethodno prihvatili: - Prihvatljivo i održivo rješenje pitanja raspodjele imovine između države i drugih razina vlasti; - Prihvatljivo i održivo rješenje za vojnu imovinu; - Potpuna provedba Konačne odluke za Brčko; - Fiskalna održivost (promovirana putem Sporazuma o utvrđivanju stalne metodologije za utvrđivanje koeficijenata za raspodjelu sredstava UINOa i osnivanje Nacionalnog fiskalnog vijeća); i - Zaživljavanje vladavine prava (demonstrirano putem usvajanja Državne strategije za ratne zločine, donošenjem Zakona o strancima i azilu i usvajanjem Državne strategije za reformu sektora pravosuđa). Pored ovih ciljeva, Upravni odbor Vijeća za provedbu mira je također utvrdio dva uvjeta koje treba ispuniti prije zatvaranja OHR-a: - Potpisivanje SSP-a; i - Pozitivna procjena situacije u BiH od strane Upravnog odbora Vijeća za provedbu mira utemeljena na punom poštivanju Daytonskog mirovnog sporazuma. 43 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 Upravni odbor Vijeća za provedbu mira je redovno na svojim sastancima od 2008. godine vršio uvid u pomake ostvarene u pogledu realiziranja programa (tzv. 5+2). OHR je konstatovao da, iako su u nekim oblastima ostvareni pomaci, zbog neslaganja domaćih političkih elita, postoje zastoji u realizaciji programa. Nakon ovog perioda je Visoki predstavnik prestao sa intervencijama u pravni sistem BiH. Pehar (2014) smatra da se ovo, pored težnje o samostalnom razvoju bosanskohercegovačke demokratije, vjerovatno desilo i zbog nastojanja da se na globalnom planu spriječe konfrontacije između Ruske Federacije i SAD, te između SAD i Evropske unije. 8. ZAKLJUČAK Protektorat nije institut savremenog međunarodnog i unutrašnjeg prava. Danas su rijetke situacije u kojima samo jedna država obnaša ulogu države zaštitnice. Umjesto protektorata u ulozi zaštitnika određene države u posljednih četrdeset godina se javlja međunarodna zajednica kroz tzv. međunarodnu teritorijalnu upravu. Daytonski mirovni sporazum ne predviđa protektorat i vrlo je precizan u određivanju uloge Visokog predstavnika, kada mu propisuje da je dužan da „pomaže naporima koje strane ulažu“, da „nadgleda“ i „koordinira“. Uloga međunarodne zajednice je, uz neke druge faktore, bila segment ograničenja unutrašnjeg suvereniteta Bosne i Hercegovine, iako je, paradoksalno, mnogo učinila u formiranju državnih organa i sprovođenju izbora. Ostali su drugi faktori koji ometaju da Bosna i Hercegovina ima pun unutrašnji kapacitet na svom teritoriju, a to su prvenstveno djelovanje pojedinih političkih elita, ali izvedbeni oblik federalizma, koji su manifestuje kroz manjak ekonomskih funkcija BiH te generalno državnih javnih subjektivnih prava (oba koncepta su predstavljena u poglavlju 4). Stiče se dojam da je strategija izlaska međunarodne zajednice iz ustavnog i političkog sistema Bosne i Hercegovine bila da se ne oktroiraju demokratske vrijednosti, već da njen politički sloj i njeni građani, moraju da ih nauče, a za to treba vremena. Nastojalo se i vremenom ograničene ovlasti Visokog predstavnika rijetko koristiti kako bi se državljanima Bosne i Hercegovine dala prilika da sami upravljaju svojom sudbinom. Smanjivala se ovisnost Bosne i Hercegovine od međunarodne zajednice. „Klasičnim“ protektoratom bi ova ovisnost bila još i veća, a spriječila bi samoodrživost bosanskohercegovačkog društva. Vježbe iz demokratije su svaki slijedeći izbori, koji se odavno odvijaju bez međunarodne zajednice. Međunarodna zajednice želi pustiti političkim elitama da se dogovore oko novog Ustava. Takođe, ne miješa se u proces odvajanja ekonomije i pravosuđa od politike, što se odvija veoma sporo. Iz svega se vidi da se trenutno i da će se u budućnosti uloga međunarodne zajednice svoditi na to da usmjerava i pomaže. Nejasno je da li će Visoki predstavnik u budućnosti nametati određene ključne zakone (ekonomske reforme, povratak izbjeglica, nova radna mjesta...), ako većina članova parlamenata ne bude spremna da ih donese. Najavljeno je npr. nametanje Zakona o negiranju genocida. U intervjuu za njemački TAZ, Visoki predstavnik Valentin 44 �Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Davor Trlin & Esad Oruč Inzko je nedavno izjavio kako tzv. princip pod nazivom „ownership” (princip preuzimanja odgovornosti od strane domaćih političara) nije bio uspješan u BiH. Pojasnio je i da je OHR imao dvije faze: „robusnu fazu koja je trajala 12 godina i koja je donijela čuda – zajedničku graničnu policiju, šest dodatnih ministarstava na razini cijele države, zajedničko Ministarstvo odbrane pri čemu je od tri vojske postala jedna kao i zajedničku valutu – konvertibilnu marku koja je postala stabilna.”. Nakon ovog je nastupila druga faza suzdržavanja od primjene Bonskih ovlasti, a Inzko smatra i da bi sada trebala uslijediti „treća faza u kojoj bismo morali ponoviti neke elemente iz prve faze, inače ćemo izgubiti još 15 godina”. Bosna i Hercegovine evidentno može funkcionisati i bez velikog uplitanja međunarodne zajednice, ali je njen put prema Evro-Atlantskim integracijama onda jako spor. Djeluje da se procesi poput: jačanja nadležnosti BiH, deblokada institucija i reforma pravosuđa, ne mogu adekvatno izvesti bez međunarodne zajednice. To nas ipak ne dovodi do zaključka da je BiH protektorat, što ona nije, ni prema teorijskom pojmu ovog odnosa ovisnosti, ali i prema Daytonskom sporazumu. Činjenica je da taj odnos još uvijek ne postoji u Teoriji države i prava, Međunarodnom pravu i Ustavnom pravu. Najbliži je odnosu međunarodne uprave, ali nije ni to. Kada pravnici nešto ne mogu definisati nazovu to sui generis (poseban oblik). Tako bismo i mi, do neke adekvatnije terminologije, nazvali odnos ovisnosti BiH prema međunarodnoj zajednici, koji postoji i prema pravnim rješenjima, ali i npr. prema odnosu prema MMF-u, nazvali „poseban oblik odnosa ovisnosti sui generis“. 45 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 LITERATURA 1. Andrassy, J., Bakotić, B. & Vukas, B. (2006) Međunarodno pravo, sv. 1, Zagreb: Školska knjiga. 2. Bakotić, B. (1998) Daytonski sporazum, Zagreb: Pravni fakultet Sveučiliπta u Zagrebu. 3. Dautbašić, I. (2004). Finansije i finansijsko pravo, Sarajevo: Magistrat. 4. Degan, V. Đ. (2000). Međunarodno javno pravo, Rijeka: Pravni fakultet Sveučilišta u Rijeci. 5. Hoffman, G. (1987). Protectorates. u: R. Bernhardt, (ur.) Encyclopedia of Public International Law, sv.10, Amsterdam, New York, Oxford, Tokyo, North-Holland, 1153-1154. 6. Ibler, V. (1987), Rječnik međunarodnog javnog prava, Zagreb: Informator. 7. Klaić, B. (1986) Rječnik stranih riječi, Zagreb: Nakladni zavod MH. 8. Lapaš, D. (2004) Sankcija u međunarodnom pravu, Zagreb: Pravni fakultet u Zagrebu. 9. Lerotić, Z. (1996). Postdaytonska Hrvatska, Politička misao, sv. 33., br. 4., 131149. 10. Maslo, S. (2000). Bosna i Hercegovina između „principa odgovornosti“ i protektorata, Pravna misao, 9-10/2000 11. Muhić, F. (1998) Teorija države i prava III izdanje, Sarajevo: Magistrat. 12. Office of the High Representative (2008). Očitanje sa: http://www.ohr.int/program-52-2/ . 13. Otajagić, F. (2005). Javna subjektivna prava u složenim državama, Sarajevo: Studentska štamparija Univerziteta u Sarajevu. 14. Pehar, D. (2012). Bosna i Hercegovina kao veleposlanstvo Visokog predstavnika – republikanska kritika, Političke analize, br. 10, 3-9. 15. Pehar, D. (2014). Zašto Visoki predstavnik sa “bonskim” mandatom nikada nije značio pozitivni pomak za Bosnu I Hercegovinu: četiri refleksije. Očitanje sa linka: https://www.idpi.ba/visoki-predstavnik/ 16. Perić, B. (1994) Država i pravni sustav, Šesto izdanje, Prvo izdanje u „Pravnoj biblioteci“, Zagreb: Informator. 17. Rješenje Firera i Kancelara Rajha od 16. 03. 1939. godine, RGBI, I 1939 s. 485. 18. Schmitt, C. (1929) Čuvar ustava, u: S. Samardžić (iz.) Norma i odluka – Karl Šmit i njegovi kritičari Prevod njemačkog originala: Danilo N. Basta, Beograd: „Filip Višnjić“, 211-253 19. Schweisfurth, T. (2006). Völkerrecht, Tübingen. 20. Seidl I. & Hohenveldern, T. (2006.). Völkerrecht Tübingen. 21. Sloan E. C. (1998). The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina u: Bosnia and the New Collective Security, London: Praeger, 1998. 22. Sokol & Smerdel (1998) , Ustavno pravo, Zagreb: Informator. 23. Visković, N. (2006) Teorija države i prava, Zagreb: Birotehnika. i 46 Usp. Rješenje Firera i Kancelara Rajha od 16. 03. 1939. godine, RGBI, I 1939 s. 485. �Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Davor Trlin & Esad Oruč Najpoznatiji su oni nad Marokom (od 1912.- 1956. godine), i Tunisom (1881.-1956. godine). Posljednji britanski protektorat je Brunei . 1959. je Brunei dobio samostalnost, ali su vanjski poslovi i odbrana i dalje bili u nadležnosti Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva. 1983. godine je ugovorena puna nezavisnost, a od 01. 01. 1984. godine, Brunei je samostalna država, koja je 1984. godine primljena u Ujedinjene nacije. iv Na osnovu ugovora od 27. 07. 1919. godine, Francuska je imala uticaja na personalni sastav vlade Monaka. Do današnjeg dana, francuska vlada ima odgovornost za odbranu Monaka, dok Monako ima samo male policijske snage i stražu palate. Ugovorom koji je potpisan 09. 11. 2005. u Parizu, Monako je dobio veću autonomiju u međunarodnim odnosima, ali i dalje ima obavezu da se za najvažnija pitanja konsultira sa Francuskom. v Razlog je što bi takav odnos bio u suprotnosti sa članom 78. Povelje Ujedinjenih nacija i uslovima pod kojima je BiH primljena u članstvo UN-a. Šire: Edin Šarčević, Ustav iz nužde, Rabic, Sarajevo, 2010., s. 332. vi To su: Konvencija o sprečavanju i kažnjavanju zločina genocida iz 1948., Ženevske konvencije I-IV o zaštiti žrtava rata iz 1949. sa Ženevskim protokolima I-II iz 1977., Konvencija o statusu izbjeglica iz 1951. s Protokolom iz 1966., Konvencija o državljanstvu udatih žena iz 1957., Konvencija o smanjenju slučajeva bez državljanstva iz 1961., Međunarodna konvencija o ukidanju svih oblika rasne diskriminacije iz 1965., Međunarodni pakt o ekonomskim, socijalnim i kulturnim pravima iz 1966., Međunarodni pakt o građanskim i političkim pravima iz 1966. s fakultativnim protokolima iz 1966. i 1989., Konvencija o ukidanju svih oblika diskriminacije žena iz 1979., Konvencija protiv mučenja i drugih okrutnih, nečovječnih ili ponižavajućih postupaka ili kazni iz 1984., Evropska konvencija o sprečavanju mučenja i nečovječnih ili ponižavajućih postupaka ili kazni iz 1987., Konvencija o pravima djeteta iz 1989., Međunarodna konvencija o zaπtiti prava svih radnika migranata i članova njihovih obitelji iz 1990., Evropska povelja za regionalne ili manjinske jezika iz 1992., Okvirna konvencija za zaštitu nacionalnih manjina iz 1994. vii Ovo uključuje: Sjedinjene Američke Države, Ujedinjeno Kraljevstvo Velike Britanije i Sjeverne Irske Njemačku, Francusku, Tursku (u ime Organizacije islamske konferencije), Rusku Federaciju, i Predsjedništvo Evropske unije. viii Riječ je o Visokom predstavniku koji je sa funkcije smijenio najviše dužnosnika u BiH (uključujući i smjenu člana Predsjedništva BiH). Samo u 2004. godini je smijenio šezdeset dužnosnika Republike Srpske zbog „nekooperativnosti u pronalaženju i hapšenju Radovana Karadžića“. Samo mjesec dana prije (juni) iste godine, je Parlamentarna skupština Vijeća Evrope, pozdravila činjenicu smanjivanja broja intervencija Visokog predstavnika u BiH, što je bila jedna indicija jačanja demokratije u BiH. ii iii 47 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Bosna i Hercegovina - država ili protektorat? Author Author Davor Trlin, Esad Oruč Abstract A summary of the resource. U ovom radu ćemo, kroz analizu normativnog okvira za djelovanje ovih institucija, ali i njihov sam aktivitet, te aplikaciju međunarodnih standarda u BiH, pokušati doći do odgovora na pitanje da li je Bosna i Hercegovina država ili protektorat. Kroz implementaciju Daytonskog sporazuma se postiglo dosta, ali većinom je zaslužan bio aktivitet međunarodne zajednice. Taja aktivitet ni, prema Općem okvirnom sporazumu za mir, ne predviđa protektorat. Ipak, posebno u prvim godinama funkcioniranja post-Daytonske Bosne i Hercegovine, brojni ustavno-pravni teoretičari su pokušavali definirati pravnu prirodu odnosa ovisnosti Bosne i Hercegovine prema međunarodnoj zajednici u određenim elementima (koja se kasnije sve više ublažavala). Rezultati su pokazali da nema jednoznačnog odgovora. Ovo pitanje je u posljednjih petnaest godina u domaćoj ali i regionalnoj ustavno-pravnoj nauci prešlo na periferiju interesiranja. Ali, čini se da je vrijeme da ga se ponovo postavi, posebno u svjetlu najave promjena odnosa ključnih subjekata međunarodne zajednice prema Bosni i Hercegovini. Takođe nas interesuje i pitanje koje je povezano s ovim centralnim istraživačkim, a to je stepen suvereniteta države Bosne i Hercegovine unutra, ali i prema vani, imajući u vidu Daytonski konstrukt uključenosti međunarodne zajednice u ustavno-politički sistem Bosne i Hercegovine. / In this paper, through the analysis of the normative framework for the operation of these institutions, but also their activity, and the application of international standards in BiH, we will try to find an answer to the question of whether Bosnia and Herzegovina is a state or a protectorate. A lot has been achieved through the implementation of the Dayton Agreement, but most of it was due to the activity of the international community. According to the General Framework Agreement for Peace, this activity does not envisage a protectorate. However, especially in the first years of the functioning of post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina, many constitutional and legal theorists tried to define the legal nature of Bosnia and Herzegovina's dependence on the international community in certain elements (which later softened). The results showed no unambiguous answer. In the last fifteen years, this issue has moved to the periphery of interest in domestic and regional constitutional and legal science. But it seems the time to re-establish it has come, especially in light of the announcement of changes in the attitudes of key actors in the international community towards Bosnia and Herzegovina. We are also interested in the issue related to this central research, which is the degree of sovereignty of the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina inside and outside, given the Dayton construct of the international community's involvement in the constitutional and political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Keywords Keywords. Protektorat, Međunarodna zajednica, Visoki predstavnik, Vijeće za implementaciju mira, Bonske ovlasti. / Protectorate, International Community, High Representative, Peace Implementation Council, Bonn Powers. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 2566-4638 DOI Digital object identifier 10.14706/JEH2021323 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/12e3f17de9b0e90606d47caa6ad09f60.pdf 006c07311a567400a76719e99abf843c PDF Text Text Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3 (2), pp. 23-32, Winter 2020 Original research paper ISSN 2566-4638 © International Burch University Colonizing the Mind: A Dialectic Approach to Education and Language in Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories Adisa Ahmetspahić, MA University of Zenica, Bosnia and Herzegovina ahmetspahicadisa1@gmail.com Abstract: Mind colonization has been a burning issue in the last few decades in the fields of science and humanities. It is argued that mind colonization of the indigenous populations has been conducted via education and language in the mission of ‘civilizing’ since education and language carry culture specific sets of meaning, including knowledge and truth which condition our perception of the world. Zitkala-Ša is one of the earliest Native American authors and activists who sought to subvert the epistemological hierarchy imposed through mind colonization. Zitkala-Ša’s autobiographical collection of short stories titled American Indian Stories (1921) documents her boarding school experience and the acquisition of the colonizer’s education and language. The present paper seeks to address mind colonization through language and education on the example of Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories relying on a number of theories and approaches. The paper also reflects on the importance of Zitkala-Ša mastery of the colonizer’s language. Keywords: Native American, mind colonization, education, language, boarding schools Article History Submitted: 3 November 2020 Accepted: 28 December 2020 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 1. INTRODUCTION Native American self-determination and activism officially began with the formation of the Red Power Movement in the 1960s. The Red Power Movement emerged when the US Congress sought to abolish tribal organization by relocating Native American communities off the reservations, thus enticing assimilation. Cross-country protests, the seizure of Alcatraz Island and Wounded Knee occupation were all part of Native American appeal for self-government and self-redefinition caused by “the political and economic threats to indigenous people, land, and sovereignty” (Coulombe, 2001, p. 34-35). Writers and scholars, such as Vine Deloria Jr. with his book Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian Manifesto (1969), also partook in the movement for the Native American cause. Nevertheless, Native American activism had begun in the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries as evident in the speeches by Native American chiefs who advocated Native American right to sovereigntyi. Although frequently overlooked and neglected, the personage of ZitkalaŠa (original name: Gertrude Simmons Bonnin), a Yankton Sioux, is illustrious both for her literary oeuvre and ardent activism which sought to promote the rights of the Native American population and resist colonial binarities. ZitkalaŠa graduated from Quaker boarding school in Wabash, Indiana and Earlham College in Richmond, Indiana. She obtained a diploma in teaching and afterwards worked at the Pennsylvania Carlisle Indian Industrial School (Fisher, 1979, pp. v-xii). As noted by Tadeusz Lewandowski in his study of Zitkala-Ša’s luminary titled Red Bird, Red Power: The Life and Legacy of Zitkala-Ša (2016), Gertrude Simmons Bonnin’s embracement of the name Zitkala-Ša (Red Bird) and her zealous nature adumbrated the pan-Indian solidarity and the formation of Red Power groups. Zitkala-Ša’s essays, public speeches, and establishment of the National Council of American Indians in 1926 make her a predecessor to the midtwentieth century Native American (female) activism (Lewandowski, 2016, p. 14). In a similar vein, Mary A. Stout describes Zitkala-Ša’s literary opus as follows: “Although she wrote as an American Indian and a female at a time when few similar voices were being heard, she did not flinch, nor did she moderate her voice” (303). Much of Zitkala-Ša’s life is known from her autobiographical stories and essays collectively known as American Indian Stories (1921). This particular work is deemed to be one of the earliest examples of unaided autobiographical writing, i.e. without any mediators such as interpreters or editors. The stories and essays are concerned with her Native American childhood, teenage years spent at the boarding school in Carlisle, and her subsequent life and work (Fisher, 1979, pp. v-vi). American Indian Stories has been a frequent topic in the analyses of ZitkalaŠa’s and Native American biculturality and double consciousness as well as boarding school experience. However, little attention has been paid to education and language in American Indian Stories and no attention to education and language as a mind colonizing weapon on the example of this short story 24 �Colonizing the Mind: A Dialectic Approach to Education and Language in Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories Adisa Ahmetspahić collection. The present paper argues that education and language are some of the most powerful armory in mind colonization. American Indian Stories shows that both education and language carry culture specific sets of meaning, including knowledge and truth which condition our perception of the world. Another notable aspect of this short story collection is its discussion on how resettlement and mind colonization work together towards the erasure of the colonized. It can be inferred that Zitkala-Ša is one of the earliest Native American authors and activists who sought to subvert the epistemological hierarchy imposed through mind colonization. The paper takes a dialectic approach in its analysis, relying on a number of differing theories and studies, including those by Homi Bhabha, Michel Foucault, and Abdul JanMohamed, which speak of power/knowledge relations in the (post-) colonial context and the reversal of these relations. The contrariety of the theories is not discussed due to space constraints and the thematic preoccupation of the paper. Therefore, the working of the theories toward the idea of mind colonization is paid more heed. 2. COLONIZING THE MIND: EDUCATION AND THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE IN AMERICAN INDIAN STORIES Boarding schools are considered to be only one among a plethora of the assimilation policies imposed upon the Native American population. The inception of boarding schools is traced to 1860s when the Bureau of Indian Affairs founded the first boarding school on the Yakima reservation. “Kill the Indian Save the Man”, coined by Richard Henry Pratt who established Carlisle Indian School, was the boarding schools’ raison d'être (“History and Culture”, n.d.). Pratt’s motto is evocative of the Manichean understanding of the world as a series of antagonistic structures, e.g. good-bad, light-dark. In the (post-) colonial context, the term was used by JanMohamed in Manichean Aesthetics: The Politics of Literature in Colonial Africa (1983) to denote the colonial relations in terms of conflicting categories between the colonizer (‘good’, ‘civilized’) and the colonized (‘bad’, ‘degenerate’): The colonial world is a Manichean world. It is not enough for the settler to delimit physically, that is to say with the help of the army and the police force, the place of the native. As if to show the totalitarian character of colonial exploitation the settler paints the native as a sort of quintessence of evil …. The native is declared insensible to ethics; he represents not only the absence of values, but also the negation of values. He is, let us dare admit, the enemy of values, and in this sense he is the absolute evil. (as cited in JanMohamed, 1983, p. 4) Such understanding of the world endorses the legitimacy of colonial claims for the usurpation of the land as well as the usurpation of the mind conducted through boarding schools. However, both types of usurpation are 25 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 tightly linked as argued by Teresa L. McCarty. Based on the US legal documents, McCarty concludes that there is a link between education and land balkanization. In 1887, Senator Henry Dawes formulated a policy known as The General Allotment Act, or Dawes Act. The policy presented an appeal for the partition “of reservation lands into 160 acre family parcels, with the surplus to be sold to the whites.” (McCarty, 2013, pp. 51-52). Concurrently, a law requiring education for all Native American children was passed. Parents who did not abide by this law were imprisoned. In other words, sequential physical and mental larceny would ensure a faster erasure of Native American cultures (McCarty, 2013, pp. 51-52). According to John McLeod, “[c]olonialism uses educational institutions to augment the perceived legitimacy and propriety of itself, as well as providing the means by which colonial power can be maintained” (2000, p.140). Perceived legitimacy of the colonizer originates from the perceived epistemological hierarchy. According to Foucault, epistemological hierarchy is engendered by power/knowledge relations, especially disciplinary power as the one practiced at boarding schools, whereby power shapes knowledge to hew the purposes of those who possess the power. Foucault further suggests that if knowledge signifies and/or produces the truth and if knowledge is conditioned by power, it follows that truth also is a protean notion conditioned by power: ‘Truth’ is to be understood as a system of ordered procedures for the production, regulation, distribution, circulation and operation of statements. ‘Truth’ is linked in a circular relation with systems of power which produce and sustain it, and to effects of power which it induces and which extend it. (Foucault, 1980, p.133) Manifest Destiny is a fitting example of the above-mentioned interpretation of truth as a concept strongly attached to “the forms of hegemony, social, economic and cultural, within which it operates at the present time” (Foucault, 1980, p.133). Apart from having been a justification for imperial and colonial expansion, Manifest Destiny was a firm belief that the English nation was chosen by God, on account of its supremacy in all aspects of life, to eradicate what they deemed to be savage customs in the indigenous population. In the words of Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, the colonizers attempted to change “the mental universe of the colonized” (1986, p.16) and to succumb the colonized to their version of truth. As mentioned previously, education, which implies the acquisition of the colonizer’s language in this context, is one of the methods of mind colonization. The recruitment of Native American children for boarding schools was mostly performed by Christian missionaries. In 1632, Gabriel Sagard, a missionary, informed that Native American languages are “defective in words for many things…like Trinity, Glory, paradise, Hell, Church etc.” (as cited in Irwin,2002, p. 106). Sagard’s words reflect the Eurocentric view of the world and Foucauldian notion of truth. Sagard as a member of the colonizer’s race was able to postulate his knowledge of the world 26 �Colonizing the Mind: A Dialectic Approach to Education and Language in Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories Adisa Ahmetspahić as a fact. Zitkala-Ša’s first contact with the missionaries confirms Sagard’s previously mentioned words. The missionaries seized the imagination of Native American children by telling them stories of “a more beautiful country than [Native American]” (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 39), and a country where grew red, red apples; and how we could reach out our hands and pick all the red apples we could eat. I had never seen apples. I had never tasted more than a dozen red apples in my life; and when I heard of the orchards of the East, I was eager to roam among them. (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, pp. 41-41) The excerpts point to a patronizing perspective that compares worldviews and favors one over the other as a fixed idea of truth which, as Foucault states, “induces pleasure, forms knowledge, produces discourse” (Foucault, 1980, p.119). The missionaries’ presentations of the country induced pleasure in the minds of Zitkala-Ša and other Native American children since they pleaded with their mothers to let them go with the missionaries. Simultaneously, the missionaries formed knowledge and presented definite truths that places where Native Americans resided were not beautiful, thus instilling epistemological hierarchy in their minds and ultimately the genesis of the inferiority complex as well as the prosperity of the superiority complex. JanMohamed argues that “[s]uch claims, designed to rationalize and perpetuate the colonizer’s dominant position, are not accurate appraisals of reality but rather projections of the settler’s own anxieties and negative self-images” (1983, p. 3). As presented further in the narrative, the children were subjected to strict educational and dietary regimes. Upon their arrival, they had their clothes taken away and soon after their hair cut. In the story titled “The Cutting of My Long Hair”, Zitkala-Ša recounts the moment when her braids, cultural markers, were cut off. Zitkala-Ša realized the gravity of the situation because “[their] mothers had taught [them] that only unskilled warriors who were captured had their hair shingled by the enemy. Among our people, short hair was worn by mourners, and shingled hair by cowards” (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 54). Without her braids, she would also be considered a coward defeated in a different type of battle. Along with the loss of hair, she felt the loss of her spirit which was invested in the Native American system of beliefs. The above-mentioned practices of haircutting and the imposition of the colonizer’s attire would prove viable in the process of mind colonization. As an adult Zitkala-Ša reflects back on Native American education in the light of the attitude that such cruel treatment is a method of ‘civilizing’: In this fashion many have passed idly through the Indian schools during the last decade, afterward to boast of their charity to the North American Indian. But few there are who have paused to question whether real life or long-lasting death lies beneath this semblance of civilization. (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 99) 27 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 Zitkala-Ša’s words speaking about death, a long-lasting one, hint at genocide though a cultural one. George E. Tinker maintains that cultural genocide involves the destruction of those cultural structures of existence that give people a sense of holistic and communal integrity. [...]Finally, it erodes a people’s self-image as a whole people by attacking or belittling every aspect of native culture. (1993, p. 6) In addition to clothingii, which, in Tinker’s terms, constitutes cultural practices, language is another structure that provides people with identity and a structure frequently used in cultural genocide. For wa Thiong’o, language is the most straightforward method of mind colonization since language carries cultures and histories which in turn carry “the entire body of values by which we come to perceive ourselves and our place in the world” (1986, p. 16). On a similar note, Foucault perceives knowledge and language as inextricable concepts of the mind: “It is in one and the same movement that the mind speaks and knows. [...] Hence the possibility of writing a history of freedom and slavery based upon languages” (Foucault, 2005, pp. 95-97). When translated into the world of colonialism, Foucault’s argument would indicate that if the colonizer’s language is imposed then the colonizer’s truth is imposed through it. Rules against speaking Native American languages at boarding schools were strict and punishments were severe. One of the Comissioners of Indian Affairs, Hiram Price, explains the “No Indian Talk” rule: “The Indian child … must be compelled to adopt the English language.” (as cited in McCarty, 2013, pp. 52-53). John D.C. Attkins, another Commisioner, expounds the same: “There is not an Indian pupil … who is permitted to study any other language than our own” (as cited in McCarty, 2013, pp. 52-53). The above-referenced insistence upon the acquistion of the English language by the indigenous population has several interpretations. Tove Skutnabb-Kangas and Robert Dunbar’s study Indigenous Children’s Education as Linguistic Genocide and a Crime Against Humanity? A Global View (2010) highlights linguicism, “linguistically argued racism”, as one of the leading arguments for English language learning and a more subtle method of subduing minority groups (p. 41). According to Skutnabb-Kangas and Dunbar, linguicism leads to linguicide, the genocidal campaign against indigenous languages (2010, p. 40), which concurs well with cultural genocide mentioned above. However, there is a political dimension to it which argues for the augmentation of dominance. Bill Ashcroft et al’s definition of language in the process of colonization is rooted in the main tenets of power/knowledge relations introduced by Foucault as outlined earlier in the paper. Ashcroft et al argue that language is “the medium through which a hierarchical structure of power is perpetuated, and the medium through which conceptions of ‘truth’, ‘order’, and ‘reality’ become established” (2002, p. 7). 28 �Colonizing the Mind: A Dialectic Approach to Education and Language in Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories Adisa Ahmetspahić Zitkala-Ša reverts the idea of power by excelling in the colonizer’s language. Zitkala-Ša’s objective can be traced to her schooldays. It is mentioned in the story collection that a series of language misunderstandings occurred at school. The confusions resulted in severe beatings of the children and ignited young Zitkala-Ša contempt of such an education: “Within a year I was able to express myself somewhat in broken English. As soon as I comprehended a part of what was said and done, a mischievous spirit of revenge possessed me” (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 59).Soon after, she began attending oratory competitions as the college representative. In one of the competitions, Zitkala-Ša faced blatant racism when some college rowdies threw out a large white flag, with a drawing of a most forlorn Indian girl on it. Under this they had printed in bold black letters words that ridiculed the college that was represented by “squaw”. (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 79) The rest of story has it that she won the competition and that“[t]he he evil spirit laughed within [her] when the white flag dropped out of sight, and the hands which hurled it hung limp in defeat” (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, 80). Despite her momentary feelings of triumph, Zitkala-Ša is aware of how the education at boarding schools altered her identity, as presented in “The Four Strage Summers” story: During this time I seemed to hang in the hearts of chaos, beyond the touch or voice of human aid. My brother, being almost ten years my senior, did not quite understand my feelings. My mother had never gone inside of a school house and so she was not capable of comforting her daughter who could read and write. Even nature seemed to have no place for me. I was neither a wee girl nor a tall one; neither a wild Indian nor a tame one. This deplorable situation was the effect of my brief course in the East, and the unsatisfactory “teenth” in a girl’s years. (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 69) Zitkala-Ša’s feelings of (un)belonging or the state of in-betweeness are ascribed to her partial immersion into both cultures precipitated by her education as a Native American at the boarding school. JanMohamed problematizes the position of the colonized after colonial education as a double bind position that is unable to espouse any of the two polarities: if he chooses conservatively and remains loyal to his indigenous culture, then he opts to stay in a calcified society whose developmental momentum has been checked by colonization. If, however, the colonized person chooses assimilation, then he is trapped in a form of historical catalepsy because colonial education severs him from his own past. (1983, p. 5) 29 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 Zitkala-Ša’s Native American community, represented by her mother, shunned the education of the colonizer for its goals and methods, which she speaks of in the story “Incurring My Mother’s Displeasure:” “Her few words hinted that I had better give up my slow attempt to learn the white man’s ways” (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 76). It is revealed throughout the stories that Zitkala-Ša’s mother held a grudge against her decision to go to college for a long period of time since her mother perceived the act as something that would deepen the chasm of acculturation. As outlined in the above-quoted section, Zitkala-Ša felt she did not belong fully to her Native American community any longer. Similarly, the white community did not see her as an equal, even after she had attained their education and started working as a teacher at Carlisle, evident when her employer told her the following: ““I am going to turn you loose to pasture!” He was sending me West to gather Indian pupils for the school, and this was his way of expressing it” (Zitkala-Ša, 1979, p. 85). He is assuming a condescending attitude and categorizing her as if she were a chained animal that would be given freedom by those who possess the power over it. Bhabha defines the double bind position mentioned previously as Third Space. For Bhabha, the friction between antagonistic/manicheancultures, which have opposing truths, assists the emanation of new identities. According to Bhabha, although dangerous, this position need not necessarily be unfavorable since the “interstitial passage between fixed identifications opens up the possibility of a cultural hybridity that entertains difference without an assumed or imposed hierarchy” (Bhabha, 1994, p. 4). Hence, Bhabha’s theory might be beneficial in analyzing Zitkala-Ša’s ability to appropriate education and language as a power reversal strategy that would benefit her in spreading the Native American cause in the language of the colonizer. It seems as if Zitkala-Ša followed Ema LaRocque’s formulation: “I have sought to master this language so that it would no longer master me” (as cited in McLeod, 2000, p. 125). Ashcroft et al argue that writing in English would prove high-yielding for many Native Americans since the language enabled them “to intervene more readily in the dominant discourse, to interpolate their own cultural realities, or use that dominant language to describe those realities to a wide audience of readers” (2007, p. 16). The significance of Zitkala-Ša’s boarding schools experience and mastery of the English language could be paralleled to Diane Glancy’s (Cherokee) chronicle of events at Fort Marion prison titled Fort Marion Prisoners and The Trauma of Native Education (2014). According to Glancy’s study, about seventytwo Plains Indian warriors were captured and imprisoned after the Red River War (1874-1875). A rigorous regime was installed in the prison. The prisoners were stripped off their clothes and their hair was cut. They were also taught English and given ledger books to produce paintings and drawings for profit. Glancy provides a number of these drawings which, surprisingly, portray Native American battles, implying that a new, although unintentional, mode of Native American cultural continuity was created in spite of the epistemological hierarchy that was foisted upon the indigenous population. 30 �Colonizing the Mind: A Dialectic Approach to Education and Language in Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories Adisa Ahmetspahić 3. CONCLUSION The aim of this paper was to investigate the link between education and language and mind colonization on the example of Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories. The analysis was supported by a number of theories and studies and as such provided an overview of different aspects closely related to education and language in the process of colonization. Although the theories used in the paper are somewhat differing and from different domains, they meet at the point of the same inference: education and language are less aggressive methods of colonization, in a physical sense, yet most dangerous. For example, Foucault’s theories on power/knowledge relations help understand the mindset of the colonizer and ultimately its propensity in transferring that particular mindset onto those who are in a less favorable position. On the other hand, theories of Homi Bhabha reveal the position of the colonized, namely Zitkala-Ša, after they have been immersed into the education and language of the colonizer as well as her ability to speak up. It is plausible that a number of limitations could have influenced the analysis of the paper given that relatively little publications have dealt with the importance of Zitkala-Ša and no publications, to the best of my knowledge, have discussed education and language in this story collection. However, this analysis might be valuable in understanding the methods and outcomes of mind colonization, eventually creating a link between the past, the present, and the future. In addition, Native American literary tradition is rich in narratives that speak of mind (de)colonization and the reinvention of Native American identity in the contemporary world of the United States where they are enrolled as legal citizens yet marginalized. Hence, Zitkala-Ša’s subversion of colonial modes of dominance can be considered a forerunner to such matters. Overall, this study has gone some way towards enhancing our understanding of the benefits and hindrances of education and language for the indigenous population in the US. Further work needs to be performed to establish the use of religion in mind colonization as well as gender aspects in the same process based on American Indian Stories. 31 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 REFERENCES Ashcroft, B., Griffiths, G., & Tiffin, H. (2007). Post-colonial studies: The key concepts, (2nd ed.). Routledge. Ashcroft, B., Griffiths, G., & Tiffin, H. (2002). The empire writes back: Theory and practice in post-colonial literatures (2nd ed.). Taylor & Francis e-Library. Bhabha, H. (1994). The location of culture. Routledge. Coulombe, J. (2001). Reading Native American literature. Routledge. Fisher, D. (1979). Foreword. In American Indian stories (pp. v-xx). University of Nebraska Press. Foucault, M. (1980). Power/Knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings 19721977 (C. Gordon, Ed.). Pantheon Books. Foucault, M. (2005). The order of things: An archaeology of the human sciences. Taylor & Francis e-Library. History and culture: Boarding schools. (n.d.). Retrieved October 31, 2020, from http://www.nativepartnership.org/site/PageServer?pagename=airc_hist_boar dingschools Irwin L. (2002). Native American spirituality: History. In Deloria, P., & Salisbury, N. (Eds.), A companion to American Indian history (pp. 103–120). Blackwell. JanMohamed, A. (1983). Manichean aesthetics: The politics of literature in colonial Africa. University of Massachusetts Press. Lewandowski, T. (2016). Red bird, red power: The life and legacy of Zitkala-Ša. University of Oklahoma Press. McCarty, T. (2013). Language planning and policy in Native America: History, theory, praxis. Multilingual Matters. McLeod, J. (2000). Beginning Postcolonialism. Manchester University Press. Skutnabb-Kangas, T., & Dunbar, R. (2010). Indigenous children’s education as linguistic genocide and a crime against humanity? A global view (Vol. 1). GálduČála – Journal of Indigenous Peoples Rights. https://www.afn.ca/uploads/files/education2/indigenouschildrenseducation .pdf. Stout, Mary A. (2012). Zitkala Ša. In Wiget, P. (Ed.), Native American literature (pp. 303-307). Routledge. Tinker, G. (1993). Missionary conquest: The gospel and Native American cultural genocide. Augsburg Fortress. wa Thiong’o, N. (1986). Decolonising the mind: The politics of language in African literature. James Currey Ltd. Zitkala-Ša. (1979). American Indian stories. University of Nebraska Press. For more information see Bob Blaisdell's Great Speeches by Native Americans (2012). should be noted here that it is not my intention to contribute to the stereotyped portrayal of Native Americans. i iiIt 32 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Colonizing the Mind: A Dialectic Approach to Education and Language in Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories Author Author Adisa Ahmetspahić Abstract A summary of the resource. Mind colonization has been a burning issue in the last few decades in the fields of science and humanities. It is argued that mind colonization of the indigenous populations has been conducted via education and language in the mission of ‘civilizing’ since education and language carry culture specific sets of meaning, including knowledge and truth which condition our perception of the world. Zitkala-Ša is one of the earliest Native American authors and activists who sought to subvert the epistemological hierarchy imposed through mind colonization. Zitkala-Ša’s autobiographical collection of short stories titled American Indian Stories (1921) documents her boarding school experience and the acquisition of the colonizer’s education and language. The present paper seeks to address mind colonization through language and education on the example of Zitkala-Ša’s American Indian Stories relying on a number of theories and approaches. The paper also reflects on the importance of Zitkala-Ša mastery of the colonizer’s language. Keywords Keywords. Native American, mind colonization, education, language, boarding schools Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 2566-4638 DOI Digital object identifier 10.14706/JEH2021322 https://omeka.ibu.edu.ba/files/original/b31304c210e3baba1d0973954472b960.pdf 3d85898be93c5d7e4bedfda17b90ded3 PDF Text Text Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3 (2), pp. 3-22, Winter 2020 Original research paper ISSN 2566-4638 © International Burch University The Bard and ‘the Other’: A Post-colonial Re-reading of Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest Damir Kahrić, MA Nađa Muhić, BA University of Sarajevo Bosnia and Herzegovina damir95484@gmail.com muhicnadja13@gmail.com Abstract: The purpose of this article is to shed light on the representation of ‘the Other’ in three Shakespearean dramas: Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest. The article describes several Shakespearean characters through the prism of post-colonialism and, therefore, the paper is structured as the postcolonial re-reading of the aforementioned dramatic texts. William Shakespeare portrayed the sad fate of immigrants in Sir Thomas More, but the Bard also tackled the refugee issue which remains relevant for the contemporary period. Additionally, Shakespeare dramatized the position of the Jewish community in Venice through the portrayal of Shylock. The re-reading of The Tempest focuses on the process of colonisation and the Manichaean division within the conquered world. In conclusion, the article portrays experiences of those dramatic individuals stigmatised and subjugated by the colonial forces, thus allowing the readers to better understand the binary division within colonial systems. Keywords: William Shakespeare, Refugee Issue, Stereotyping, Manichaean World Article History Submitted: 28 August 2020 Accepted: 25 November 2020 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 1. INTRODUCTION William Shakespeare is one of the most profoundly important writers to have ever existed. In the contemporary framework, the Bard may be synonymously associated with the very term of drama, as such. His narrative poetry, his sonnet sequence, as well as his dramatic pieces are the body of work which encompasses numerous elements of the social and cultural sphere. Shakespeare thus stands as the just equal to some of the most brilliant minds to have ever worked in the realm of literary achievements, such as Dante, Dostoevsky and Dickens. As some of the most important contributions to the great literary tradition, the Bard’s dramas are an inexhaustible field for various literary theories. The post-colonial literary criticism is especially important for Shakespeare’s dramas, because particular plays superbly depict the process of ‘othering.’ In order to better understand the representation of ‘the Other’ and ‘otherness’ in Shakespearean dramas, it should first be explained why a single minority group of people(s) is subjugated by the community which surrounds them. Brons (2015) elaborates on idea of ‘otherness’ by stating: “Othering often sets up a superior self/in-group in contrast to an inferior other/out-group, it can also create distance between self/in-group and other/out-group by means of a dehumanizing over-inflation of otherness” (72). Edward W. Said’s work Orientalism also explains the Eurocentric opinions of the East and anything which is related to the so-called Orient. Said (1979) explains that the Orient is: “Almost a European invention, and had been since antiquity a place of romance, exotic beings, haunting memories and landscapes, remarkable experiences” (1). However, this rather biased and Eurocentric worldview does not only portray elements of romance, or exoticism, because more often than not, the dwellers of the ‘mysterious East’ are perceived as ‘the Other,’ hence extremely negatively. The basic aim of this paper is to further disseminate the knowledge of the Bard and ‘the Other.’ In other words, this paper will analyse three dramas through the prism of post-colonial literary theory: Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest. In the case of Sir Thomas More, the Bard was not the main or the only author, however Shakespeare did add a particularly interesting monologue which describes the rising tension of the people of London, as well as their frustrations. The inserted speech presents the clash between the superior ‘ingroup,’ that is to say, the people of London, and the dangerous and unwanted ‘strangers.’ Moreover, this drama focuses on some of the most vocal protests especially in regards to the refugee issue. Secondly, this paper will focus on The Merchant of Venice, as one of Shakespeare’s greatest and best-recognised tragicomedies. The characters of Shylock the Jew will be analysed in order to portray the negative elements attributed to the Jewish community in Venice during the 16th century. Shylock will be described as the character who is perceived as ‘the Other,’ but with the highest degree of negative connotations. As a Jewish character, Shylock is heavily 4 �The Bard and ‘the Other’: A Post-colonial Re-reading of Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest Damir Kahrić & Nađa Muhić marginalised by the Christian society. Different characters treat him harshly, attributing animal pejoratives to Shylock, and ruthlessly try to expel him from the society since he is perceived as ‘the Alien’ of the Venetian state. The third and therefore the final segment of this paper will focus on the inhabitants of the mysterious island in Shakespeare’s final play The Tempest. The paper will predominantly focus on the analysis of Caliban as the natural native of the aforementioned isle. On the other side of the spectrum there stand Prospero and Miranda who are the newcomers of the island and they epitomise the European conquerors. Thus, Caliban will be presented as the downtrodden and colonised individual, whereas Prospero the Wizard will be analysed as the dominant ruler. Ergo, this paper will focus on the portrayal of implicit/explicit forms of subjugation of ‘the Other,’ but also the response which ‘the Other’ makes in order to survive in the coloniser’s domain. 2. THE CASE FOR STRANGERS: SHAKESPEARE’S CONTRIBUTION TO SIR THOMAS MORE In the world of the 21st century, so heavily marked by censorship and intolerance, one author’s voice was able to transcend all barriers of time and space. William Shakespeare’s literary opus remains, undoubtedly, one of the best-recognised contributions to the realm of theatre, poetry, but also linguistics and modern understanding of various political and social systems. Shakespeare was not an author situated within a single timeframe, rather he was a writer for every day and age, and since he was able to brilliantly understand and depict the sociopolitical difficulties of his own epoch, the Bard’s dramatic pieces remain relevant for the contemporary era. A historic play dubbed Sir Thomas More grants the readers an invaluable opportunity to discover one of the most passionate defences of the refugee policy. The refugee issue was an important element in England’s history, however it is equally if not even more relevant for the contemporary society. The dramatic work is titled after the famous English chancellor Sir Thomas More whose devotion to the Pope cost More his own life. Since the Chancellor refused to accept Henry VIII’s divorce and his political split from the Church of Rome, he was beheaded. Thomas More is even nowadays remembered as a passionate defender of the Catholic faith who stood against the teaching of Martin Lutheri. After the passing of Elizabeth Gloriana, Shakespeare was invited to make adjustments to the text of the play. He and other playwrights revised the text and the Bard of Avon included 147 lines in the middle of the central plotline. Namely, Shakespeare inserted an additional monologue for the character of Sir Thomas More. In this speech, More addresses the violent outbursts of the antiimmigration riot on the streets of London. This speech is intended for the people because they so fervently desire the immigrants to be removed. It was explained that they are baying for the so-called ‘strangers’ to be unequivocally banished (Dickson, 2016). In this case, the superior and self-entitled group of the rioters is 5 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 juxtaposed with the ‘the Other,’ and the term refers to the ‘strangers’ in their unfortunate position. More’s philosophical enquiry about the fate of the outcasts attempts to reignite some degree of empathy among the angry people and More says, “What would you think / To be thus used? this is the strangers case; / And this your mountanish inhumanity” (2.4.121-123). At this instance, More switches the places of the two opposing sides. He hypothetically ‘otherises’ the rioters by placing them into the roles of those whom they deem unworthy. Through More’s mouthpiece, Shakespeare poses the question of what would happen if the downtrodden individuals were to replace their position with the people who want to see them banished. Shakespeare presents a kind approach, prompting both sympathy and empathy among the rioters, whereas the plight of the alienated and dispossessed is viewed with mercy rather than contempt. Dickson (2016) adds that this speech may prefigure the great dramas which would later ensue in Shakespeare’s opus; such dramas being Othello or The Merchant of Venice. The Bard was able to successfully implement his own opinions into the monologue, by portraying a sharp eye for the troubled relationship between the ethnic majorities and minorities. The long speech additionally depicts Thomas More’s own courageous side as he was more than willing to face the rioting mob at St. Martin’s Gate. Thus, Shakespeare can be examined as a transnational traveller, and More as his representative in the dramatic world. More’s albeit unsuccessful attempt to stop the rioters does not only pose urgent ethnical questions, rather the same speech addresses the issue of the responsibility for ‘the Other.’ In his article, Stephen O’Neill (2020) explains that: “These iterations draw Shakespeare, long imagined as a type of transnational traveller, into urgent ethical questions about borders, displaced peoples, and responsibility to the Other, as More's empathetic plea comes to function synecdochally for Shakespeare” (1). In addition to the aforementioned empathy-prompting, More’s speech exemplifies the notion of cultural tensions and mistrusts that still prevails. The cultural mistrust remains ever-so-present even in the contemporary setting, whereas this play emphasises the idea that cross-cultural connection should be bettered by all means necessary. It would appear that the 16th century society of England and the post-modern era of the world do not differ vividly from one another. Globalisation and masscommunication brings together various cultures nowadays more than ever before. However, xenophobic nationalists and those people adhering to the rightist political systems consequently try to drive different ethnic or cultural apart. The Bard was able to inform the audience of his own time about issues which plague their own society, and his words, or rather those of Thomas More as a character, definitely must have tackled many people, giving them additional reason to muse over the anti-immigration crises. The multi-authored play of Sir Thomas More appears to foreshadow not just some of Shakespeare’s own great tragedies and comedies, but also the countless problems which will be described later on in literature, especially in terms of ‘the Other’ and the so-called ‘themus’ division. Bamford’s paper (2018) connects the late Renaissance period to the 21st century in this regard by further perpetuating the notion that the mistrust 6 �The Bard and ‘the Other’: A Post-colonial Re-reading of Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest Damir Kahrić & Nađa Muhić between the cultures and nations is growing: “Sir Thomas More’s speech, attributed to Shakespeare, and found in the little-known and multi-authored play Sir Thomas More, which deals with the responses to Huguenot immigrants to the UK in the 16th century, demonstrates that mistrust of other cultures, and the recognition of the need for cross-cultural communication are nothing new” (1). Furthermore, it should be noted that the Bard used whatever medium he had at his disposal to portray the hard position of ‘the Other,’ or in this case the mistrusted ‘strangers.’ As a playwright, his empathic plea was delivered through the adapted lines of Henry VIII’s Chancellor, while the theatre in itself was profoundly important as an entertainment medium of his own era. Similarly enough, for many decades numerous people have been able to enjoy the medium of television in a similar yet far more modern setting and Bamford (2018) adds: “Shakespeare made his plea through the medium of contemporary entertainment, and in the last hundred years many have used the medium of screen entertainment to make similar pleas” (1). Born in William Shakespeare’s mind, the idea of ‘the Other’ was transmitted through the adaptation of this lessknown play. Although the xenophobic and superior society of England desires to see all strangers exiled from their kingdom, Shakespeare decided to alter the overall focus of the spectators listening to the speech: “Shakespeare shifts the focus of the audience and of the play as a whole from fear of the other to fear for the other” (Lawrence, 2018, p. 2). For the xenophobes, all strangers are the enemy. Moreover, everything or better to say everyone who is not a part of the mainstream English society in this case is considered to be ‘the Other,’ therefore these strangers are posing a serious threat for all those who do not wish them to stay. Shakespeare, or actually More’s empathy-prompting, in this speech addresses the issue of the mob suffering. In fact, More compares and contrasts the pain of the audience present with that of the ‘terrifying strangers.’ More openly asks the people gathered what they would think of their own exile, at least hypothetically. More enquires, “Should so much come to short of your great trespass / As but to banish you, whether would you go? / What country, by the nature of your error, / Should give you harbor?” (2.4.107-110). In this portion of the long speech, More is trying to make the connection between the actual exile of the foreigners and the hypothetical one, and Lawrence (2018) explains that: “Fear for the other precedes and serves as a model of fear for the self” (8). In order to tackle their own compassion, Shakespeare through More inverts the logic of the so-called social contract. He accepts the alleged existence or the myth of the ‘state of nature,’ and moreover, he perceives it as a terrifying primordial phenomenon, an anarchy of some sort. Thus, More accuses the rioters of their inhuman approach to the strangers, arguing the strangers’ case. Lawrence (2018) elaborates on this notion by explaining: “Instead of imagining a state in which everyone would fear for herself or himself, however, More imagines a situation in which everyone would fear for other people” (8). The communal spirit is important. By not being, to phrase it bluntly, selfish to the core, various people are able to open themselves to empathy. The rioters, as well 7 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 as everyone else, should feel this level of genuine human compassion in order to redirect fear from themselves to other individuals, as such. Essentially, the gathered people are called to recognise ‘the Other’ as ‘the stranger’ and vice versa. However, in this particular case, More advises the people to perceive them differently. More explicitly advises the people to recognise ‘the Other’ as the widow, the orphan, and Lawrence (2018) further elaborates on this idea by explaining that: “More’s speech calls for a recognition of the Other as “the stranger, the widow, and the orphan” (8). The migrants carry different stories with them, they can be recognised perhaps as strangers, but also as someone’s child, someone’s mother, father, sister. Their own experiences do not necessarily have to differ greatly from the experiences of the people who want them to be banned from London. William Shakespeare advises, in turn, the fictional characters on the stage, but also his real spectators, to pass through the doors of fiction and reality, but also to transcend the barriers between their own experiences and the experiences of ‘the Other.’ In More’s vision, the rioters are commanded almost to imagine their own position wherein they would be excluded from the society, reduced to a level of bare existence, and denied citizenship, as well as the status of a human being (Lawrence, 2018, pp. 8-9). The inserted speech transmits one very important message for the fictional rioters, but also for the theatre audience, because More openly says: “Nay, any where that not adheres to England,— / Why, you must needs be strangers” (2.4.112-113). Evidently, More tells the people that only England is their home, for anywhere else, they would be discarded and perhaps even treated unfairly. The Londoners are not invited immediately to care for the strangers’ case by comparing their own position to the plight of the newcomers, because this would imply a level of personal agenda or self-interest. Rather, they are first asked to empathise with the tragic fate of the foreigners before their hypothetical exile is described. More asks his addressees to imagine the journeys of the foreigners, or as More calls them ‘the wretched strangers.’ This can be observed when More says: “Imagine that you see the wretched strangers, / Their babies at their backs and their poor luggage, / Plodding tooth ports and costs for transportation” (2.4.57-59). The actual pain of the ‘wretched strangers’ should be also considered, because as Lawrence (2018) moreover explains: “The rioting Londoners are not called to care for the strangers by comparing “the strangers’ case” to their own, which they would first care about in the manner of self-interested agents. Before being asked to imagine themselves becoming exiles, they are asked to imagine the suffering of “the wretched strangers”” (9). The tale of Sir Thomas More remains relevant for the contemporary society, due to the fact that we are able to reinterpret the Bard’s writings in order to better comprehend our own world, and Loomba (2002) emphasises this notion by stating that Shakespeare’s writings: “Form a bridge between the past and us: even as we read in them stories of a bygone world, we also continually reinterpret these stories to make sense of our own worlds” (4-5). The Bard’s contribution to the dramatic realm in terms of post-colonial theory remains a prominent aspect 8 �The Bard and ‘the Other’: A Post-colonial Re-reading of Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest Damir Kahrić & Nađa Muhić because as Popa (2013) explains: “Postcolonial theory attempts to consider the circumstances of marginalized, exploited or subaltern systems and the social groups that become stigmatized and it is a reflection on the difference, on the Other, but more importantly, an address to the colonial Other” (92). Taking into consideration Shakespeare’s entire dramatic opus, numerous dramatis personae which may be described as ‘the Other’ can be found in the Bard’s writings, and as Popa (2013) explains: “Four of Shakespeare‘s plays deal with non-white characters: Titus Andronicus, Othello, Antony and Cleopatra, and The Tempest, while in The Merchant of Venice we have non-Christian characters” (93). Moreover, Popa (2013) also adds that: “There are a few other characters who contribute to the general picture of Shakespeare‘s perception of a racial Other” (93). For this reason, it should be noted that Shakespeare’s dramas are a fertile ground for the portrayal of ‘the Other’ while in turn the post-colonial theory can consider and analyse such stigmatised social groups. The plight of various refugees can be detected all around the globe, even in Bosnia and Herzegovina. As countless peoples from Palestine and elsewhere voyage over heavy terrain and dangerous seas. Women, children and elderly immigrants can be seen moving from countries ravished by conflict. By acknowledging such strangers as ‘the Other’ Shakespeare instructs the London rioters, but also everybody else to remember that our own fates and experiences do not have to differ so vividly, due to the fact that the wheel of fortune keeps turning. The Bard presents the case for ‘the Other,’ whereas Shakespeare’s teachings and instructions during the Renaissance period also prevail as something extremely relevant for the contemporary society. Shakespeare’s empathy-prompting refers to the Bosnian society as well as to all other communities. Since the playwright was able to understand the functioning of the human heart and mind so analytically, it is no wonder that Shakespeare successfully managed to contribute to the overall sense of empathy and/or compassion in the real world. THE ‘ALIEN’ OF VENICE Shylock the Jew is the main antagonist of one of Shakespeare’s greatest (tragi)comedies. He is at the same time a comic character, villainous, but also particularly tragic in his own right. The Bard represents Shylock as ‘the Other’ of the play. The Jew stands in contrast to the other Venetian characters due to his Jewish identity, his usury and money-lending occupation. This type of a profession, so to say, was greatly frowned upon during the Elizabethan times. Hence, in post-colonial terms, Shylock is ‘the Other’ in The Merchant of Venice. Huang (2019) elaborates on this notion by explaining that: “Compared with the other characters in The Merchant of Venice, Shylock seems to be totally an outsider and alien of Venice because he is considered to be the “Other” in the eyes of the other Venetians as a result of his identity a Jew as well as his occupation as a usurer, both of which are despised and degraded at the Elizabethan times” (661). Shylock may be presented a villainous individual, however his fate is, indeed, very tragic at the end of the dramatic piece. 9 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 Moreover, his entire fictional existence seems to be marked by this constant element of degradation. The Jew stands in contrast to the people of Venice who are predominantly Christian. Thus, it would appear that the superior Christian group has placed itself over the position of ‘the Other’ when it comes to Venice. Taking into account Frantz Fanon’s monumental work The Wretched of the Earth, it becomes evident that the Venetian society may be interpreted as a ‘Manichaean world’ in a nutshell. Primarily, because the Manichaean world is a functioning community divided into different segments. Fanon (1963) rendered the Manichaean setting in the following lines: “The affirmation of the principle “It is them or us” does not constitute a paradox, since colonialism, as we have seen, is in fact the organization of a Manichean world, a world divided up into compartments” (84). Ergo, the Manichaean setting is established as a world where there exist constant binary divisions. In The Merchant of Venice, this division is exemplified through Shylock. He is a part of the world split into compartments, and in his case, Shylock is the less-fortunate compartment of this environment. Fanon’s contribution to post-colonial studies has allowed numerous scholars over the decades to better understand the binary dichotomy when it comes various texts. More often than not, Shylock is undermined by other Venetian characters. This is particularly plausible when Antonio insults him at the Rialto. Shylock reminds Antonio of these insults when the Merchant arrives to ask money from the Jew by citing the following lines: “You call me misbeliever, cutthroat dog, / And spet upon my Jewish gaberdine, / And all for use of that which is mine own” (1.3.121123). From this description, the position of the Jews in the Manichaean environment of Venice is easily recognisable, because Shylock is condemned for both what he is and for what he does. Since the Manichaean world represents a divided environment, it should be noted that the term is derived from the name of Mani and his teachings. Mani’s teachings focused on the duality of the world, or in other words: “As he developed Manichaeism, Mani composed seven writings, including the Shabuhragan. His teachings focused on the origins of evil and taught a “dualistic” view between good and evil” (Reese, 2019). Therefore, Venice can be perceived as a Manichean world divided between the Christian characters on one side and Shylock the Jew on the other. The Jew of Venice and everything relating to him is vividly frowned upon by Antonio and the rest of the characters. In a similar manner to the speech delivered in Sir Thomas More, William Shakespeare yet again invites (or instructs) his audience/readers to cry and sympathise with the fate of the Jew. Undoubtedly, Shylock might have wronged different characters through his shrewd money-lending profession, nonetheless his own existence in Italy has been greatly undermined by the Christian population. In one of Shylock’s most famous monologues, the Bard touches the basic humanity of every individual when Shylock says, “If you / poison us, do we not die? And if you wrong us, shall / we not revenge? If we are like you in the rest, we will / resemble you in that?” (3.1.64-67). Shylock wants everybody to recognise that he is a person, just like all other dramatis personae. Primarily, 10 �The Bard and ‘the Other’: A Post-colonial Re-reading of Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest Damir Kahrić & Nađa Muhić the Jew should be perceived as a human individual regardless of his origins, his creed or even his profession. Huang (2019) presents the notion that Shylock actually tries to deny his own position as ‘the Other’: “Shylock denies his status as the “Other” and makes every effort to defend and justify his identity and at the same time attempts to other the Christians” (668). In the previous chapter of this paper, it was explained that More tried to draw the gathering rioters closer to the feeling of empathy by presenting the empathic case for strangers. In this drama, however, Shakespeare through Shylock tried to depict the Jew in a different manner. The usurer should be treated justly like any other Christian individual, because as Shylock himself explains, they are not so vividly different from each other after all. One might examine Shylock of narcissistic or vengeful, yet he is a tragic individual when everything is taken into consideration. Shylock is the ‘alien’ of Venice and is therefore (mis)treated accordingly. The term ‘alien’ in this case is of vital importance, due to the fact that the term denotes a social pariah, an outsider. For this reason, Shylock’s position is not something one would desire. Near the end of the play, the lexeme ‘alien’ is used once to describe Shylock, referring to the laws of Venice. Once the Jew decides that he would get his revenge on Antonio and seize one pound of his flesh, Portia disguised as Balthazar comes to the Merchant’s rescue. Once Shylock is not persuaded to render any mercy to Antonio, and once he is robbed of the opportunity to kill the Merchant, Portia informs Shylock that he cannot yet escape the Venetian justice. To confirm this, Portia recites the following: “It is enacted in the laws of Venice, / If it be proved against an alien / That by direct or indirect attempts / He seek the life of any citizen, / The party ’gainst the which he doth contrive / Shall seize one half his goods” (4.1.363-368). One of the greatest Shakespearean actors Sir Patrick Stewart presented his article describing Shylock as Shakespeare’s ‘alien’ in which he explains Shylock’s sad fate. Namely, Stewart (1981) addresses the issue of Shylock’s greedy personality, and Stewart explains that the Jew’s nature is disordered by avarice. It is Shylock’s bad experience of the world and his endeavour to cope with it which makes Shylock so malicious and cruel at certain instances. Shylock and his kind are the outsiders, they are the strangers of Venice, feared and hated simply for being different than the rest. They are, as the laws of the Venetian state clearly explain, the aliens. The Jews are stamped by the world, thus being always vulnerable (142-143). Just as it was the case with the strangers in Sir Thomas More, Shylock is likewise another Shakespearean alien. In post-colonial terms, he is ‘otherised’ by the Venetian state. Huang (2019) explains the use of the verb ‘othering’ within the context of post-colonialism and other studies by saying that: “The term “Other” together with its other variations such as its noun form “otherness” and verb form othering is often used in psychoanalysis, post-colonialism, and cultural studies” (662). Since ‘the Other’ is a term used in post-colonial studies, and since this paper classifies Shylock as ‘the Other’ of The Merchant of Venice, it is safe to assume that Shylock is the epitome of the post-colonial ‘otherness’ within the Venetian state. Furthermore, Huang (2019) confirms this aspect of Shylock’s ‘otherness’ by explaining that: “He is a stranger and a foreigner as well as an 11 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 outsider and an alien “marginalized and firmly placed on the fringe of society”; he does not “fit the norm” which has been largely determined by the Christian Venetian society. Therefore, it is absolutely safe for us to define Shylock as an “Other” in the play” (662-663). The esteemed Shakespearean thespian also adds that Shylock has found a way to ‘merge’ with his environment. Stewart (1981) adds that Shylock appears as a shabby, unmemorable and eccentric old clown in the eyes of the people around him. Not many would consider him a threat. It is only Antonio, his competitor is business, whose senses are sharpened by commerce, and who is able to detect contempt behind Shylock’s visage (143). Nevertheless, the Jacobean audience of England would be able to recognise and condemn Shylock not only for what he does, but for what he is and the way he looks. Primarily, this becomes evident in the process of stereotyping when Jews are concerned. In post-colonial terms, Mushtaq (2010) defines stereotyping and he explains that: “In post-colonial theory, ‘stereotype’ refers to the highly generalized views of the colonizers about the colonized” (25). In Shakespeare’s play, the image of Shylock the Jew is often presented rather negatively, and this is important to consider, because Mushtaq (2010) adds that: “Stereotyping can be defined as an image, mostly negative, of a person in relation with a group or society” (25). Shylock is the part of the so-called ‘out-group’ mentioned at the beginning of this paper, therefore he is the object of stereotyping. The superior group on the other hand perceives individuals from the ‘out-group’ as: “shirkers, liars, corrupt, weak, inferior, uncivilized, impotent, cruel, lazy, irrational, violent and disorganized” (Mushtaq, 2010, p. 25). Shylock’s outward appearance on the stage would mark him as the Jewish individual, and afterwards many stereotypes would be attributed to the character. Nahvi (2015) elaborates on this notion: “Elizabethan theatergoers would have recognized Shylock as a Jew immediately. His red wig, bulbous nose and huge cape immediately label him as the other and as an outsider. Even though Jews were not living in England (at least not openly), they represented a stereotype evil, cunning, greed and at the very core, heartlessness” (1293). Interestingly enough, in order to undermine Shylock’s positions, other characters, such as Antonio or Bassanio, even Portia/Balthazar refer to him simply as ‘the Jew.’ Nahvi (2015) adds that: “Even before the play begins, the dramatis personae presents Shylock as an archetype, Shylock, the Jew. Throughout the play, the other characters consistently refer to him as simply, the Jew. This characterization dehumanizes and de-personalizes Shylock” (1294). Such a characterisation certainly undermines but also dehumanises Shylock, however this is by no means the only case of Shylock’s dehumanisation, because, for example, Gratiano compares Shylock to a dog by saying, “O, be thou damned, inexecrable dog” (4.1.130). Such references serve one function and that is to replace Shylock’s human soul. Bianchi (2005) explains this element of de-humanisation by stating that: “The images increase in vulgarity as Gratiano dehumanizes Shylock, and the animal references serve to take the place of Shylock's human soul” (14). Other fictional characters and citizens of Venice reduce Shylock from a person to a mere category (Nahvi, 2015, 12 �The Bard and ‘the Other’: A Post-colonial Re-reading of Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest Damir Kahrić & Nađa Muhić p. 1294). Shylock is furthermore moved from a position of ‘the Other,’ to the position of stranger, to his well-known ‘alien status,’ however even more prominently he is treated as an animal occasionally by various dramatis personae. He is attributed bestial terms such as ‘dog’ or ‘wolf.’ He is, also, equated to the devil. Shylock cleverly recalls this remark in the third act of Shakespeare’s drama and Shylock says, “Thou call’dst me dog before thou hadst a cause, / But since I am a dog, beware my fangs” (3.3.7-8). He reminds the Merchant of this epithet, thus the danger behind Shylock’s vindictiveness is portrayed clearly to the readers/spectators. Additionally, Antonio in the play spits on the Jew, while his daughter Jessica runs off with a Christian, symbolically leaving the Jewish family, thus converting to Christianity. Eventually, Shylock is left without his livelihood, and perhaps even figuratively without his own life. Shakespeare’s creation of ‘the Other’ unquestionably mirrored the sentiments, fears and the myths about the Jews commonly visible in the Bard’s own time. Many of such sentiments prevail even in the 21st century (Nahvi, 2015, p. 1296). The Merchant of Venice remains relevant for the contemporary world, because as Nowosad (2017) states: “The play is a good selection for the time we live in right now as we strive to examine the way we look at people who are different from ourselves. Religious and racial prejudice prevail in this play opening our thoughts to what happens in our own modern day society.” The aforementioned prejudice and intolerance can be observed also within the lives of various people today, because Nowosad (2017) likewise explains the notion that: “The desire for wealth, anti-Semitism, prejudice, racial and gender bias, all of these take place in this story as well as in many people’s lives today. How we decide to view them are [sic] influenced by our own places in this life. Being open to examining them allows us to express our thoughts and perhaps overcome what we can.” The pivotal scene of The Merchant of Venice is, by all means, the court scene, when Portia beats Shylock in his revenge and makes him in turn pay for the foul agendas. Portia, or rather Balthazar in disguise, urges the Jew to render some mercy, nevertheless the Jew refuses to do so. It would appear that the ‘crude’ Shylock stands in contrast to the ‘merciful’ Christians of Venice. The basic messages of the Old and the New Testament(s) are juxtaposed through Shylock and the rest of the community. However, it should be noted that the mercy which Portia so adamantly mentions is not extended to the Jewish characters within the drama (Navih, 2015, p. 1296). In his (tragi)comedy, William Shakespeare portrayed the problems of his day and age which linger even in our own sphere of existence. The issue of Shakespeare’s world is almost identical to the issue of the post-modern society. In order to connect the similarities of problems in Shakespeare’s own time and the current era, Bambušková (2019) analysed The Merchant of Venice, especially in regards to the previously-mentioned court scene, and she explained that: “Today’s ‘Christian Europe’ (Christian in name but focused on easy, enjoyable life, much like the Venetians) may profit from recognition of what kind of law and what kind of mercy we may offer those who come into our country, who are our ‘Others’ and whose ‘Others’ we are” (1-2). 13 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 Thus, it is less relevant whether Shylock the Jew is a tragic character or a sympathetic villain, because one fact is evident, he is ‘the Other,’ he is the undermined ‘alien’ of this dramatic piece. 3. CALIBAN THE NATIVE Shakespeare’s last (authentic) play, his final ‘farewell’ from the London audience, presents one of the most memorable dramatic pieces ever written. The Tempest perhaps above all other Shakespearean dramas remains most relevant for the post-colonial analysis. Characters such as Caliban, the original dweller of the enchanted island will be presented as the central element for the post-colonial examination of the play. Caliban, and other magic inhabitants such as Ariel, stand is sheer contrast to the European newcomers. The wizard called Prospero arrives from Milan with his daughter to the mysterious isle and it is there that Prospero establishes his hegemony over other beings of the enchanted island. Through his dominance, his alleged magical prowess, Prospero is able to control other island-dwellers, enslave them and ‘otherise’ them to such a degree that they are henceforth treated even worse than the strangers in Sir Thomas More or Shylock in The Merchant of Venice. In order to better understand both the colonised and the coloniser, it should be taken into consideration that the post-colonial (re-)reading of The Tempest was inspired by the process of de-colonisation. Singh (2016) connects The Tempest to the post-colonial interpretation by explaining the following: “Postcolonial readings of The Tempest were inspired by the decolonisation movements of the 1960s and 1970s in Africa, the Caribbean and Latin America.” Initially, Prospero’s craft symbolised the world of civility, as well as learning, rendered in contrast to the ‘natural’ dark spells of Caliban’s mother, whereas the postcolonial re-reading of Shakespeare’s play challenges this rather Eurocentric approach: “If, traditionally, Prospero's art represented the world of civility and learning in contrast to the 'natural' black magic of Caliban's mother Sycorax, anticolonial revisions of the play challenged this rather abstract Eurocentric division between art and nature” (Singh, 2016). In the book Eurocentrism, the Eurocentric perception of the Western colonisers is explained, and in this sense the Westerners view themselves as efficient, rational, democratic, whereas the colonised peoples on the other hand are perceived as underdeveloped and as individuals who have nothing to offer, yet they have to imitate the West in order to progress, albeit slowly and imperfectly (Amin, 2009, p. 180). The post-colonial reading of the play challenges this Eurocentric approach by focusing on postcolonial elements. For example, Goicoechea de Jorge (2016) mentions the postcolonial representation of Prospero as the European coloniser enslaving the indigenous people of a newly-discovered place, but also as a European person who imposes his tradition and language over the natives’ own culture. Caliban tries to resist by rejecting to learn Prospero’s tongue. Therefore, it becomes obvious that this romance play grants a better insight into the world of the 14 �The Bard and ‘the Other’: A Post-colonial Re-reading of Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest Damir Kahrić & Nađa Muhić ‘civilised’ European society, and the naturalised albeit ‘savage’ realm of Caliban and the rest. The Bard gives the voice to ‘the Other’ in this dramatic work and moreover Caliban clearly reminds his colonisers that the isle once belonged to him, and Caliban says: “This island’s mine by Sycorax my mother, / Which thou tak’st from me” (1.2.331). Caliban had inherited his home from Sycorax, yet the colonisers, in this case Prospero and his daughter who had previously escaped from Europe, made the island their home and furthermore they enslaved the creatures encountered there. There exists a clear dichotomy between the two opposing sides of the island. Shylock stood against the Christian characters of Venice, and he was ‘otherised’ because of his Jewish origins, religion, outward appearance, moneylending and other activities. Similarly enough, Caliban is vividly dissimilar from the Wizard or Miranda primarily because Caliban is a non-human being. He is a mysterious creature. As such, the island-dwellers possess a particular form of personality, just like Prospero or Miranda, nonetheless they still differ from one another. Prospero and Miranda are both human characters, with their own sets of unique traits, however on the other hand, the spirit Ariel and Caliban are portrayed as monstrous perhaps on the outside, but they also develop their own personalities. Harold Bloom (1998), as one of the greatest Shakespearean scholars, further perpetuated this idea by stating that: “Caliban and Ariel are personalities, but then Caliban is only half-human, and Ariel is a sprite” (582). Both Caliban and Ariel are ‘otherised’ and by being only semi-human unlike Prospero or Miranda, both island-dwellers can be perceived as ‘the Other’ in the play. The Manichaean world can again be observed in this regard, and Fanon’s own teachings can be applied adequately. The enchanted isle is a divided setting, it is an isolated world conquered and colonised by the Europeans. The island is colonised and inherently Manichaean. Fanon (1963) openly proclaims that: “The colonial world is a Manichean world” (41). It is a world divided into segments, and it is a world where Caliban is constantly undermined. The character of ‘the Other,’ in this case Caliban, appears to be a pun in its own right. In other words, the name ‘Caliban’ actually stands for the term ‘cannibal’: “The name Caliban/Cannibal appears in Shakespeare's play and in colonial history as a cultural stereotype for the natives of the New World” (Singh, 2016). For this reason, Caliban can be observed as one of the natives of the New World, and therefore his own background, his own culture and even language, all play a significant role in post-colonial theory. Prospero uses various methods in order to keep his slave at bay; moreover, the Wizard uses colonial methodology to harm, control, beat and subjugate the ‘savage.’ Prospero even attempts to assert his dominance via linguistic capacities. It is clearly stated in the play that the colonisers, Miranda particularly, tried to teach Caliban their own, European, language. Colonisation, as such, brought with it subjugation not just on the physical level but also in regards to the cognitive sphere of the natives. Singh (2016) elaborates on this notion of Prospero’s dominance by stating that: “His mission assumed that the natives lacked any culture or formal language until the Europeans brought them the 15 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 ‘gifts’ of Western language and culture. If the natives resisted European paternal rule, then they were labelled as ‘savages,’ beyond redemption.” Miranda even insults Caliban by addressing him as ‘the abhorred slave,’ reminding him that is was her who tried to teach Caliban their language: “Abhorred slave, / Which any print of goodness wilt not take, / Being capable of all ill! I pitied thee, / Took pains to make thee speak, taught thee each hour / One thing or other” (1.2.351). It is apparent that Miranda takes up a superior position and she is more than willing to undermine Caliban by any means necessary. However, Caliban does not even remain silent on this remark. Rather he, too, reminds Miranda that he loathes their language and that now he is only able to curse in their European mother-tongue: “You taught me language, and my profit on’t / Is, I know how to curse” (1.2.363). The assertion of language backfires, due to the fact the ‘the Other’ is now able to retort in the language of his new masters. Their imposition of power and superiority is gradually subverted. Miranda and Prospero attempt to de-humanise the native as much as it is possible, nonetheless even in his own speech, Caliban appears more sophisticated than one would perhaps expect. Primarily, it should be noted that Caliban is more of a poetic creature. He is able to utilise verse in order to transmit the message of his speech. Bloom (2008) explains that: “He never falls into the prosaic and low familiarity of his drunken associates, for he is, in his way, a poetical being; he always speaks in verse” (73). However, Miranda is not even swayed by this reply. She constantly attempts to degrade Caliban, going as far as reminding him that he was completely unaware of his own purpose. In other words, Miranda reminds Caliban that only through her education Caliban was able to realise his own existence, his own meaning: “When thou didst not, savage, / Know thine own meaning, but wouldst gabble” (1.2.355). It would appear that Caliban was unable to comprehend his own existence until the moment his new master came and took over. Caliban’s quintessence and merit is constantly annihilated by such claims, and more often than not he is reduced to a particularly inferior level. Bloom (2008) states that such a proclamation made by Miranda would imply that in her own perspective: “Unlike a civilized person, the savage Caliban did not know what his true meaning was as a human” (16). The colonisers use violence in order to subjugate ‘the Other,’ but this violence is both open as well as subtle. Fanon (1963) adds that: “Violence in the colonies does not only have for its aim the keeping of these enslaved men at arm's length; it seeks to dehumanize them. Everything will be done to wipe out their traditions, to substitute our language for theirs and to destroy their culture without giving them ours” (15). Only when the entire heritage of creatures originally living on the island is destroyed, only then will the complete control be established. The implicit, as well as the explicit, forms of violence presented are there to serve one purpose – to make characters such as Caliban or Ariel utterly subservient. Thus, Prospero is able to establish his governance of the isle, and the Wizard becomes the sole sovereign of the enchanted landscape. Caliban is ‘otherised’ in his own house, so to say, on his own island. He was the primary settler of the island, much earlier than Prospero or Miranda, 16 �The Bard and ‘the Other’: A Post-colonial Re-reading of Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest Damir Kahrić & Nađa Muhić however even this right was taken from him. For Caliban, Prospero is the first intruder who betrayed his host’s welcome and conquered with power and might. Caliban recalls Prospero’s arrival: “When thou cam’st first, / Thou strok’st me and madest much of me, wouldst give me / Water with berries in’t, and teach me how / To name the bigger light, and how the less, / That burn by day and night; and then I lov’d thee / And show’d thee all the qualities o’ th’ isle” (1.2.332337). In Caliban’s own rendition of history, it is described that it was Prospero who arrived to the island but later decided to take full control over its beauties. Now, it is the Wizard who holds the utmost power. Singh (2016) focuses on this element of representing history, as such, by adding that: “It is this rendition of history that became the battle cry for the anti-colonial movements in Africa, the Caribbean, and Latin America – a rendition that became the staple of many revisions and appropriations of Shakespeare's play in these regions.” The Tempest is considered to be a multi-layered play which contributes greatly to the postcolonial theory, because it should be noted that: “While the play was written in 17th-century England, post-colonial criticism takes the play outwards towards its complicated transactions between European and African and Caribbean cultures in the succeeding centuries” (Singh, 2016). There exists a clear purpose in trying to define the history of the island by observing both sides. The postcolonial approach allows for a better insight when Caliban as the character is examined, because the readers or the spectators are able to fully understand his own experiences. They are able to better understand the perspective of ‘the Other.’ Post-colonialism in this case focuses on history from Caliban’s angle. Thus, the version of ‘the savage Other’ challenges the version presented by Prospero to Miranda. Singh (2016) explains this by stating: “In trying to view the conditions of Caliban's servitude from his perspective, post-colonial criticism gives legitimacy to his claims to the island, based on a reading of history that challenges the version narrated by Prospero to his daughter.” William Shakespeare allowed for the amplification of the seemingly marginalised voices of ‘the Other’ in his dramatic opus. Predominantly, the Bard presented the shifting perspective of the island from both sides, emphasising the idea that even various things or elements should be constantly considered and reconsidered from numerous perspectives, because it should be noted that: “Post-colonial criticism in the West has mined this new archive of the reception history of Shakespeare's The Tempest, questioning, once again, all normative ideas of a ‘common humanity,’ while articulating, as Shakespeare did, the voices of the seemingly marginal characters in Prospero’s grand designs” (Singh, 2016). Caliban the Native in the play is ‘Caliban the Other,’ Caliban’s home was taken from him, Prospero established his dominance and through the Wizard’s ruthless demeanour managed to forcefully command every creature encountered. Caliban’s cry stands for all those who were oppressed and stigmatised by the overwhelming power of the coloniser. Perhaps Prospero and Miranda thought that by teaching their language to Caliban they were bringing civilisation and enlightenment to the savage, however the de-humanisation, the mechanism of slavery applied, simply continue to assert Caliban’s position as ‘the Other. 17 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 CONCLUSION The most important element which is easily recognisable in Shakespearean dramas is the Bard’s universality. The dramatic plots of Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest present a fertile ground for post-colonial analyses. In post-colonial terms particularly, representation of ‘the Other’ and ‘otherness’ is of paramount importance, due to the fact that Shakespeare’s message remains crucial for every day and age, surpassing and linguistic, cultural and political boundaries. In Sir Thomas More, Shakespeare added a speech which clearly presents the Bard’s opinions on the idea of the refugee issue, and through More, the Bard of Avon attempted to make his spectators render the deeds of mercy. Furthermore, The Bard endeavoured to show the plight of the immigrants who had to travel abroad in order to find a better life, en route they encounter various forms of stigmatisation. William Shakespeare managed to switch the roles, at least hypothetically, in order to remind the people of London that they could also experience great misfortunes should their own ruler turn on his own subjects. In the second chapter, this paper examined the role of Shylock in Venice. Since Shylock is a Jew, he is the epitome of the marginalised Jewish community. Shakespeare cleverly presented Shylock as ‘the Other’ in order to remind his audience/readers that Shylock had to behave in a negative manner since he was constantly undermined by the predominantly Christian society of the Venetian state. In a sense, Shylock’s stand against Antonio, Portia and the rest formulates a distinct ‘clash’ between the Old and the New Testament. In the final segment of this paper, the character of Caliban was analysed. Since Caliban was the original native of the magical island, he was subjugated by the European colonisers, primarily Prospero the Wizard. In post-colonial re-reading of the text, it became apparent that Prospero and Miranda applied all methods in order to bend the ‘savage native’ to their will. Prospero trapped, threatened and used violence against the poor creature, whereas Miranda even tried to teach him their language, therefore assimilating Caliban further. However, this paper portrayed Caliban as a poetic being, a creature which was able to distinguish things for himself. The paper also reflected on Caliban’s position as ‘the Other,’ as someone whose home had been conquered. Ariel and Caliban might be non-human characters, however it may be presumed that they hold more humanity than Prospero and the rest. In analysing William Shakespeare’s dramas through the prism of postcolonial criticism, the readers were presented with an exciting dialogue formulated between the dramatic universe and the post-colonial portrayal of the world. The post-colonial academic field of research presents the repercussions of imperialism/colonialism as the main by-products of the European rule and exploitations. Hence, Shakespearean plays are the superb replicas of the worlds and societies branded by colonialism, and moreover the Bard’s round characters transmit the suffering and experience of every inhabitant of the East subjugated by the European control. This paper determined the post-colonial ‘Other’ in three 18 �The Bard and ‘the Other’: A Post-colonial Re-reading of Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest Damir Kahrić & Nađa Muhić Shakespearean dramas and it examined the story of colonial systems which exploited characters because they were perceived differently than the rest. It is the identification of the colonised and the oppressed individuals, however this article was also presented as the definition of the colonisers who attempt to assert their hegemony, relaying on all techniques necessary in order to exert utter dominance over ‘the Other.’ 4. CONCLUSION The most important element which is easily recognisable in Shakespearean dramas is the Bard’s universality. The dramatic plots of Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest present a fertile ground for post-colonial analyses. In post-colonial terms particularly, representation of ‘the Other’ and ‘otherness’ is of paramount importance, due to the fact that Shakespeare’s message remains crucial for every day and age, surpassing and linguistic, cultural and political boundaries. In Sir Thomas More, Shakespeare added a speech which clearly presents the Bard’s opinions on the idea of the refugee issue, and through More, the Bard of Avon attempted to make his spectators render the deeds of mercy. Furthermore, The Bard endeavoured to show the plight of the immigrants who had to travel abroad in order to find a better life, en route they encounter various forms of stigmatisation. William Shakespeare managed to switch the roles, at least hypothetically, in order to remind the people of London that they could also experience great misfortunes should their own ruler turn on his own subjects. In the second chapter, this paper examined the role of Shylock in Venice. Since Shylock is a Jew, he is the epitome of the marginalised Jewish community. Shakespeare cleverly presented Shylock as ‘the Other’ in order to remind his audience/readers that Shylock had to behave in a negative manner since he was constantly undermined by the predominantly Christian society of the Venetian state. In a sense, Shylock’s stand against Antonio, Portia and the rest formulates a distinct ‘clash’ between the Old and the New Testament. In the final segment of this paper, the character of Caliban was analysed. Since Caliban was the original native of the magical island, he was subjugated by the European colonisers, primarily Prospero the Wizard. In post-colonial re-reading of the text, it became apparent that Prospero and Miranda applied all methods in order to bend the ‘savage native’ to their will. Prospero trapped, threatened and used violence against the poor creature, whereas Miranda even tried to teach him their language, therefore assimilating Caliban further. However, this paper portrayed Caliban as a poetic being, a creature which was able to distinguish things for himself. The paper also reflected on Caliban’s position as ‘the Other,’ as someone whose home had been conquered. Ariel and Caliban might be non-human characters, however it may be presumed that they hold more humanity than Prospero and the rest. 19 �Journal of Education and Humanities Volume 3, Issue 2, Winter 2020 In analysing William Shakespeare’s dramas through the prism of postcolonial criticism, the readers were presented with an exciting dialogue formulated between the dramatic universe and the post-colonial portrayal of the world. The post-colonial academic field of research presents the repercussions of imperialism/colonialism as the main by-products of the European rule and exploitations. Hence, Shakespearean plays are the superb replicas of the worlds and societies branded by colonialism, and moreover the Bard’s round characters transmit the suffering and experience of every inhabitant of the East subjugated by the European control. This paper determined the post-colonial ‘Other’ in three Shakespearean dramas and it examined the story of colonial systems which exploited characters because they were perceived differently than the rest. It is the identification of the colonised and the oppressed individuals, however this article was also presented as the definition of the colonisers who attempt to assert their hegemony, relaying on all techniques necessary in order to exert utter dominance over ‘the Other.’ 20 �The Bard and ‘the Other’: A Post-colonial Re-reading of Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest Damir Kahrić & Nađa Muhić REFERENCES Amin, S. (2009). Eurocentrism (R. Moore and J. Membre, Trans.). New York: Monthly Review Press. 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Actes des congrès de la Société française Shakespeare, 3: 137-156. DOI: 10.4000/shakespeare. 444. For more information on Thomas More, please consult the following: Pettinger, T. (2014, August 3). Biography of Thomas More. Retrieved from https://www.biographyonline.net/spiritual/thomasmore.html. i 22 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Journal of Education and Humanities Subject The topic of the resource Education and Humanities Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The Bard and ‘the Other’: A Post-colonial Re-reading of Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest Author Author Damir Kahrić, Nađa Muhić Abstract A summary of the resource. The purpose of this article is to shed light on the representation of ‘the Other’ in three Shakespearean dramas: Sir Thomas More, The Merchant of Venice and The Tempest. The article describes several Shakespearean characters through the prism of post-colonialism and, therefore, the paper is structured as the postcolonial re-reading of the aforementioned dramatic texts. William Shakespeare portrayed the sad fate of immigrants in Sir Thomas More, but the Bard also tackled the refugee issue which remains relevant for the contemporary period. Additionally, Shakespeare dramatized the position of the Jewish community in Venice through the portrayal of Shylock. The re-reading of The Tempest focuses on the process of colonisation and the Manichaean division within the conquered world. In conclusion, the article portrays experiences of those dramatic individuals stigmatised and subjugated by the colonial forces, thus allowing the readers to better understand the binary division within colonial systems. Keywords Keywords. William Shakespeare, Refugee Issue, Stereotyping, Manichaean World Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 2566-4638 DOI Digital object identifier 10.14706/JEH2021321